The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921

Though the motives already urged, appear sufficient to induce a prohibition of the further introduction of slaves into the Floridas, yet we will briefly mention some additional ones, supposed to possess considerable force.

The vacant lands within the new states and territories, have been looked upon as a field of promise,—a common patrimony for all the sons of the Republic who may choose to partake of it. The introduction of many slaves into a territory, will totally prevent the settlement of free labourers within it. As the states, adapted to the cultivation of the valuable staples, cotton, sugar, and tobacco, having been hitherto open to the migration of slaves, it appears but equitable, now to reserve a district, for the free labourer to occupy in the culture of these articles. It is but just, that the citizens of those states where slavery is interdicted, should be enabled, without a sacrifice of their principles, to obtain a portion of the profits arising from the settlement of those new lands, which are suitable for rearing such products as are most in demand, and are, consequently, the most lucrative.

Signed on behalf, and by order of the American Convention, held at New York, the 28th of November, 1821. 418

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates, in Congress assembled

The Memorial of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African race, respectfully sheweth:

That your memorialists, acting in accordance with the designs of their Association, and prompted by their love of country and the paramount obligations of Christianity, earnestly solicit your attention to the condition of the population of the territory over which your honourable body holds exclusive jurisdiction. More than half a century has elapsed since the representatives of the American States, in Congress assembled, declared to the world, as "self-evident truths: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." But that Congress, one of the greatest and most dignified bodies the world ever beheld having but limited jurisdiction, were unable to do more than to proclaim these truths, as the basis of the government they were about to establish. The Constitution since framed, has delegated no authority to the General Government to enforce their views in relation to slavery, existing in any of the States; but that instrument, so far as it respects the District of Columbia, has invested Congress with an unrestrained privilege.

To this spot the eyes of the friends of equal rights are directed: to this spot the patriot, the philosopher, and the statesman, look for that perfect system of laws which at once develope the wisdom of the Government, display the justice and benevolence of its policy, and exhibit a practical illustration of the principles proclaimed in our declaration of independence.

Within this District, however, slavery yet exists; many of the African race, purchased for a distant market, are concentrated here, where the sounds of the clanking fetters mingle with the voice of American statesmen, legislating for a free people!

We, therefore, most respectfully, but most earnestly, entreat your attention to the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia; and especially we solicit that your honorable body may designate a period by law, after which no child, born within the District, shall be held a slave. We respectfully submit that the honor of our common country, a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, and the strong injunctions of Christianity, alike call for your interference upon this momentous subject.

Wm. Rawle, President.419

Edwin P. Atlee, Secretary,

Philadelphia, Oct. 1827.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates, in Congress assembled:

The American Convention for promoting the abolition of slavery and improving the condition of African race, most respectfully represent:

That an opportunity is now offered, in which, without violating any supposed private rights, or encroaching upon any state sovereignty, the exalted principles of liberty, on which our constitution was founded, may be fully displayed and enforced by your honourable body.

The eminent rank, which these United States have so rapidly attained among nations, is mainly attributable to the high dignity and undeviateing rectitude of their public proceedings—to the equal rights and universal freedom of their citizens. Our enemies can cast on us but one reproach, but, of that reproach they are not sparing. Why, they ask, if all men are born free and equal, is the slavery of so large a portion of your inhabitants still continued among you? To this enquiry no better answer can be given than, that at the period of our political emancipation, the situation of the Southern States was supposed to render the measure of domestic emancipation dangerous, if not impracticable. Yet those who had the misfortune to be subjected to this evil, would willingly have commuted a species of precarious and artificial property for any other more substantial in itself, and more consonant with their own moral feelings. It has since been the frequent effort of Southern legislation to diminish the quantity of the evil, which, it is was supposed, could not wholly be removed. Hence their concurrence in the suppression of the slave trade, and hence, in some instances, their refusal to admit other slaves from other States into their own precincts. In all similar efforts, we doubt not that the legislature of the United States would accordingly coöperate, but the defect of power sometimes impedes the wishes of benevolence and the dispensation of justice.

Aware that however consonant the opinions of your honourable body on this subject may be with our own, your constitutional powers as thus limited, we abstain from preferring any request to which you cannot accede; but we respectfully submit that in the late acquisition of an extensive tract, in a great part yet unsettled, the absolute dominion and internal regulation of which belong to Congress alone, the trial might be made, whether a southern latitude necessarily requires the establishment of domestic slavery; or whether in the Territory of Florida, as well as in other places, the cultivation of land, and the general prosperity of the country, would not be eminently promoted by the use of free labor alone. If the few persons who are already settled there, desire to retain their fellow creatures in bondage, let the example of the superior productiveness of free labor be set before their eyes, and let Congress avail itself of the happy opportunity to elevate the Territory itself to a pinnacle of prosperity, while it supports our national character, in the preservation of human rights and consistent justice.

