The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921

IX. To establish periodical discourses on the subject of slavery and the means of its abolition.

Connecticut. No information this year—there have been seven or eight discourses delivered before the society, the greater part of which have been printed and circulated extensively.

New-York. The first annual discourse delivered before this society the twelfth of April, 1797.

Pennsylvania. Not deemed necessary in this state, where the general sentiments of the people are, in a great degree, congenial with those of the society.

Maryland. Complied with.

Rhode-Island, New-Jersey, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chestertown, Choptank, Alexandria, Virginia, Winchester, and Kentucky Societies transmitted no information on the subject.

X. To keep accurate registers of all deeds of manumission executed within the precincts of each society.

New-York. Attended to by this society from the first, so far as depended on itself.

Pennsylvania. A register of manumissions kept by the acting committee.

Maryland at Baltimore, and Choptank. The society preserve a register—and all manumissions are matter of record in the county courts.

Alexandria. A register is kept by the society, manumissions are recorded in the court of Common Pleas.

Virginia. Deeds of emancipation are recorded in the county courts.

From Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chester-town, Winchester and Kentucky societies—no information.

XI. To distribute suitable publications tending to promote the design of the institutions.

New-York. Attended to partially.

New-Jersey. Attended to generally.

Pennsylvania. Faithfully attended to.

Alexandria. Attended to, and a new publication is soon to be made on the subject of slavery.

From Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Maryland, Chester-town, Choptank, Virginia, Winchester, and Kentucky societies—no information.

XII. To endeavour to free negroes from St. Domingo retained here as slaves, contrary to the decree of the National Convention of France.

Pennsylvania. Acted on as cases have occurred—from the other societies—no information.

XIII. To discourage the use of articles manufactured by slaves.

No particular measures on this subject are represented as being adopted by any of the societies.

XIV. To distribute the address to the free people of color from the convention of 1796.

New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Alexandria societies,—done.

Choptank society. Not received till late by this society.

Virginia society. Done in part.

From Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chester-town, Winchester, and Kentucky societies—no information.

XV. To send copies of the constitutions of the respective societies.

Connecticut. Sent.

New-York. Sent the original in 1796, and the revised one in 1797.

New-Jersey. Sent in 1796.

Pennsylvania. ditto.

Wilmington. ditto.

Maryland. ditto.

Alexandria. Sent in 1797.

Virginia. Sent in 1796.

Rhode-Island, Washington, Delaware, Chester-town, Choptank, Winchester, and Kentucky societies sent none.410

A PLAN FOR THE GENERAL EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness that to secure these rights, governments were instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." (Declaration of Independence.)

These self-evident truths, thus solemnly promulgated, and always admitted in theory; at least in relation to ourselves; are well-known to be partially denied or disregarded, in most sections of the union, in relation to the descendents of the African race. That a nation professing the justice of its laws, should contain a population, amounting to nearly one-seventh of the whole, who know little of the operation of those laws, except as instruments of oppression, is one of those political phenomena, which prove how little the patriot's boast, or the creator's declamation is guided by the light of truth.

It must be admitted that it would neither be politic nor safe, for the present system of slavery in the United Sates to be long continued, without providing some wise and certain means of eventual emancipation.

Slavery with its present degrading characteristics, is a state of actual hostility between master and slave, in which "a revolution of the wheel of fortune, in exchange of situation, is among possible events; and this may become probably by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take part with us in such a contest."—Jefferson.

It is a truth generally acknowledged, that Slavery is an evil, not only by those whom principle, or education have taught to proscribe the practice, but by men of reflection, even in the very vortex of slavery. To condemn then, what few, if any, will presume to defend is rendered unnecessary; and the ingenuity of the philanthropist would be more judiciously exercised in devising a practicable remedy for this deep-rooted disease, than in heaping reproaches upon these, who, by the conduct of their ancestors, are placed in the condition of masters of slaves. Few of those who from their childhood, have been placed in situations far removed from the scenes which slavery exhibits, can fully appreciate the difficulties, the vexations, and the anxieties, incident to the life of a slaveholder. To devise a plan, then, by which the condition, both of the master and slave may be meliorated, is a desideratum in the policy of this country:—A plan which will promote the immediate interest of the master, in the same ratio, that the slave is made to rise in the scale of moral and intellectual improvement; and which will eventuate in the ultimate enfranchisement of the long injured and degraded descendants of Africa. The evils of slavery being generally acknowledged, and its impolicy fully evinced, the important question which remains to be solved, will naturally present itself: What are the means by which this evil is to be removed, consistently with the safety of the master, and the happiness of the slave? Perhaps to some, this question, considered on the ground of absolute justice, may appear of easy solution: Immediate, universal emancipation.

