History of Civilization in England, Vol. 2 of 3

1459

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.

1460

See Florida Blanca's statement in Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 331; ‘to facilitate to artisans and journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the privileges and interest of the powerful.’

1461

Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 317, 318, and elsewhere.

1462

‘“Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono” (dijo el Rey en la ordenanza de reemplazos) “ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte de la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse sólidamente en estos reinos, vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y servicio militar, no solo á los impresores, sino tambien á los fundidores que se empleen de continuo en este ejercicio, y á los abridores de punzones y matrices.”’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. p. 213.

1463

On the steps taken to reform the universities between 1768 and 1774, see Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 185–210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296–299.

1464

‘La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras letras es uno y aun el más principal ramo de la policía y buen gobierno del Estado.’ Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771, printed in Rio, vol. iii. p. 182.

1465

M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace displayed by Ferdinand VI. (Historia de España, vol. i. p. 202, vol. xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), ‘De modo que con razon se admira, y es el testimonio más honroso de la buena administracion económica de este reinado, que al morir este buen monarca dejára, no diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las arcas públicas, como hiperbólicamente suele decirse, pero sí con el considerable sobrante de trescientos millones de reales, despues de cubiertas todas las atenciones del Estado: fenómeno que puede decirse se veia por primera vez en España, y resultado satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena administracion, solo pudo obtenerse á favor de su prudente política de neutralidad y de paz.’

1466

‘But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its present magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the noble gates of Alcalá and San Vincente were raised; the custom-house, the post-office, the museum, and royal printing-office, were constructed; the academy of the three noble arts improved; the cabinet of natural history, the botanic garden, the national bank of San Carlos, and many gratuitous schools established; while convenient roads leading from the city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the solicitude of this paternal king.’ Spain by an American, London, 1831, vol. i. p. 206; see also p. 297.

1467

The following passage describes its state so late as the year 1766: ‘Por temor ó por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de sus casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y los ejecutaban á mansalva, ocultándose en guaridas de que ahuyentaban á las fieras. Acaso á muy largas distancias se descubrian entre contados caseríos algunos pastores como los que allí hizo encontrar el ilustre manco de Lepanto al ingenioso hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra estuvo poblada en tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia más que espesos matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde resonaron cánticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnífico triunfo de las Navas.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. p. 9. On the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred years before this, see Boisel, Journal du Voyage d'Espagne, Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296; where it is termed ‘le lieu le plus désert, et où il n'y a que quelques ventas sans villages.’

1468

Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. pp. 9–11, 35. By 1771, ‘sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron mantenerse al fin los colonos.’ p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp. 114, 115. On the subsequent history of this settlement, see Inglis' Spain, vol. ii. pp. 29–31, London, 1831.

1469

‘En 1760 se destinó por primera vez un fondo especial para la construccion de caminos.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 123.

1470

Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by two-thirds, and, in some parts, by three-fourths. ‘Antes se regulaba en un millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo ascendia á la tercera ó cuarta parte de esta suma.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. p. 117.

1471

A note in Bowles, Historia Natural de España, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 158, terms this ‘un camino alineado y sólido.’ In Cook's Spain, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called ‘a magnificent road.’

1472

‘Para dar salida á los frutos, que regaban los pantanos de Lorca, ejecutóse una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.

1473

In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, ‘the Biscayans are actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao to Osma.’ Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and France, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.

1474

‘Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo ó rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los nueve primeros años de estar á cargo de Floridablanca la superintendencia general de caminos, haciéndose de fácil y cómodo tránsito puntos escabrosos como el del Puerto de la Cadena y los que médian entre Astorga y Galicia, y Málaga y Antequera.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. p. 115.

1475

‘The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third produced the most beneficial changes in this important branch of political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully levelled, and constructed with solidity. There are at the present time in Spain several superb roads, such as may vie with the finest in Europe; indeed, they have been made with superior judgment, and upon a grander scale.’ Laborde's Spain, edit. London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.

1476

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 287.

1477

Ibid. vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. Townsend's Spain, vol. i. pp. 212–215. Laborde's Spain, vol. ii. p. 271. This canal, which was intended to establish a free communication between the Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a learned and valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain. The economical value of this great enterprise, and the extent to which it succeeded, are seriously under-estimated in Ford's Spain, p. 587; a book which, notwithstanding the praise that has been conferred upon it, is carelessly composed, and is sure to mislead readers who have not the means of comparing it with other authorities. M. Rio's History of Charles III. contains some interesting information on the subject; but, unfortunately, I omitted to mark the passages.