Another consideration may be added to the foregoing. The extensive unsettled coast of this Territory, and its vicinity to the West India Islands, render the evasion of the existing laws against the slave trade easy—whereas, if it were settled by a free yeomanry, it would form an effectual barrier to such illicit trade, and a strong protection to the slave holding states against the invasion of a foreign enemy.

Our most respectful request is, that Congress will be pleased to prohibit, by law, the further introduction of slaves into the Territory of Florida.

Wm. Rawle, President.420

Edwin P. Atlee, Secretary,

Philadelphia, Oct. 1827.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the UnitedStates in Congress assembled

The memorial of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African Race,

Respectfully Represents,

That your memorialists being citizens of this free republic, and feeling in a high degree thankful for the favours and protection of its benign government, are solicitous, in common with all the advocates of true liberty, that its benefits should be extended to the whole human family—that all mankind might be permitted to enjoy peaceably, the full fruition of national rights, and the great blessings of heaven, while here on earth, the right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

Your memorialists, without presuming to question the dignity, superior wisdom, and qualifications of your honourable body, would ask leave most respectfully to urge, as a sentiment, every day gaining a wider spread, and a deeper root, in the best feelings of freemen, that slavery is alike derogatory to the present enlightened condition of man, and a solecism in the institutions of our country: without, in any degree, wishing to appeal to the prejudices, either sectarian or geographical, of any portion of your honourable body, your memorialists cannot consent to withhold themselves from the influence of the irresistible current, manifest in the march of mind, towards perfection, and are therefore free to acknowledge, that they cannot, as consistent republicans, omit to raise their voices, in a respectful petition to their government on behalf of the sufferings, the privations, and the unmerited degradation of their fellow-men the colored people of America.

That the several states in this confederation, are, to a certain constitutional extent, sovereign and independent, is readily admitted; but that their independence is qualified by the federal constitution, is equally certain. No state, has a right to injure or destroy the fair fame of the republic: and no state has a right, unnecessarily to jeopardize the peace of prosperity of any other state. And that all the states, and all the people of each and every state in the union, are indissolubly bound to submit to the majority, is a fundamental principle of the union.

With these preliminary remarks, your memorialists will ask your paternal and special attention to the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia. This District, the seat of the national councils, and the common property of the whole republic, is by the constitution of the country, under your immediate care, and exclusive government—and to the combined wisdom, patriotism and prudence of your honourable body, is the common mind turned, with intense anxiety, knowing that nothing can exempt any portion of us from the shame and mortification that may attach to the character of its public laws and institutions; while nothing can prevent their participation in the splendour and renown of its wisdom, prosperity, and happiness. The District of Columbia, then, being the common property of the nation, the nation has an indubitable right, and it is consistent with the fitness of things, to have the institutions and the laws of the District, conformably to the aggregate sentiment of the whole people. The clearly expressed public opinion is against the continuance of slavery—and, by every rule of right, slavery should cease, as soon as practicable, within the national domain.

Under a full conviction of the truth of this doctrine, and the justice of their cause, your memorialists ask of your honourable body, the immediate enactment of such laws as will ensure the abolition of slavery within the District of Columbia, at the earliest period that may be deemed safe and expedient, according to the wisdom of Congress. They ask this, conscientiously believing that this is the sentiment and expectation of the nation: and believing furthermore, that the example will be gradually followed by many of the southern States, as the evils, impolicy, and injustice of slavery are more and more developed.

Commending you and themselves, with the best interests of humanity, to the mercies of a just God, your memoralists very respectfully and earnestly entreat your prompt attention to the subject.

Signed by direction of the Convention.421

The following Memorial was reported by Mr. Kesley, and having been amended, was adopted as follows:

To the Hon. the Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States, in Congress Assembled.