But however pleasing the prospect may be to the philanthropist, of getting clear of one of the evils of slavery, yet a full examination of local circumstances, must convince us that this would be, to cut, rather than untie the Gordian knot.

Reformation on a large scale, is commonly slow. Habits long established, are not easily and suddenly changed. But were it possible to induce the inhabitants of the slaveholding states, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and to let loose at once the whole tide of black population, it may reasonably be questioned whether such a measure would not produce as much evil as it would cure. Besides, such a measure, if it were practicable, would fall short of simple justice. We owe to that injured race, an immense debt, which the liberation of their bodies alone would not liquidate. It has been the policy of the slaveholder to keep the man whom he has doomed to interminable servitude, in the lowest state of mental degradation: to withhold from him as much as possible the means of improving the talents which nature has given him. In short, to reduce him as near to the condition of a machine as a rational being could be. Every inducement—every excitement, to the exertion and development of native talent and genius, is wanting in the slave.—Hence, to throw such a being, thus degraded, thus brutalized, upon society, and then expect him to exercise those rights which are the birthright of every son and daughter of Adam, with advantage to himself, or to the community upon which he is thrown, is to suppose that the laws established for the government of universal nature, should in this case be changed. As well might we expect a man to be born in the full maturity of his mental faculties, or an infant to run before it had learned the use of its limbs.

A plan, then, for universal emancipation, to be practicable, must be gradual. The slave must be made to pass through a state of pupilage and monority, to fit him for the enjoyment and exercise of rational liberty.

"If then the extremes of emancipation, and perpetual, unlimited slavery be dangerous," and impolitic, "the safe and advisable measure must be between them." And this brings us again the question, How can we get clear of the evils of slavery, with safety to the master, and advantage to the slave? For the solution of this difficult problem, the following outlines of a plan for a gradual, but general and universal emancipation is proposed. Let the slaves be attached to the soil,—give them an interest in the land they cultivate. Place them in the same situation as their masters, as the peasantry of Russia, in relation to their landlords. Let wise and salutary laws be enacted, in the several slave holding states, for their general government. These laws should provide for the means of extending to the children of every slave, the benefits of school learning. The practice of arbitrary punishment for the most trivial offences, should be abolished.

An important step towards the accomplishment of this plan, would be, to prohibit by law the migration, or transportation of slaves from one state to another:—and also to provide, that no slave should be sold, out of the county, or town in which his master resides, without his own consent. Provision should then be made for the introduction of a system of general instruction on each farm or plantation; each slave who has a family should be furnished with a hut, and a portion of land to cultivate for his own use; for which he would pay to the landlord an annual rent. For each day he was employed by the master or landlord, he should be allowed a stipulated price: out of the proceeds of his stipulated wages, those things necessary for his comfortable maintenance, should be deducted; if furnished by the master.

The time given him to cultivate his allotment of ground should be deducted from his annual hire. A wise and equitable system of laws, adapted to the condition of blacks, should be established for their government. Then a character would be formed among them; acts of diligence and fidelity would meet their appropriate reward, and negligence and crime would be followed by their merited chastisement. The execution of this plan, in its fullest extent, would be followed by increased profits to the landholder.

It would be productive of incalculable advantage to the slave, both in his civil, and moral condition:—And thus the interest of the master, and the melioration of the condition of the slave, would be gradually and reciprocally advanced in the progress of this experiment. Although legislative provisions would greatly facilitate the adoption of this plan, it is not necessary for individuals to wait the movement of government. Any one may introduce it on his own plantation, and reap many of its most important advantages.

The plan now proposed is not new. It is not a Utopian and visionary theory, unsupported by experience. It has been successfully tried in the Island of Barbadoes, by the late Joshua Steele; and the result exceeded his most sanguine expectations. "The first principles, of his plan," says Mr. Dickson, "are the plain ones, of treating the slaves as human creatures: moving them to action by the hope of reward, as well as the fear of punishment: giving them out of their own labours, wages and land, sufficient to afford them the plainest necessaries:—And protecting them against the capricious violence, too often of ignorant, unthinking, or unprincipled, and perhaps drunken men and boys, invested with arbitrary powers, as their managers, and 'drivers.' His plan is founded in nature, and has nothing in it of rash innovation. It does not hurry forward a new order of things;—it recommends no fine projects of ticklish experiments; but, by a few safe and easy steps, and a few simple applications of English law, opens the way for the gradual introduction of a better system." "To advance above three hundred debased field Negroes, who had never before moved without the whip, to a state nearly resembling that of contented, honest and industrious servants; and after paying them for their labour, to triple, in a few years, the annual net clearance of his estates—these were great achievements, for an aged man, in an untried field of improvement, preoccupied by inveterate vulgar prejudices. He has indeed accomplished all that was really doubtful or difficult in the undertaking; and perhaps all that is at present desirable, either to owner or slave. For he has ascertained as a fact, what was before only known to the learned as a theory, and to practical men as a paradox:—that the paying of slaves for their labour, does actually produce a very great profit to their owners."411

