The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921

But in whatever degree the question of immediate pecuniary profit may be unsettled, the evils of slavery in affecting the morals and happiness of society, in abridging public and private enterprize, in promoting idleness and extravagance, and in accelerating the impoverishment of land, are sufficiently capable of demonstration, and are indeed freely admitted by many slave holders. To continue to call the attention of the people to these effects, will undoubtedly be useful in the furtherance of the grand object of our aim.

The passage of laws by our state legislatures, fixing a certain period after which all shall be born free, or shall be free at a certain age, is a proposed measure which has formerly received the sanction of this Convention. It is analagous to those which have already been adopted in some of our states, and it is that by which the final extinction of slavery will probably be effected throughout our country. But it seems unlikely that those states where slaves are very numerous, will consent to the measure, until the proportion of slaves has been considerably reduced by other means. It can hardly be expected that the whites, where they are a minority, will, at any near period of time, consent to surrender political power into the hands of a race which they are accustomed to look upon as inferior and degraded, or that they will be free from apprehension of a contest for property as the probable result. History furnishes no instance of the passage of a law for abolishing slavery in a nation where the slaves at the time of its passage were nearly equal in number to the freemen. We have no evidence to justify the assumption, that mankind in future will act differently. The condition of some of our states, never-the-less, is such, that measures of this kind may with great propriety be urged, and kept constantly in view of the public.

Appeals to a sense of justice, and the dictates of religion, operating on individuals to produce voluntary emancipation, have been the chief means by which slavery has been abolished or greatly reduced, in most countries where it once extensively existed. Such were the means of the liberation of serfs in Great Britain and other European countries.423 They are those which have produced the emancipation of most of the free coloured people now existing in the United States. They are those which must be looked to, for so far diminishing the evil, as to produce that state of society in which the passage of laws for complete abolition may be obtained. But unfortunately a sense of danger, mingled with other motives or interest, has produced the enactment of laws in most of the slave holding states, prohibiting or greatly limiting the exercise of benevolent feelings in this way. The repeal of these laws must be the first or an early measure towards the completion of the great work.

It has been supposed that adequate provision of the colonization of emancipated persons in Africa, Hayti, or other foreign or domestic territory, would tend to produce the repeal of those laws, as well as of those which restrict the education of slaves, and would thus pave the way for the adoption of laws for complete emancipation. If, in this way, the number of slaves could be kept stationary, while that of the free whites should continue to increase, the relative proportions would ere long be obtained which would justify the hopes of legislative interference. The interference of legislatures does not depend so much on the number of slaves, as upon their proportion to the free inhabitants. This position is illustrated by the fact that in New York where slavery is now extinct, the number of slaves in 1820 was ten thousand and eighty-eight, while in Delaware, where no laws for emancipation have been passed, the number was only four thousand five hundred and nine.

We are informed that a conviction of the injurious effects of the presence of free blacks, is general in the slave-holding states, even perhaps among those citizens who have no property invested in slaves. We are also assured and believe that there are great numbers of persons in those states who would emancipate their slaves, if a suitable asylum abroad were provided for them; and that the number of individuals of this description is likely greatly to increase if ample means of emigration are provided.424

The question therefore arises, whether colonization to any considerable extent is practicable. The solution of this question depends, in a degree, upon the expense, and the means which there is reason to hope may be commanded. The public mind in the greater portion of our country appears more favorable to colonization than to any other proposed means of emancipation, as may be gathered from the resolutions and laws adopted by Congress, and by various State Legislatures, as well as from inquiry into the sentiments of private individuals. Consequently, if adequate colonization could be effected by the national government without materially embarrassing its operations, or requiring the imposition of new taxes upon the people, there is reason to hope for its realization. The question of expense, and practicability is, we apprehend, too often decided hastily, and without those accurate calculations which can alone justify a positive conclusion.

We will therefore state the results of some of our inquiries. The number of slaves in the United States is rather under two millions:425 and the annual increase is something less than two and a half per centum on the population of the preceding year.426 The total increase per annum, is therefore short of fifty thousand. The expense of transportation to Africa in merchant vessels will not exceed thirty dollars per head, and to Hayti from ten to fifteen dollars per head. The expense of transporting the increase, half to each of the above named countries, would therefore be from one million to one million one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars yearly. If we add two dollars per head for corn to maintain the emigrants until they can provide for themselves, the total expense will not exceed one and one fourth million of dollars per annum.

The average annual revenue of the national government may be estimated at twenty-three millions;427 and the annual expenditure exclusive of the public debt, is about twelve millions. As the public debt will be extinct in four or five years, there will shortly be a surplus revenue of about eleven millions yearly. One eighth of this sum will be sufficient for transporting the whole increase of slave population.