The Memorial of the American Convention, &c.,

Respectfully sheweth—That your memorialists, citizens of the United States, feel grateful to that Divine Providence, who hath so gloriously protected this nation in the enjoyment of all the privileges of freemen; and whose parental care still preserves to us untrammelled, the right of conscience, and affords to our free citizens all needful facilities in the pursuit and enjoyment of as full a share of happiness as the present condition of man is susceptible of. But while thus enjoying all the blessings of Heaven's richest bounty, your memorialists have viewed with deep regret and heartfelt sorrow, the dark stain on our national character, which is inflicted by the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia. That district being the common property of the nation, and immediately under the control of congress; whatever enormity may be legally permitted therein, becomes the common concern of the whole confederacy. Furthermore if slavery be an evil both moral and political as is generally admitted at the present day, it would seem that the whole nation becomes implicated in its support, so long as it remains sanctioned by law in that district which is the seat of our government, and depository of our rights. Your memorialists therefore, feeling in common with many thousands of their fellow citizens, unwilling to sanction so great an evil, and desirous to do all that is in their power towards its removal, beg leave, earnestly, yet respectfully, to urge the consideration of this subject, on the attention of congress.

Your memorialists are aware that difficulties are found in the way of an immediate emancipation of those slaves now existing; arising out of a supposed right of property in those who hold them; as well as from a disqualification for self-government on the part of the slaves themselves, but which would be entirely obviated by an enactment providing that from and after a given date all persons born within the district, shall be free at a given age. By the enactment of such a law the wishes of a very large proportion of the individuals represented by your honourable body, it is believed would be met; and that so much at least, ought to be done by the national legislature, seems to be demanded not only by the claims of humanity and justice, but also by those of patriotism and consistency. Amongst the first acts of the congress of this Union, was one to abolish the African slave trade; and our whole existence as a nation is based on the principle that "all men are created equal;" and shall the congress of these states at the present day, hesitate to declare, that henceforth and forever, the child that is born within the limits of its special legislation, shall breathe an atmosphere of liberty?

Under a full conviction that the true interest of the nation requires the interposition of congress in this important matter; and with a full and entire reliance on the wisdom of your honorable body; your memorialists decline any argument to prove the justice or reasonableness of the prayer, or to show the obligation that lies upon the legislature of this happy country, to interpose its authority in behalf of the offspring of these subjects of oppression, and thus remove the odium which attaches to the American name by the existence of slavery in the national domain.

Your memorialists would also intreat your attention to the necessity of passing laws for the prevention of kidnapping, and the scenes of cruelty connected with the slave trade in the District of Columbia, until its final abolition.

Many of the African race, purchased for a distant market, are concentrated here, where the sounds of the clanking fetters mingle with the voice of the American statesmen, legislating for a free people.

This district, from its central situation, has become a depot of slaves, purchased and introduced by dealers from other states, and here incarcerated till the time of their transportation arrives. In near view from the capital, are private jails, from whose walls issue the agonizing cries of those separated from kindred and friends, revolting to every citizen and philanthropist. Here, through the defect of existing laws, facilities are afforded persons denominated slave traders, to consign to perpetual bondage those who are entitled to freedom after a term of years, and the people regard with abhorrence and pain, a traffic extensively carried on by those who prefer wealth to the love and esteem of mankind.

In this district whether its citizens be the friends or opponents of the abolition of slavery, they regard this traffic as alike dishonorable to our character as Americans and Christians, and demanding the interposition of the government. The honor of our common country, a respect for the opinions of mankind, the ardent desire of our patriots and statesmen to remove the curse of slavery entailed on us while colonies, when it can successfully be done, call for your interference on this momentous subject.422

To the American Convention, &c.—The committee appointed to draft a memorial to the legislatures of the several states praying that their representatives in Congress may be requested, and their senators instructed to use their exertions to produce the passage of an act for the gradual abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,

Respectfully report, That they have prepared and herewith present the draft of such a memorial for the consideration of the Convention.

James Oswald Grim,Chairman.

December 11, 1829.

To the Honourable the legislature of the state of

The Memorial of "The American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the condition of the African race" assembled at Washington, in the District of Columbia.

Respectfully Represents,—That feeling a strong solicitude to advance the object for which they are associated, your memorialists approach your honorable body for its concurrence and aid upon a matter which they conceive to be of great interest to the American people. That the existence of slavery within the United States is a great evil and one for which an adequate remedy is, of all national objects the most to be desired, is a truth in which the whole body of our fellow-citizens have for a long time acquiesced; but whether its ultimate and entire removal is ever to be affected, compatibly with that justice to the parties concerned upon which it should be based, is a problem that remains to be solved, but to which philanthropists are now daily directing their attention.