To the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African Race

The Committee appointed to take into consideration the subject of the Internal Slave Trade, and report such facts as they may deem suitable for publication, in relation to it,

Respectfully Report—That they consider the subject as one of the greatest magnitude and importance that can gain the attention of this Convention. That such a trade should be permitted to be practised by the Laws of the United States of America, is a matter of the deepest regret, and can only be reconciled by a consideration of the frailty of all human institutions. From the short time afforded the Committee they have been unable as fully to consider the subject as they desired, but from the enquiry they have been able to make, the following appears to be at present the principal markets for the sale of human beings in the United States, viz. the Territories of Florida and Arkansas, the states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana; these states and territories are supplied with their victims of oppression and cruelty, from the states of Delaware, Maryland, the District of Columbia, Eastern and Northern parts of Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee. The principal depots where men, women, and children are collected, frequently kept in irons and exhibited for sale are—Patty Cannon's house, situated on the confines of Delaware and Maryland; a large establishment in the city of Baltimore; the Jail of Baltimore County; one at Saddler's Cross Roads, and the Jail in the city of Washington a public tavern in the same place, and several places in the town of Alexandria; and in most of the towns of Virginia, and in the city of Charleston, S. C. In addition to the evils of legalized Slavery, we may add, as growing out of the trade, acts of kidnapping not less cruel than those committed on the Coast of Africa. Individuals are well known, who have made a business of decoying free people of Color on board their vessels, and of selling them for Slaves; two instances came particularly under observation in one of our principal sea ports, (and we believe they are numerous in other places,) one a boy of about 12 years of age, was decoyed on board a vessel and taken to one of the above places of deposite, from thence sent in their chain of communication to the home of the purchaser. Another instance occurred by the next trip of the vessel, of a woman being taken in the same manner, who on attempting to leave the cabin was knocked down, gagged, and severely whipped, to intimidate, and make her acknowledge herself a slave. She was taken to the same place of deposite, but apprehending it was to be searched, they removed her with two others, free persons, (one of them stolen within twelve miles of the place,) to the woods, where they were chained, with but little clothing, and exposed day and night in the open air; one of the persons so confined released himself from the tree to which he was attached and with an axe extricated the others. The woman above alluded to has since arrived and gave the information, and in addition says, they have pits to conceal their captives when close pursuit is apprehended, which they cover with earth and leaves. It may be asked, as the persons are known, why not bring them to justice? We may reply, that notwithstanding we could bring some of the persons last alluded to, to identify their kidnappers, yet their evidence, on account of their color, is not allowed to be received in the Courts of Slaveholding States. Many other instances have occured: and many instances of persons who were entitled to their freedom after serving a limited time, being sold into irredeemable Slavery in other states are deplorably numerous; the covert manner of doing which is generally such as to elude detection. It is suggested whether Legislative enactments requiring that persons so situated, should be required to be registered every time they change masters would not obviate in some measure this evil—humane persons could then trace individuals so circumstanced, and bring offenders to justice:—all which is respectfully submitted.

Some of your Committee have been the unwilling witnesses of gangs of men, women and children, being driven off in chains from some of the above places to be sold like cattle. The shrieks and groans of the wretched victims, would have melted any heart but that of a Slave Trader, steeled by avarice or petrified by cruelty: and as if in utter defiance of the laws of God and man:—the Sabbath is the day generally chosen for receiving and sending off the unfortunate objects of their cupidity and so blunted has public opinion become from the long existence of this unhallowed traffic, that individuals in the city of Alexandria, publicly advertise their having prepared their prisons and furnished themselves with every accommodation for selling men, women, and innocent children, to any purchaser.

The number transported by sea from the single port of Baltimore by a noted trader of that place is believed to exceed several hundreds per annum. How long, may we ask, is our land to be polluted with such abominations? Is there no fear of the awful vengeance of him who has declared, "Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bonds of wickedness, and that ye let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" If cruelty to the Israelites, (and their acts of oppression was mildness, in comparison with ours,) what may we not expect, we who have received the blessings of divine revelation, who proclaim the goodness of God, in having freed us from the political bondage of Great Britain.