Again: the annual expenditure of the Naval Department of the United States, was estimated in 1827 at $4,263,877, and in 1828 at $4,420,000. This expenditure is more than treble that of the same department, at some periods of our history. Without expressing any opinion of the propriety of this expenditure, a question not proper for this Convention to decide, we may remark that rational men will readily admit that it would be wiser to reduce the expenditure one half, and abolish slavery, than to continue both the expenditure and the servitude. A reduction of one half in the naval expenditures would produce a fund of $2,200,000 per annum; a sum sufficient to transport to Africa and Hayti, ninety thousand slaves per annum, or forty thousand more than the annual increase. We offer this observation merely in illustration of the ease with which the government can command the necessary funds without any sacrifice that is not greatly overbalanced by the importance of the subject. There would, however, be no occasion for retrenching any of the present expenditures of the government.

It has been suggested that the public vessels of the nation, most of which are useless during peace, should be employed in the transportation of emancipated persons. The number of these vessels is about fifty, and the average number of persons which they could transport at a voyage, may be estimated at one thousand, although the ships of the line, of which there are twelve built and building, can transport two thousand five hundred each, at a voyage. These vessels going one half to Africa, and one half to Hayti, and the former making two and the latter four voyages per year, would transport one hundred and fifty thousand persons per annum, or three times the increase of slaves; and would at this rate extinguish slavery in twenty years. The whole increase of slaves might therefore be transported in public vessels, without interfering with other national objects, or very materially increasing the national expenses.

We will now consider the effect of transporting the increase. The present population of the slave holding states is about 5,800,000, of which above 3,800,000, are freemen; perhaps from one third to one half the free people are interested in slave property. If the increase of slaves were colonized, in about twenty-five years there would be in the slave states, seven millions of free people to two millions of free people to the above number of slaves, or a proportion of ten to one. The consequent increased ease, safety, and probability of obtaining laws for total emancipation, is manifest.

Thus the practicability of great benefit, with little sacrifice, from the aid of government in the work of emigration, is very apparent. A great recommendation of the measure arises from the fact, that it is the only efficient one which is likely to be speedily sanctioned by the people; and is the only one by which voluntary emancipation, in most of the slave holding states, can be effected.

Even if colonization should not be adopted to the extent of carrying away the whole increase, it ought still to be encouraged. It is considered a great and good work to have obtained by law, the emancipation of about fourteen or fifteen thousand persons in New York and Pennsylvania. If so, the emancipation of no more than that number, by aid of emigration to suitable countries, would also be a work worthy the united efforts of the friends of abolition.

Your committee do not look to the transportation of the whole coloured population from this country, at any period. Emancipation will be effected without it. But partial emigration may greatly aid the cause; particularly in its early stages, by preparing the way for the repeal of the laws against education and against voluntary emancipation.

Under the influence of the foregoing considerations your committee would recommend, that the friends of emancipation persevere in their efforts to convince the whole community of the pernicious effects of slavery on the morals, the enterprize, and the happiness of a people.

That they continue in temperate and conciliatory language to illustrate the inconsistency of bondage, with sound political doctrines, as well as with the obligations of justice and religion.

That they constantly endeavour to procure the repeal of those laws which restrict the education and emancipation of slaves.

That they exert themselves, particularly in the states where slaves are the least numerous, to procure the speedy passage of laws for gradual abolition.

That they endeavour to procure from the National Government the appropriation of adequate funds to aid the voluntary emigration of all emancipated people of colour, to any country where a suitable asylum may be found: and that, as an auxiliary means, they petition the state legislature for the passage of resolutions approbatory of such measure.

That they cordially aid in any just mode of promoting abolitions which is favourably received by the people, without insisting on a preference of other modes, which might be abstractedly the best, but are not likely to be generally adopted.—All of which is respectfully submitted.

On behalf of the Committee,428T. Earle, Chairman.

December 11th, 1829.

To the Citizens of the United States

The address of the Delegates from the several Societies, formed in different parts of the United States, for promoting the abolition of slavery, in Convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the first day of January, 1794.

Friends and Fellow-citizens,

United to you by the ties of citizenship, and partakers with you of the blessings of a free government, we take the liberty of addressing you upon a subject, highly interesting to the credit and prosperity of the United States.

It is the glory of our country to have originated a system of opposition to the commerce in that part of our fellow-creatures, who compose the nations of Africa.

Much has been done by the citizens of some of the states to abolish this disgraceful traffic, and to improve the condition of those unhappy people, whom the ignorance, or the avarice of our ancestors had bequeathed to us as slaves; but the evil still continues, and our country is yet disgraced by laws and practices, which level the creature man with a part of the brute creation.

