History of Civilization in England, Vol. 2 of 3

1391

Bleeding, however, had the preference. See the curious evidence in Townsend's Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787, vol. ii. pp. 37–39. Townsend, who had some knowledge of medicine, was amazed at the ignorance and recklessness of the Spanish physicians. He says, ‘The science and practice of medicine are at the lowest ebb in Spain, but more especially in the Asturias.’ Compare Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine, vol. iii. p. 217, Paris, 1815, with Winwood's Memorials, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 219. The last reference shows the terrible ‘purging and letting blood,’ to which the unfortunate Spaniards were exposed in the reign of Philip III. Another observer, much later, states that ‘La saignée leur est assez familière. Ils se la font faire hors du lit tant que leurs forces le permettent, et lorsqu'ils en usent par précaution, ils se font tirer du sang deux jours de suite du bras droit et du gauche, disant qu'il faut égaliser le sang. On peut juger de là, si la circulation leur est connue.’ Voyages faits en Espagne, par Monsieur M****, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 112. See further Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, London, 4to. 1763, p. 55, and Spain by an American, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 321.

1392

In 1790, poor Cumberland, when in Madrid, was as nearly as possible murdered by three of their surgeons in a very few days; the most dangerous of his assailants being no less a man than the ‘chief surgeon of the Gardes de Corps,’ who, says the unfortunate sufferer, was ‘sent to me by authority.’ See Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself, London, 1807, vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.

1393

Duclos says of Philip V., ‘Il étoit fort attentif sur sa santé; son médecin, s'il eût été intriguant, auroit pu jouer un grand rôle. Hyghens, Irlandois, qui occupoit cette première place, fort éloigné de l'intrigue et de la cupidité, instruit dans son art, s'en occupoit uniquement. Après sa mort, la reine fit donner la place à Servi, son médecin particulier.’ Mémoires par Duclos, 2e édit. Paris, 1791, vol. ii. pp. 200, 201. ‘Hyghens, premier médecin, était Irlandais.’ Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon, vol. xxxvi. p. 215, ed. Paris, 1841.

1394

In the eighteenth century, the Spaniards, generally, began to admit this; since they could not shut their eyes to the fact that their friends and relations succumbed so rapidly under professional treatment, that sickness and death were almost synonymous. Hence, notwithstanding their hatred of the French nation, they availed themselves of the services of French physicians and French surgeons, whenever they had an opportunity of doing so. In 1707, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid to Madame de Maintenon, ‘Les chirurgiens espagnols sont mésestimés même de ceux de leur nation;’ and, in another letter, ‘Les Espagnols conviennent que les médecins français sont beaucoup plus savants que les leurs; ils s'en servent même très-volontiers, mais ils sont persuadés que ceux de la faculté de Montpellier l'emportent sur les autres.’ Lettres inédites de Madame de Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins, vol. iii. p. 412, vol. iv. p. 90.

1395

Campomanes (Apendice á la Educacion Popular, Madrid, 1776, vol. iii. pp. 74, 75), speaking of a work on distillation, says, ‘La tercera (parte) describe la preparacion de los productos químicos sólidos: esto es la preparacion de varias sustancias terreas, como argamasa, magnesia blanca, ojos de cangrejo, etc., la de varios sales, como sal de glaubero, amoniaco, cristal mineral, borax refinado, etc., y la del antimonio, mercurio, plomo, litargirio, etc., comunicando sobre todo lo expresado varias noticias, que demuestran lo mucho que conducen á los progresos del arte, las observaciones del fisico reflexivo: unidas á la práctica de un profesor experimentado. Este arte en toda su extension falta en España. Solo le tenemos para aguardientes, rosolis, y mistelas. La salud pública es demasiado importante, para depender de los estraños en cosas esenciales; quando no estimulase nuestra industria la manutencion de muchas familias.’ … ‘Gran parte de estas cosas se introducen de fuera, por no conocerse bien las operaciones químicas. No son dificultosas en la execucion; pero es necesario enseñarlas, y conocer los instrumentos que son aproposito. Un laboratorio químico, que se va á establecer en Madrid, producirá maestros para las capitales del reyno.’