1478

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on the authority or Florida Blanca himself.

1479

Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 199. Townsend's Spain, vol. i. p. 304.

1480

See Florida Blanca's statement in Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 289. ‘In many other parts similar works have been promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging agriculture and traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama are continued by means of the national bank, which has appropriated one-half of the profits derived from the export of silver to this end.’ … ‘The town of Almuradiel, formed in the middle of the campo nuevo of Andalusia, for the rugged pass of Despeña Perros, is another example of agriculture for the neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful deserts, we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses, plantations, and cultivated lands, producing every species of grain and fruits, which border the road, and banish the danger of robbers and banditti.’ See also Muriel, Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., p. 5. ‘Habiendo sido el reinado de Carlos III. una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;’ and the striking picture (p. 15), ‘Agricultura, artes mecánicas, comercio, enseñanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion, en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del Estado, todo llamó la atencion de los ministros, y en todo hicieron las mejoras que permitian las circunstancias.’' On the improvements in internal communications, see the same valuable work, pp. 187–192.

1481

Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see Tapia, Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82. ‘Fué este tratado utilísimo para la España, pues por él se libertó del pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado á los estados pontificos. En el informe canónico-legal escrito á virtud de real órden en 1746 por el fiscal de la cámara de Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se decia; que según el testimonio del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de 30 años el solo renglon de las coadjutorías y dispensas habia hecho pasar á Roma de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos. Y añade el mismo Jover que á principios del siglo xviii. subia aun esta contribucion cada año en todos los estados de la monarquia española á 500,000 escudos romanos, que era un tercio poco mas ó menos de lo que Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad.’

1482

See Appendix I. to Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 334.

1483

It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone the voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled but three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and then merely for the sake of form. ‘Les Cortès ne se réunirent que trois fois pendant le dix-huitième siècle, et plutôt encore comme des solennités formulaires pour la prestation du serment aux princes héritiers de la couronne, que comme étant nécessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des contributions.’ Sempere, Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne, Bordeaux, 1815, p. 270.

1484

By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and received the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona, who, in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him ‘un monarca tan piadoso.’ Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de la Iglesia en España, por Domingo Costa y Borras, Barcelona, 1857, p. 80.

1485

Even in Alison's History of Europe, where men of his character are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain. ‘Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a weak, incapable prince.’ Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.

1486

Sempere, Monarchie Espagnole, vol. ii. p. 167. I need hardly say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted with Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to raise his own reputation, by defaming the character of some of the ablest and most high-minded of his contemporaries.

1487

Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, vol. iii. pp. 277, 278.

1488

‘In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil, political, and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and portentous weight, on the whole country.’ Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, vol. iii. p. 318.

1489

‘Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which might disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral philosophy. “His Majesty,” it was said in the order, “was not in want of philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects.”’ Doblado‘s Letters from Spain, p. 358.

1490

'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait épuisé toutes les ressources de l'État.’ Sempere, Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne, p. 323.

1491

In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed to the liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being aware of the reason. Mr. Walton (Revolutions of Spain, London, 1837, vol. i. pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, ‘Public indignation hurled them from their seats in 1814; and in 1823 they were overpowered, not by the arms of France, but by the displeasure of their own countrymen,’ &c. See also p. 290; and Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh, London, 1824, p. 121, where it is mentioned, that ‘in all the towns through which the King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy, overturned the constitutional stone, and uttered the most atrocious insults against the Constitution, the Cortes, and the Liberals.’ Compare Sempere, Histoire des Cortès, p. 335, and Bacon's Six Years in Biscay, p. 40. Indeed, a very intelligent writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts, with, I believe, perfect truth, that Spain is ‘un pays où les populations sont toujours, à coup sûr moins libérales que les gouvernemens.’ Annuaire des Deux Mondes, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p. 266.

1492

Buckle's History of Civilization, vol. ii. p. 117.

1493

Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. xlviii.

1494

Ibid. vol. i. p. xcvi.

1495

Hallam's Middle Ages, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol. ii. pp. 153–157, which must be compared with Hallam's Supplemental Notes, London, 1848, pp. 323–327.