Many reasons concur in persuading us to abolish domestic slavery in our country.

It is inconsistent with the safety of the liberties of the United States.

Freedom and slavery cannot long exist together. An unlimited power over the time, labour, and posterity of our fellow-creatures, necessarily unfits men for discharging the public and private duties of citizens of a republic.

It is inconsistent with sound policy; in exposing the states which permit it, to all those evils which insurrections, and the most resentful war have introduced into one of the richest islands in the West-Indies.

It is unfriendly to the present exertions of the inhabitants of Europe, in favour of liberty. What people will advocate freedom, with a zeal proportioned to its blessings, while they view the purest republic in the world tolerating in its bosom a body of slaves?

In vain has the tyranny of kings been rejected, while we permit in our country a domestic despotism, which involves, in its nature, most of the vices and miseries that we have endeavoured to avoid.

It is degrading to our rank as men in the scale of being. Let us use our reason and social affections for the purposes for which they were given, or cease to boast a preeminence over animals, that are unpolluted with our crimes.

But higher motives to justice and humanity towards our fellow-creatures remain yet to be mentioned.

Domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of Christianity. It prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. It is rebellion against the authority of a common FATHER. It is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common SAVIOUR. It is an usurpation of the prerogative of the GREAT SOVEREIGN of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men.

But if this view of the enormity of the evil of domestic slavery should not affect us, there is one consideration more which ought to alarm and impress us, especially at the present juncture.

It is a violation of a divine precept of universal justice, which has, in no instance, escaped with impunity.

The crimes of nations, as well as of individuals, are often designated in their punishment; and we conceive it to be no forced construction, of some of the calamities which now distress or impend our country, to believe that they are the measure of evils, which we have meted to others.

The ravages committed upon many of our fellow-citizens by the Indians, and the depredations upon the liberty and commerce of others of the citizens of the United States by the Algerines, both unite in proclaiming to us, in the most forcible language, "to loose the bands of wickedness, to break every yoke, to undo heavy burthens, and to let the oppressed go free."

We shall conclude this address by recommending to you,

First, To refrain immediately from that species of rapine and murder which has improperly been softened with the name of the African trade. It is Indian cruelty, and Algerine piracy, in another form.

Secondly, To form Societies, in every state, for the purpose of promoting the abolition of the slave-trade, of domestic slavery, the relief of persons unlawfully held in bondage, and for the improvement of the condition of Africans, and their descendants amongst us.

The Societies, which we represent, have beheld, with triumph, the success of their exertions, in many instances, in favour of their African brethren; and, in a full reliance upon the continuance of divine support and direction, they humbly hope, their labours will never cease, while there exists a single slave in the United States.429

To the Citizens of the United States

Friends and Fellow Citizens,

Various Societies having been formed, in different parts of the Union, for the purpose of promoting the Abolition of Slavery, they have several times met in convention to deliberate on the best means of furthering the humane work they have undertaken.—We, the seventh association of Delegates from these bodies, now convened in the city of Philadelphia, appealing to the Searcher of hearts for the rectitude of our intentions, believe it our duty to address you with a few remarks, to which we solicit your candid consideration and attention. Believing as we do, that the benevolent Author of nature has made no essential distinction in the human race, and that all the individuals of the great family of mankind have a common claim upon the general fund of natural bounties, we have never hesitated to avow the objects of our institutions, now the honest means by which we hope for their ultimate attainment. Yet we are sensible that many of our fellow citizens have laboured under mistaken impressions on both these points, and have ascribed to us views as inconsistent with the policy of our country, as with our real prospects. It is true we contemplate the deliverance from slavery of all the blacks and people of color in these states, sooner or later, by such means as your humanity, and the wisdom of our rulers may suggest; and though we think the existing laws of some of the states unnecessarily severe; yet we pointedly disavow any wish to contravene them, while they remain in force, or to hazard the peace and safety of the community by the adoption of ill advised and precipitate measures.