1396

‘Su ministro el célebre Ensenada, que tenia grandes miras en todos los ramos de la administracion pública, deseaba ardientemente mejorar la enseñanza, lamentándose del atraso en que esta se hallaba. “Es menester, decia hablando de las universidades, reglar sus cátedras, reformar las superfluas y establecer las que faltan con nuevas ordenanzas para asegurar el mejor método de estudios. No sé que haya cátedra alguna de derecho público, de física esperimental, de anatomía y botánica. No hay puntuales cartas geográficas del reino y de sus provincias, ni quien las sepa grabar, ni tenemos otras que las imperfectas que vienen de Francia y Holanda. De esto proviene que ignoramos la verdadera situacion de los pueblos y sus distancias, que es una vergüenza.”’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 268, 269. See also Biografía de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Coleccion de Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 21, 22. ‘Le parecia vergonzoso que para conocer la situacion y distancias respectivas de nuestros mismos pueblos y lugares, dependiésemos de los franceses y holandeses, quienes por sus mapas imperfectas de la península extraían de ella sumas considerables.’ Eighty years after this complaint was made by Ensenada, we find a traveller in Spain stating that ‘a decent map of any part, even of the country round the gates of the capital, cannot be found.’ Cook's Spain from 1829 to 1832, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 322. Compare Notices of Geological Memoirs, p. 1, at the end of the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. vi., London, 1850; ‘even a good geographical map of the Peninsula does not exist.’

1397

M. Rio (Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 185) mentions this in a very characteristic manner. ‘Varios extranjeros distinguidos hallaron fraternidad entre los españoles, y correspondieron hidalgamente al hospedaje: Cervi dió vida á las sociedades médicas de Madrid y Sevilla; Virgili al colegio de Cirugía de Cádiz; Quer trabajó sin descanso para que el Jardin Botánico no fuera un simple lugar de recreo, sino principalmente de estudio; Bowles comunicó grande impulso á la mineralogía,’ &c.

1398

I have mislaid the evidence of this fact; but the reader may rely on its accuracy.

1399

Townsend (Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787, vol. ii. p. 275) says, ‘Don Antonio Solano, professor of experimental philosophy, merits attention for the clearness and precision of his demonstrations: but, unfortunately, although his lectures are delivered gratis, such is the want of taste for science in Madrid, that nobody attends them.’

1400

‘La ignorancia reinante en los últimos años del siglo xvii. depravó en tal manera el buen gusto, que á principios del xviii. las artes se hallaban en la mas lastimosa decadencia.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. p. 346. See also, on this decline, or rather destruction, of taste, Valasquez, Origines de la Poesia Castellana, Malaga, 1754, 4to. ‘Un siglo, corrompido, en que las letras estaban abandonadas, y el buen gusto casi desterrado de toda la nacion.’ p. 70. ‘Al passo que la nacion perdia el buen gusto, y las letras iban caminando á su total decadencia.’ p. 107. ‘Los caminos por donde nuestros poetas en el siglo pasado se apartaron del buen gusto en esta parte.’ p. 170.

1401

‘Solo cuatro navíos de línea y seis de poco porte dejaron los reyes de orígen austriaco, y todos tan podridos que apenas podian aguantar el fuego de sus propias baterias.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. i. p. 184.

1402

‘Se mandaron construir 12 navíos á la vez, y se contrataron otros. Por medio de D. Jorge Juan se trajeron de Inglaterra los mas hábiles constructores y maestros para las fábricas de jarcia, lona y otras.’ Biografía de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Coleccion de Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 18. M. Rio, taking all this as a matter of course, quietly says, ‘D. Jorge Juan fue á Lóndres para estudiar la construccion de navíos.’ Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 485.

1403

M. Lafuente says that Ensenada was the restorer, and almost the creator, of the Spanish navy; ‘de la cual fué el restaurador, y casi pudiera decirse el creador.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. xix. p. 344, Madrid, 1857.

1404

‘C'est par un Irlandais aussi, Oreilly, que la discipline de l'infanterie est réformée.’ Bourgoing, Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. p. 142. ‘Las escuelas militares del puerto de Sta. Maria para la infanteria, que dirigió con tanto acierto el general Ofarril bajo las ordenes del conde de O'Reilly.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 128.

1405

‘Vino á dirigir la academia de guardias marinas de Cadiz.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 79. ‘Godin figuró como director del colegio de Guardias marinas.’ Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 186. Compare Biographie Universelle, vol. xvii. p. 564, Paris, 1816.

1406

See the interesting remarks in Bourgoing, Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 96, 142. With good reason, therefore, was it stated, some years afterwards, that ‘c'est à des étrangers que l'Espagne doit presque tous les plans, les réformes utiles, et les connoissances dont elle a eu besoin.’ Voyage en Espagne par le Marquis de Langle, 1785, vol. ii. p. 159.