The success, however which has attended the efforts of many of the States of the Union, who at an early period of our national history were encumbered by the same evil in a lesser degree but who have since been successful in removing it, induce a hope in your memorialists that slavery may be abolished in the District of Columbia. That if possible it ought to be, some interesting considerations of a local character, peculiarly dictate. The significant and peculiar silence discovered upon the face of the constitutional compact of the land, upon the great subject of human servitude with which the country then was burthened, the care which was observed by the sages, who framed the instrument, not to employ a term in its structure which might in after years and in times of universal freedom, be appealed to for the purpose of accusation or reproach, enjoin it, we think as a strong and imperative duty to their successors to remove this growing evil from the seat of the counciles of the nation and the limits emphatically of the national domain. Without therefore attempting to interfere with the exclusive duties of state sovereignties, it is incumbent we think upon national legislators, to give effect to the noble and benign spirit of the great charter under which they are convened, by devising and enacting measures for the gradual emancipation of all who are in a state of servitude in the District of Columbia. Nor can we for a moment believe that it is a subject upon which local situation can give rise to any diversity of sentiment among Americans at large. The dictates of patriotic pride and of national consistency must have the same force with all of them.

The people of these states have cause to be distinguished for numerous occasions upon which, and that too in many instances by discarding all interested considerations they have sought the establishment of great national principles. Without advertising to the events connected with the origin of their independence, further than to say that they were founded in a regard for free principles in the abstract, more than in any practical evil under which they were suffering, we may mention the extension of the principles of free trade, the abolition of private warfare on the ocean, the denunciation of the African slave trade as piracy, &c. as propositions by which our country has endeavoured to discharge its duty in the great family of nations. From a people thus naturally disposed, what may not be expected? What circumstances of accident or temporary advantage will be able to stifle the strengthening voice of freedom and manly justice?

The friends of Abolition must indeed expect that the object can only be obtained by very gradual means, but a period no matter how distant, for the certain operation of any principle which may have the desired effect, must afford a great degree of satisfaction to every friend of equal rights and every well wisher of the reputation of his country.

This object however, cannot be obtained except perhaps at a distance of time now invisible, unless the wishes of the states with regard to it are audibly expressed. Congress have been heretofore memorialized on this subject, but as they were not guided by any expression of the wishes of their constituents, no satisfactory result was produced. But the great body of the American people never can be indifferent to a matter of this nature, and the friends of the cause of Abolition have taken measures to draw the attention of Congress once more to it.

Your memorialists therefore respectfully request your Honorable body to instruct your senators and request your representatives in Congress, to use all their effort for the passage of a law, which may have for its end the gradual abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, upon principles of justice and a regard to the rights of individuals.

Thomas Earle presented the follow report, which was read and accepted Viz.

The committee to whom was referred the consideration of the various proposed schemes for effecting the abolition of slavery and improving the condition of the African race, respectfully report:

That it has been proposed, as a preliminary to complete emancipation, to reduce slaves to the condition of the serfs of Poland and Russia, fixed to the soil, without the right on the part of the master to remove them. It appears extremely doubtful to your committee whether such a measure would in any degree accelerate entire emancipation. The proposition moreover, has not received that degree of public approbation which is necessary to justify any expectation of its speedy adoption.

Some individuals have believed it perfectly safe and judicious, to obtain, if practicable, legislative enactments for the immediate liberation of all slaves. Propositions of this nature are met by a reprobation so universal on the part of the citizens of those states where slavery exists, who have undoubtedly the best means of judging of the probable consequences, that it may be considered certain they will not be adopted. Gradual abolition is the only mode which at present appears likely to receive the public sanction.

Another proposition has been that those who are not owners of slaves should abstain from the products of slave labour, and thus by destroying the market compel emancipation. Your committee are of opinion that it would be far easier to persuade the majority of the people to pass laws for the abolition of slavery than to break off all commercial intercourse with slave holders. The more practicable measure would render the less practicable, unnecessary.

It seems probable, however, that the example of individuals who, from conscientious motives, abstain from the produce of slavery, will have its uses in exciting public attention to the nature and magnitude of the evil which leads to these instances of self-denial.

It has been strenuously urged that there is less pecuniary profit in the employment of slave labour, than in that of freemen, and that the extensive promulgation of this truth will be effective in inducing slave holders, from motives of interest, to consent to emancipation. Although this doctrine has been promulgated for several years, facts have not been adduced sufficient to carry general conviction to the minds of those interested. Unless some evidence of a more conclusive or effectual nature can be adduced, it appears that little good can be expected from the agitation of this matter.