Respectfully submitted, on behalf of the Committee,

—Thomas Shipley, Chairman.412

To the American Convention, &c.

The Committee appointed at the last Convention to procure information of the cultivation of Sugar, Cotton, &c. by free labor, &c.

Respectfully Report—That they have given some attention to the subject of their appointment, but have not been as successful as could have been desired. They have been enabled to procure some general information, relative to the production of sugar and cotton by the labor of emancipated slaves, and other free persons of color, in the West Indian Islands and on the American Continent; but have not had it in their power to obtain such particulars concerning it as will shew the extent of the pecuniary advantages which this mode of proceeding undoubtedly possesses over that of cultivating the land by slave labor.

We are credibly informed that the article of sugar is now produced by free labor, in two or more of the West Indian Islands, of a quality fully equal to that of any other, and is, also, brought into the market upon quite as favourable terms. Coffee is also produced in abundance in the island of Hayti, and some parts of South America, by free labor. These productions, unstained by slavery, may now be had in the cities of New York and Philadelphia, and likewise at Wilmington in Delaware.

In the Territory of Florida, we learn, that a company, composed principally of citizens of the United States, have purchased a large tract of land, with the view of cultivating the sugar cane and other tropical productions, by the labor of free men. Samples of the sugar made by this company have been shewn to some of the members of your committee, and have been pronounced to be of a good quality. In Louisiana, likewise, we are informed that sundry persons are engaged in producing sugar in the same way, but we have not ascertained to what extent they have carried their experiments.

Sundry cotton planters in the states of North Carolina and Alabama, have, for several years cultivated their lands by free hands. They have disposed of considerable quantities of cotton in New York and New England, and we are informed appear well satisfied to continue the practice of employing free laborers to the total exclusion of that of slaves.

A gentleman in Rhode Island has manufactured some of this cotton separately into coarse muslins, which may also be had as above stated. A few of the citizens of Pennsylvania and Delaware, have likewise purchased some of this cotton, and manufactured it into calicoes and other fabrics. We presume, however, that this has not been done to any considerable extent; neither have we ascertained the degree of encouragement held out to those engaged in the enterprise.

The article of tobacco, has, for some years, been successfully cultivated in the state of Ohio, where it is known that slavery does not exist; and we learn that it can be afforded in the Baltimore market at a lower price than that produced in the state of Maryland, by the labor of Slaves, after defraying the expenses of transportation some hundreds of miles further than the latter. But we are informed that even in the Province of Upper Canada, sundry colored persons from Kentucky, have made a settlement, and have raised large quantities of this article which has been disposed of to advantage in some of our Atlantic ports.

But the most particular account your committee have obtained respecting the experiment of free, contrasted with slave labor, has been obtained from Ward's Mexico, a work lately published in London. The author was an Envoy of the British Government, and the most entire reliance may be placed on his statement, which, as in every other fair experiment completely proves the advantages of cultivation by freemen. It appears, from his account, that the experiment was tried in consequence of the difficulty of procuring slaves during the war, and the great mortality which always took place on the first introduction of the slaves, from a change of climate. Being desirous to produce a race of free laborers, a large number of slaves were manumitted and encouraged to intermarry with the native Indians, which they soon did to a great extent, and so beneficial was the plan found to the master's interest, that in the year 1808 on most of the largest estates, there was not a slave to be found. From a personal inspection the author above alluded to declares that their tasks were performed with great precision and rapidity, (vol. 1, p. 67, 68.). A most important improvement appears also to have taken place; the whip being banished from the field and the females released from the field labor. From 360 to 450 tons of sugar are produced by 150 free laborers, while in Cuba, where the soil is superior in fertility the same number produce but 180 tons.

Should the Convention think proper the committee are willing to continue the further investigation of the subject.

Respectfully submitted,B. Lundy, Chairman.413

To The American Convention,—The committee appointed to procure information in relation to the culture of sugar, cotton, &c. on this continent by free labor.,

Respectfully State—That owing to the inadequacy of the means to make the requisite investigations, your committee has not been able since the last session of the Convention to acquire much information of any farther general facts. The following notice of the cultivation of sugar in Mexico, to which your committee then briefly advertised has been obtained through the medium of the London Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter for August, 1829. It is an extract of a letter from Mr. Ward, Mexican Envoy of the British Government to the Right Honourable George Canning, viz.