1407

‘Como los del pais entendian poco de trabajar minas, vinieron de Alemania algunos prácticos para enseñarlos.’ … ‘Los Alemanes sacaron de dicha mina por largo tiempo cosa de 500 á 600 quintales de cobalto al año.’ Bowles, Historia Natural de España, Madrid, 1789, 4to. pp. 418, 419. See also Dillon's Spain, Dublin, 1781, pp. 227–229.

1408

‘In 1728, a new adventurer undertook the work of opening the mines of Guadalcanal. This was Lady Mary Herbert, daughter of the Marquis of Powis.’ … ‘Lady Mary departed from Madrid for Guadalcanal, to which miners and engines had been sent from England at her expense, and at that of her relation, Mr. Gage, who accompanied her, and of her father, the marquis.’ Jacob's Historical Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals, London, 1831, vol. i. pp. 278, 279.

1409

‘Los mineros de Almaden nunca hicieron los socavones siguiendo la inclinacion de las betas, sino perpendiculares, y baxaban ellos puestos en una especie de cubos atados desde arriba con cuerdas. De este mal método se originó todo al desórden de la mina, porque al paso que los operarios penetraban dentro de tierra, era forzoso que se apartasen de las betas y las perdiesen.’ Bowles, Historía Natural de España, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 14.

1410

‘Fué mi proyecto bien recibido del Ministerio, y habiendo hecho venir mineros Alemanes, le han executado en gran parte con mucha habilidad. Los mineros Españoles de Almaden son atrevidos y tienen robustez, maña y penetracion quanta es menester, de suerte que con el tiempo serán excelentes mineros, pues no les falta otra cosa que la verdadera ciencia de las minas.’ Historia Natural de España, p. 16. The latter part of this sentence is an evident struggle between the interests of truth, and the exigencies of a book printed at the Royal Press of Madrid, and licensed by the Spanish authorities.

1411

‘Encargado por el gobierno el laborioso extrangero Bowles de proponer los medios convenientes para beneficiar con mas acierto las famosas minas de azogue del Almaden, descubrió algunos nuevos procedimientos por medio de los cuales casi se duplicaron los productos de aquellas, y bajó una mitad el precio de los azogues.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 117.

1412

Memoirs of Ripperda, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62, 91, 104. ‘A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board, whom the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland.’ … ‘The new manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly managed by foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be carried on by the Spaniards themselves, and by them only.’

1413

‘The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over one Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery and matters to rights.’ Ford's Spain, London, 1847, p. 525.

1414

‘Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo á millares de operarios extrangeros para venir á establecerse en España,’ &c. Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris, who travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, ‘I did not observe a dozen men either at plough or any other kind of labour, on the road.’ Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 38.

1415

‘A national bank, a design originally suggested by Ripperda.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 202.

1416

Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says (Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, vol. ii. p. 49), ‘L'idée de la banque nationale fut donnée au gouvernement par un banquier français, M. Cabarrus.’ Compare Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 122, 123: ‘Banco nacional de San Cárlos; propúsolo Cabarrús, apoyólo Floridablanca, y sancionólo el Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de junio de 1782.’ This sounds well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon came. ‘Charles IV.,’ says the Prince of the Peace, ‘had just ascended the throne; the bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge of bankruptcy.’ Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.

1417

‘A Londres, à Stockholm, à Paris, à Vienne et à Venise, le souverain est réprésenté par des étrangers. Le prince de Masserano, Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy Irlandais, ministre à Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi, ambassadeur en France, avant de parvenir au ministère; le comte de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur à Vienne; le marquis de Squilaci, ambassadeur à Venise, après sa retraite du ministère.’ Bourgoing, Tableau de l'Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. To this, I may add that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (Ripperda's Memoirs, 1740, pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy filled the same post at St. Petersburg. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, 1844, vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio (Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. pp. 288, 289) says of the important negotiations which took place in 1761, between Spain, England, and France, ‘Y así de las negociaciones en que Luis XV. trataba de enredar á Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente excluidos los españoles, como que por una parte las iban á seguir el duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y por otra el irlandés D. Ricardo Wall, y el genovés marques de Grimaldi.’ About the same time, Clarke writes (in his Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, London, 1763, 4to. p. 331), ‘Spain has, for many years past, been under the direction of foreign ministers. Whether this hath been owing to want of capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the sovereign, I will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native nobility lament it as a great calamity.’

