History of Civilization in England, Vol. 2 of 3

1412

Memoirs of Ripperda, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62, 91, 104. ‘A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board, whom the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland.’ … ‘The new manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly managed by foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be carried on by the Spaniards themselves, and by them only.’

1413

‘The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over one Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery and matters to rights.’ Ford's Spain, London, 1847, p. 525.

1414

‘Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo á millares de operarios extrangeros para venir á establecerse en España,’ &c. Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris, who travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, ‘I did not observe a dozen men either at plough or any other kind of labour, on the road.’ Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 38.

1415

‘A national bank, a design originally suggested by Ripperda.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 202.

1416

Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says (Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, vol. ii. p. 49), ‘L'idée de la banque nationale fut donnée au gouvernement par un banquier français, M. Cabarrus.’ Compare Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 122, 123: ‘Banco nacional de San Cárlos; propúsolo Cabarrús, apoyólo Floridablanca, y sancionólo el Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de junio de 1782.’ This sounds well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon came. ‘Charles IV.,’ says the Prince of the Peace, ‘had just ascended the throne; the bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge of bankruptcy.’ Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.

1417

‘A Londres, à Stockholm, à Paris, à Vienne et à Venise, le souverain est réprésenté par des étrangers. Le prince de Masserano, Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy Irlandais, ministre à Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi, ambassadeur en France, avant de parvenir au ministère; le comte de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur à Vienne; le marquis de Squilaci, ambassadeur à Venise, après sa retraite du ministère.’ Bourgoing, Tableau de l'Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. To this, I may add that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (Ripperda's Memoirs, 1740, pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy filled the same post at St. Petersburg. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, 1844, vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio (Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. pp. 288, 289) says of the important negotiations which took place in 1761, between Spain, England, and France, ‘Y así de las negociaciones en que Luis XV. trataba de enredar á Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente excluidos los españoles, como que por una parte las iban á seguir el duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y por otra el irlandés D. Ricardo Wall, y el genovés marques de Grimaldi.’ About the same time, Clarke writes (in his Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, London, 1763, 4to. p. 331), ‘Spain has, for many years past, been under the direction of foreign ministers. Whether this hath been owing to want of capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the sovereign, I will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native nobility lament it as a great calamity.’

1418

Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish affairs, says that Wall was ‘a native of Ireland.’ Mahon's History of England, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in Mémoires de Noailles, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is called ‘irlandais d‘origine, né en France.’ See also Biografía de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 26, ‘D. Ricardo Wall, irlandés de orígen, nacido en Francia.’ Swinburne, who knew him personally, and has given some account of him, does not mention where he was born. Swinburne's Travels through Spain, second edition, London, 1787, vol. i. pp. 314–318.

1419

‘A Genoese, and a creature of France.’ Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 170.

1420

‘Era siciliano.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 244.

1421

The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio, in the first chapter of the second volume of his Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., which should, however, be compared with Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 340–346. Coxe terms him Squilaci; but I follow the orthography of the Spanish writers, who always call him Esquilache. Such was his influence over the King, that, according to Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III. ‘publicly said that, “if he was reduced to a morsel of bread, he would divide it with Squilaci.”’

1422

Coxe's Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. Navarrete, Biografía de Ensenada, pp. 26–28.

1423

He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of his successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment, in 1763, M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), ‘De que Grimaldi creciera en fortuna se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia.’ In 1770, Harris, the diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes, ‘His doctrine is absolutely French; guided in everything by the French closet,’ &c. Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence, vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.

1424

‘Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 339. ‘The prosecution of the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul.’ p. 373. ‘His friend and patron.’ p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.

1425

‘Personne n'ignoroit le crédit prodigieux que M. de Choiseul avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-même, au point que je lui ai ouï dire, qu'il étoit plus sûr de sa prépondérance dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de Versailles.’ Mémoires du Baron de Besenval, écrits par lui-même, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris, 1805.

1426

M. Muriel (Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., Madrid, 1839, pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain ‘este acto de violencia hecho meramente por complacer al duque de Choiseul, ministro de Francia y protector del partido filosófico.’ See also Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 291, Paris, 1845; and Georgel, Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des Évènemens depuis 1760, vol. ii. p. 95, Paris, 1817.

1427

Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of Aranda, ‘In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and imbibed that freedom of sentiment which then began to be fashionable, and has since been carried to such a dangerous excess.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 402. His great enemy, the Prince of the Peace, wishing to be severe, unintentionally praises him; and observes, that he was ‘connected with the most distinguished literary Frenchmen of the middle of the last century,’ and that he was ‘divested of religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical enthusiasm.’ Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319. The hostility of some men is extremely valuable. The Prince further adds, that Aranda ‘could only lay claim to the inferior merit of a sectarian attachment,’ forgetting that, in a country like Spain, every enlightened person must belong to a miserably small sect.

1428

Cabarrus (Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xxiv.) says, rather magniloquently, ‘El acierto de la execucion que correspondió al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado esta providencia importante, pasará á la ultima posteridad.’