In common with the rest of our fellow citizens, we sincerely deplore the late attempts at insurrection by some of the slaves of the southern states, and participate in the dreadful sensations the inhabitants in their vicinity must have felt on so awful an occasion. It is fervently to be hoped that they may induce a weighty consideration of the source of the evil, and of the best means of its future prevention. We are convinced, that so long as a relation subsists between cause and effect, and the present policy of those states is pursued, so long the deprecated calamity is to be dreaded; and while we all revolt with horror from the anticipation of an organization on the part of the slaves, we conceive there is a certain state of degradation and misery to which they may be reduced, a certain point of desperation to which the human mind may be brought, and beyond which it cannot be driven.—If then the premonitory signs of this crisis have appeared, if a recurrence of the desperate feelings which gave birth to the design is to be so awfully dreaded, ought not the attention of every humane mind to be exerted in devising adequate means for averting so enormous a danger? We advance with confidence our firm belief, a belief founded on mature reflection, that to be effectual they must be in many respects different from those which have heretofore been adopted. An amelioration of the present situation of the slaves, and the adoption of a system of gradual emancipation, while it would tend to remove the charge of inconsistency, between the constitutional declaration, and the legal provisions of some of the states; would also be an effectual security against revolt. If the severity of their treatment were lessened, and the hope of freedom for them or their posterity were held forth as the reward of good behaviour, the slaves would be bound by personal interest to be civil, orderly, and industrious. It has been argued, that they are not qualified to enjoy the blessings of freedom, even under a gradual emancipation: but are they not rational creatures, and why will not the same method which have civilized others, in the course of time also civilize them? A principal mean of effecting this purpose, would be to instruct them in the duties and obligations of religion, morality, and social justice. We find that the cultivated inhabitants of different countries and even the individuals of the same country, have very different ideas on these subjects. Is it therefore to be wondered at that the poor illiterate blacks, who are so little instructed in the principles of Christianity, and strangers to the refined sentiments which result from education; is it, we ask, to be wondered at, that they are susceptible of error and delusion?

Fellow citizens of the southern states! we invite your calm and dispassionate attention to the subject; and, with the aid of that Being to whom we must look for instruction in this, as in all our other undertakings, we firmly trust that you will be enabled to devise such measures as may terminate in your own peace, and security, and the benefit of that unfortunate race whose miseries excite our sympathy, and the improvement of whose situation is the object of our anxious solicitude and care.

Another subject that required general attention, is the inhuman crime of kidnapping, which, in some parts of our country, has recently increased to an alarming degree. The friends of liberty view with horror the perpetuation of this abominable practice, and the holders of slaves have no security for them, as property, during its continuance. There is therefore a common interest in the removal of the grievance; and we confidently look for the assistance of the humane of all descriptions in detecting and bringing to punishment, these shameless violations of the rights of their fellow-men.

It is also a lamentable fact, that notwithstanding the general repugnance of all well disposed citizens to any further importation of Africans into this country, or concern in the infamous commerce in the persons of our fellow creatures, notwithstanding the prohibitions of the laws of most of the states on this subject, and the strict instructions of those of the general government, upwards of two hundred vessels, belonging to our own citizens, are employed in the purchase and transportation of slaves from Africa to the West-Indies, and the southern parts of this country.

The rage for this traffic is so far extended by avarice, that many persons have risqued their all in its pursuit; and it seems that nothing can stop the cruel and disgraceful enormities which are thus committed, in violation of the dictates of humanity, and the laws and policy of our country, but a more general activity and exertion on the part of good citizens, in the discovery and prosecution of the offenders. So large a number of vessels are fitted out for this trade, and sent to the coast of Africa from the eastern states, that we are induced earnestly to call on our brethren of those parts, to aid in its suppression; and surely as they have done away the evil of personal slavery among themselves, they cannot want inducements to enforce the laws against such of their citizens as set them at defiance, by pursuing a prohibited commerce, as shocking to the feelings of every benevolent mind, as it is offensive in the eyes of the Almighty Ruler of the universe.

Finally, fellow citizens! as you value your own peace and that of your families; the quiet and security of our country; the obligations of our holy religion; and the favor of an over ruling Providence; let us entreat you to enter into the consideration of the subjects now submitted to you. Assist in mitigating the present ills of personal slavery, by an amelioration of the situation of slaves; lay the foundation for an eventual extinction of the mighty evil throughout our land; commence a determined opposition to the wicked infractions of justice and the laws of our country; and may the Divine blessing attend you, in every attempt that you may be encouraged to make, for the good of your fellow men.430

CIRCULAR ADDRESSTo the Abolition and Manumission Societies in the UnitedStates of America

At the close of the session of 1821, the American Convention deem it proper to address you on the important subjects which have occupied our attention.

In reviewing the labours of Abolition Societies in this country, we find much reason for congratulation. The cause of truth and humanity has regularly advanced, in the minds of an enlightened community; and nothing but perseverance, in presenting this subject to the public in its appropriate simplicity, is requisite to promote its triumphant march over the prejudice, hostility, and opposition of its enemies. To the perseverance of its advocates alone, may be imputed the great change in the public opinion, in favour of the Abolition of Slavery, that has already been effected in the Northern, Middle, and some of the Western States: and we confidently hope, that this will ultimately produce a similar change in the South. We therefore trust, that you will never relax your efforts to promote the emancipation of slaves, till every human being in the United States, shall equally enjoy all the blessings of our free constitution.