1418

Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish affairs, says that Wall was ‘a native of Ireland.’ Mahon's History of England, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in Mémoires de Noailles, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is called ‘irlandais d‘origine, né en France.’ See also Biografía de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 26, ‘D. Ricardo Wall, irlandés de orígen, nacido en Francia.’ Swinburne, who knew him personally, and has given some account of him, does not mention where he was born. Swinburne's Travels through Spain, second edition, London, 1787, vol. i. pp. 314–318.

1419

‘A Genoese, and a creature of France.’ Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 170.

1420

‘Era siciliano.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 244.

1421

The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio, in the first chapter of the second volume of his Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., which should, however, be compared with Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 340–346. Coxe terms him Squilaci; but I follow the orthography of the Spanish writers, who always call him Esquilache. Such was his influence over the King, that, according to Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III. ‘publicly said that, “if he was reduced to a morsel of bread, he would divide it with Squilaci.”’

1422

Coxe's Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. Navarrete, Biografía de Ensenada, pp. 26–28.

1423

He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of his successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment, in 1763, M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), ‘De que Grimaldi creciera en fortuna se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia.’ In 1770, Harris, the diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes, ‘His doctrine is absolutely French; guided in everything by the French closet,’ &c. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.

1424

‘Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 339. ‘The prosecution of the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul.’ p. 373. ‘His friend and patron.’ p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.

1425

‘Personne n'ignoroit le crédit prodigieux que M. de Choiseul avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-même, au point que je lui ai ouï dire, qu'il étoit plus sûr de sa prépondérance dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de Versailles.’ Mémoires du Baron de Besenval, écrits par lui-même, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris, 1805.

1426

M. Muriel (Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., Madrid, 1839, pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain ‘este acto de violencia hecho meramente por complacer al duque de Choiseul, ministro de Francia y protector del partido filosófico.’ See also Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 291, Paris, 1845; and Georgel, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des Évènemens depuis 1760, vol. ii. p. 95, Paris, 1817.

1427

Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of Aranda, ‘In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and imbibed that freedom of sentiment which then began to be fashionable, and has since been carried to such a dangerous excess.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 402. His great enemy, the Prince of the Peace, wishing to be severe, unintentionally praises him; and observes, that he was ‘connected with the most distinguished literary Frenchmen of the middle of the last century,’ and that he was ‘divested of religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical enthusiasm.’ Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319. The hostility of some men is extremely valuable. The Prince further adds, that Aranda ‘could only lay claim to the inferior merit of a sectarian attachment,’ forgetting that, in a country like Spain, every enlightened person must belong to a miserably small sect.

1428

Cabarrus (Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xxiv.) says, rather magniloquently, ‘El acierto de la execucion que correspondió al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado esta providencia importante, pasará á la ultima posteridad.’

1429

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio, in the second volume of his History of Charles III., Madrid, 1856, has given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate, account of the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers solely from the Spanish point of view; overlooking the fact, that it was part of an European movement headed by France. He denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125; censures the perfectly correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally ascribes this great event to the operation of causes confined to the Peninsula. ‘De ser los jesuitas adversarios del regalismo emanó su ruina en España, cuando triunfaban las opiniones sostenidas con heróico teson desde mucho ántes por doctísimos jurisconsultos.’ p. 519.

1430

One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits indignantly observes, ‘Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jésuites vivent et prêchent en Espagne. Ils sont comblés de bienfaits par des monarques dont ils étendent la souveraineté. Le clergé et les masses acceptent avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout à coup l'Ordre se voit déclaré coupable d'un crime de lèse-majesté, d'un attentat public que personne ne peut spécifier. La sentence prononce la peine sans énoncer le délit.’ Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 295, Paris, 1845.

1431

Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 285, where the facts are well brought together. The valuable History of the Inquisition, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these matters; though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more surprising, a very honest book.

1432

Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 103–107, which must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of his information from a friend of Aranda's. Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 401–415. A good life of Aranda would be very interesting. That contained in the Biographie Universelle is extremely meagre, and carelessly written.

1433

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 407.

1434

‘When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following anecdote from a person connected with the encyclopædists. During his residence in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the abolition of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power. His appointment was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party, particularly by D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his reforms before an article was inserted in the Encyclopædia, then printing, in which this event was confidently anticipated, from the liberal principles of the minister. D'Aranda was struck on reading this article, and said, “This imprudent disclosure will raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be foiled.” He was not mistaken in his conjecture.’ Coxe‘s Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 408.