1429

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio, in the second volume of his History of Charles III., Madrid, 1856, has given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate, account of the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers solely from the Spanish point of view; overlooking the fact, that it was part of an European movement headed by France. He denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125; censures the perfectly correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally ascribes this great event to the operation of causes confined to the Peninsula. ‘De ser los jesuitas adversarios del regalismo emanó su ruina en España, cuando triunfaban las opiniones sostenidas con heróico teson desde mucho ántes por doctísimos jurisconsultos.’ p. 519.

1430

One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits indignantly observes, ‘Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jésuites vivent et prêchent en Espagne. Ils sont comblés de bienfaits par des monarques dont ils étendent la souveraineté. Le clergé et les masses acceptent avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout à coup l'Ordre se voit déclaré coupable d'un crime de lèse-majesté, d'un attentat public que personne ne peut spécifier. La sentence prononce la peine sans énoncer le délit.’ Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 295, Paris, 1845.

1431

Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 285, where the facts are well brought together. The valuable History of the Inquisition, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these matters; though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more surprising, a very honest book.

1432

Rio, Historia de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 103–107, which must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of his information from a friend of Aranda's. Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 401–415. A good life of Aranda would be very interesting. That contained in the Biographie Universelle is extremely meagre, and carelessly written.

1433

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 407.

1434

‘When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following anecdote from a person connected with the encyclopædists. During his residence in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the abolition of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power. His appointment was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party, particularly by D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his reforms before an article was inserted in the Encyclopædia, then printing, in which this event was confidently anticipated, from the liberal principles of the minister. D'Aranda was struck on reading this article, and said, “This imprudent disclosure will raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be foiled.” He was not mistaken in his conjecture.’ Coxe‘s Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 408.

1435

Even the case in 1781 appears to have been for witchcraft rather than for heresy. ‘La dernière victime qui périt dans les flammes fut une béate: on la brûla à Séville, le 7 novembre 1781, comme ayant fait un pacte, et entretenu un commerce charnel avec le Démon, et pour avoir été impénitente négative. Elle eût pu éviter la mort en s'avouant coupable du crime dont on l'accusait.’ Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, Paris, 1818, vol. iv. p. 270. About this time, torture began to be disused in Spain. See an interesting note in Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain, London, 1825, p. 263.

1436

‘Menesteres decir que el marqués de Grimaldi cayó venciendo á sus enemigos, pues, léjos de legarles el poder, á que aspiraban con anhelo, trasmitiólo á una de sus más legítimas hechuras; que tal era y por tal se reconocia el conde de Floridablanca.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 151, 152.

1437

In 1690, it was stated that ‘since the expulsion of the Moors,’ there was no precedent for the King of Spain ever sending an envoy to a Mohammedan prince. See Mahon's Spain under Charles II., p. 5. In that year an envoy was sent to Morocco; but this was merely concerning the redemption of prisoners, and certainly without the remotest intention of concluding a peace.

1438

‘The other European courts, with surprise and regret, witnessed the conclusion of a treaty which terminated the political and religious rivalry so long subsisting between Spain and the Porte.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. pp. 152, 153. ‘Une des maximes de la politique espagnole avait été celle de maintenir une guerre perpétuelle contre les mahométans, même après la conquête de Grenade. Ni les pertes incalculables éprouvées par suite de ce système, ni l'exemple de la France et d'autres puissances catholiques qui ne se faisaient point scrupule d'être en paix avec les Turcs, n'avaient suffi pour détromper l'Espagne sur l'inconvenance d'une telle politique. Le génie éclairé de Charles III corrigea un préjugé aussi dangereux; dicta la paix avec les empereurs de Turquie et d'autres potentats mahométans; délivra ses sujets de la terrible piraterie des corsaires, et ouvrit à leur commerce de nouvelles voies pour spéculer avec de plus grands avantages.’ Sempere, La Monarchie Espagnole, vol. ii. p. 160.

1439

Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 11–13.

1440

Ibid. vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.

1441

‘Ha sido notable el número de cautivos, que los piratas de Berbería han hecho sobre nuestras costas por tres centurias. En el siglo pasado se solian calcular exístentes á la vez en Argel, treinta mil personas españolas. Su rescate á razon de mil pesos por cada persona á lo menos, ascendia á 30 millones de pesos.’ Campomanes, Apendice á la Educacion Popular, vol. i. p. 373, Madrid, 1775. On the precautions which had to be used to guard the coasts of Spain against the Mohammedan corsairs, see Uztariz, Theorica y Practica de Comercio, Madrid, 1757, folio, pp. 172, 173, 222–226; and Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. xv. p. 476, Madrid, 1855. In the middle of the eighteenth century, a regular watch had to be kept along the Mediterranean coast of Spain, ‘in order to give the alarm upon the appearance of the enemy.’ See A Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys, 2d edit., London, 1760, p. 170. As to the state of things in the seventeenth century, see Janer, Condicion de los Moriscos, Madrid, 1857, p. 63.