1496

Ibid. vol. i. p. 373. Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.

1497

‘Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pélage descendirent de leurs montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchées sur des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des fleuves, dans de fertiles vallées et sur les côtes de la mer; ce fut alors que la ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes à celui des Asturiens et chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces habitants; ce fut alors, enfin, que commencèrent en Espagne ces concessions de franchises municipales par lesquelles les rois et les seigneurs chrétiens cherchèrent à attirer des populations chrétiennes dans les lieux d'où ils avaient chassé les Musulmans.’ Fauriel, Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale, Paris, 1836, vol. iii. p. 215. See also Sempere, Monarchie Espagnole, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.

1498

On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the middle of the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in Mariana, Historia de España, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.

1499

The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually overthrow their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. ‘Il n'est pas étonnant que les monarques espagnols tâchassent d'affermir leur autorité autant que possible, et encore moins que leurs conseillers et leurs, ministres coopérassent à leurs desseins. L'histoire de toutes les nations nous offre de nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais ce qu'il y a de plus remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les députés des villes qui auraient dû être les plus zélés défenseurs de leurs droits, conspirèrent ouvertement contre le tiers-état, et tentèrent d'anéantir les restes de l'ancienne représentation nationale.’ Sempere, Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne, p. 213. It strikes one as singular, that M. Sempere should never have inquired, why this happened in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later writer, reflecting on the destruction of the municipal element by the royal authority, gives a solution, which, like many other so-called solutions, is merely a statement of the same fact in different words. ‘Al fin la autoridad real logró alcanzar un gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los pueblos, porque los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron á eclipsar la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los pueblos.’ Antequera, Historia de la Legislacion Española, Madrid, 1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is simply narrating it afresh.

1500

The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by many writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of gaining it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one time, I had purposed tracing the history of the municipal and representative elements during the fifteenth century; and the materials which I then collected, convinced me that the spirit of freedom never really existed in Spain, and that therefore the marks and forms of freedom were sure, sooner or later, to be effaced.

1501

‘Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou Séculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Prêtre à s'habiller, et le font avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en font honneur, et à mesure qu'ils présentent au Prêtre quelque partie des ornemens, ils lui baisent la main. On se met à genoux pour donner à laver au Prêtre pendant la Messe, et après qu'il a essuyé ses doigts, celui qui lui a donné l'eau demeurant à genoux lui présente le bassin retourné, sur lequel le Prêtre met sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour à la Sacristie, il ne manque pas d'aider le Prêtre à se déshabiller, après quoi il se met à genoux pour recevoir sa bénédiction et baiser sa main.’ Labat, Voyages en Espagne et en Italie, Paris, 1730, vol. i. p. 36.

1502

‘Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser douter de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau, si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à l'Eglise.’ Labat, Voyages en Espagne, vol. i. p. 268.

1503

It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had endangered his own soul. ‘Dans un bref adressé à Charles III; il déclara: “Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient évidemment son salut en danger.”’ Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.

1504

As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly (Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 311) and other writers (Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 180), has been much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from eye-witnesses. ‘A remarkable and alarming proof of their influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion. At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret instigators of this tumultuary petition.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The remarks made on this event by M. Rio (Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197–199) are not very creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year. For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; ‘the year after their expulsion.’

1505

See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV., in 1788, ‘the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing number of monks of all orders and of all ages.’ Godoy's Memoirs, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; ‘con qué horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos estériles á los operarios útiles y preciosos.’ Cartas escritas por el Conde de Cabarrus, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.

1506

Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully says, ‘Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á Naturales y Estrangeros.’ Uztariz, Theorica y Practica de Comercio, tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the Inquisition. ‘Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho tanto en aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él creia que los españoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, añadiendo que en nada coartaba su autoridad.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt. ‘L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.’ Mémoires de Louville, vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (Tracts, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 400) tells us that ‘the Inquisition is not only established by law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts and affections of the people, that one that should offer the least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.’

1507

‘The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others, grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or swords.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419. This was in the great case of Olavide.

1508

An accomplished modern geographer says: ‘From the extent of its coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages than any other country of Europe.’ Johnston's Dictionary of Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography, London, 1850, p. 1213.

1509

‘No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante que los produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa. En fin, España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones, por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.’ Bowles, Historia Natural de España, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 236.