1442

‘De esta suerte quedaron los mares limpios de piratas desde los reinos de Fez y Marruecos hasta los últimos dominios del emperador Turco, por el Mediterráneo todo; vióse á menudo la bandera española en Levante, y las mismas naciones mercantiles que la persiguieron indirectamente, preferíanla ahora, resultando el aumento del comercio y de la Real marina, y la pericia de sus tripulaciones, y el mayor brillo de España y de su augusto Soberano: termino hubo la esclavitud de tantos millares de infelices con abandono de sus familias é indelebles perjuicios de la religion y el Estado, cesando tambien la continua extraccion de enormes sumas para los rescates que, al paso que nos empobrecian, pasaban á enriquecer á nuestros contrarios, y á facilitar sus armamentos para ofendernos; y se empezaban á cultivar rápidamente en las costas del Mediterráneo leguas de terrenos los más fertiles del mundo, desamparados y eriales hasta entónces por miedo á los piratas, y donde se formaban ya pueblos enteros para dar salida á los frutos y las manufacturas.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 17, 18.

1443

M. Rio, whose voluminous History of the reign of Charles III. is, notwithstanding its numerous omissions, a work of considerable value, has appreciated the personal influence of the king more justly than any previous writer; he having had access to unpublished papers, which show the great energy and activity of Charles. ‘Entre sus mas notables figuras ninguna aventaja á la de Cárlos III.; y no por el lugar jerárquico que ocupa, sino por el brillante papel que representa, ora tome la iniciativa, ora el consejo, para efectuar las innumerables reformas que le valieron inextinguible fama. Ya sé que algunos tachan á este Monarca de cortedad de luces y de estrechez de miras; y que algunos otros suponen que sus ministros le engañaron ó sorprendieron para dictar ciertas providencias. Cuarenta y ocho tomos de cartas semanales y escritas de su puno desde octubre de 1759 hasta marzo de 1783 al marqués de Tanucci, existentes en el archivo de Simancas, por mí leidas hoja tras hoja, sacando de ellas largos apuntes, sirven á maravilla para pintarle tal como era, y penetrar hasta sus más recónditos pensamientos, y contradecir á los que le juzgan á bulto.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.

1444

‘Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted the country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its customs, laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence abroad, and his intercourse with France, he had formed a natural predilection for the French character and institutions.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 337.

1445

He ‘far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions to reform the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy.’ Ibid. vol. v. p. 215.

1446

His measures ‘alarmaron al clero en general, que empezó á murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se propasaron á violentos actos.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 98.

1447

A popular charge against the government was, ‘que se despojara á la Iglesia de sus inmunidades.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a letter, in 1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's confessor, in which that prelate stated, ‘que España corria á su ruina que ya no corria, sino que volaba, y que ya estaba perdida sin remedio humano;’ and that the cause of this was the persecution of the poor Church, which was ‘saqueada en sus bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su inmunidad.’

1448

Coxe (Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 144) calls the peace of 1783 ‘the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin.’ Similarly, M. Rio (Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. p. 397), ‘Siglos habian pasado para España de continuas y porfiadas contiendas, sin llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San Quintin y al alborear el reinado de Felipe II., tan gloriosamente al reposo.’

1449

Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary observer, who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony to ‘the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,’ Letter by an English Officer, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare Muriel (Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., Madrid, 1839, p. 34), ‘Tan conocido llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los reinos estraños por la rectitud de su carácter, que en las desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus decisiones;’ and Cabarrus (Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xl.), ‘Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa; todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan por árbitro y mediador.’ Evidence of the great respect paid to Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 41–43, 253.

1450

On the increase of the navy, compare Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 127, with Muriel, Gobierno del Rey Carlos III., pp. 73, 82.

1451

These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the Frenchman, Cabarrus. See Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.

1452

Rio, ibid. vol. iv. pp. 164–166, and Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.

1453

‘La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de 1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió el libre comercio de ellos.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 105. See also Dillon's Spain, p. 69, and Townsend's Spain, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that year, ‘Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos dominios.’ This document, which is important for the history of political economy, is printed in the Appendix to Campomanes, Educacion Popular, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.

1454

‘Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de 24 de agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias; desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro paquebot para la Coruña.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which aimed at making Coruña a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña, written in 1774, in Dalrymple's Travels through Spain, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.

1455

See the edicts in Campomanes, Apendice, vol. ii. pp. 37–47, Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.

1456

It was said, with reason, by Alaman, ‘que el gobierno de América llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. p. 151. And Humboldt observes (Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), ‘C'est le roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages qu'énergiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a annulé les Encomiendas; il a défendu les Repartimientos, par lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail des natifs, en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de mulets et de vêtemens (ropa).’

1457

Cabarrus, Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and Canga's note in Martinez de la Mata, Dos Discursos, Madrid, 1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.

1458

‘Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.’ Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain, London, 1818, p. 72.