The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921

William Renwick Riddell.

Osgoode Hall,

Toronto, March 24, 1921.

DOCUMENTS

From the Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies may be obtained valuable information in the form of the reports as to slavery, the appeal of the anti-slavery groups to Congress, and their addresses to the citizens of the United States. There is unconsciously given in these documents most interesting facts as to what the Negro was doing and what was being done for him. The important documents falling within these three groups follow.

The Report of the Committee on the State of Slavery in the United States, being again considered, was amended and adopted as follows.

To the American Convention for the Abolition of Slavery, Ec.

The committee appointed (at the last session of the Convention) on the state of slavery in the United States, beg leave to report as follows:

Your committee were rather at a loss to perceive the precise design of the Convention, in the appointment of a committee on the state of slavery in the United States. But have thought proper to review the subject; first with reference to its progress; secondly in reference to the situation or treatment of slaves; and thirdly in reference to the prospect of its diminution or final removal.

First. In reference to the progress of slavery in the United States, your committee find that at the time of the first census under the Constitution in 1790, there were 694,280 slaves in the Union. These were with the exception of about 40,000, confined to a surface of about 212,000 square miles. In 1800, the number was 889,118 on a surface of 289,000 square miles or nearly so! In 1810, the number was increased to 1,191,364 and covered an extent of territory of about 431,000 square miles! At the time of the last census in 1820, the slaves in the United States and territories amounted to 1,538,178, and your committee have good reason to believe that the number at the present time or at the census of 1830, will be found to be about two millions, occupying a territory including Arkansas, of nearly 600,000 square miles!!

Your committee have been surprised at the result of their own enquiries, for they had fondly hoped that the dreadful evil was if not diminishing, at least advancing with less rapidity. From various estimates, on which your committee place much reliance, they are confirmed in the opinion, that the increase (independent of clandestine importations) must amount at the present time to at least near 50,000 per annum.

As this increase like that of population generally, is in its nature, a geometrical progression, it must continue to augment, as long as subsistence can be obtained. This view of the subject is truly alarming; but when we consider the extent of territory which is overspread by this foul blot on the map of our beloved country, the heart sickens at the prospect.

To behold 600,000 square miles of the best land in North America, teeming with slaves,—a surface greater, than that of many European kingdoms, held too by men who are constantly boasting of their love of liberty; sending up daily to Heaven, the sighs and groans of millions of broken hearts, while the sweat and tears and even the blood of thousands moisten its soil, must excite deep emotion in every breast, not dead to those feelings which become the patriot, or animate the Christian. But furthermore your committee are of opinion that if the scheme, of adding a large portion of Mexican territory, to our south-western border, should be consummated, the price of slaves will be so enhanced and the facilities of smuggling so much increased, that the African slave trade will be greatly augmented, as well as the practice of kidnapping in the more eastern parts of our own country. So that upon the whole, your committee are of opinion, that slavery is fearfully on the increase, and that every effort is making, by many of those interested in its continuance, to multiply its victims and extend its influence. This state of things calls loudly on every friend of his country, on every friend of man, to use every effort in his power, to arrest the torrent of misery and crime.

Secondly. On the treatment of slaves,—your committee have long indulged an opinion which they believe is common with their fellow-citizens, that slaves in this country are somewhat better treated than formerly. This opinion seems to prevail to an extent which your committee fear, is not sustained by facts. A writer in Niles's Register for 1818, says, speaking on this subject, "The favourable change which has occurred in the treatment of negro slaves in this state (Maryland) since the revolution, must be to every benevolent mind a source of very agreeable reflections, our oldest citizens well remember when it was very customary to inflict on the manacled and naked person of the slave, the most intolerable punishments for very trivial offences. Within the last twenty years it has been the practice to muster all the slaves on a farm once a week, and distribute to each his peck of corn, leaving him to walk several miles, to some neighbours hand mill, to grind it himself, under cover of night, when exhausted nature called for rest from the labours of the day; in many cases they received not an atom of animal food, and their usual bedding was a plank, or by particular kindness a single blanket."

The above writer does not specify any particulars in which the improvement spoken of is apparent, but we think all will admit that a very considerable improvement might be accomplished, and yet the treatment might be such as could not be called good. He adds however that "much remains to be done, which the obligation of humanity require."

Your committee are of opinion, that in consequence of what has been written, spoken, and done by the friends of abolition, much light has been diffused through the community even in the slave holding states, and many masters restrained by the force of public opinion, thus enlightened, have abstained from cruelties which they would otherwise have inflicted; yet we cannot but believe, that very much anguish of heart, and exquisite sufferings of body are endured by this unhappy race, even in Maryland: (and we believe they are used as well here, as in any other part of our country.)

The multitudes that are annually sold to the southern markets, by which parents and children are violently separated, and all the ties of consanguinity rent asunder, if no other indication of bad treatment were discovered; would itself speak volumes.

The treatment of slaves may be estimated with some degree of accuracy by the laws which are in force respecting them. The laws of the land are always understood to be intended for the protection of the subject, but with respect to negro slaves (in the slave states) they have an effect directly the reverse. So far from securing him in the enjoyment of happiness, his very life is placed at the mercy of any white man, (especially of his master or overseer) who may take the opportunity to kill him in the absence of any other free white person. Resistance to the will of the master, may be punished with stripes, and if the resistance amount to striking, may be punished by imprisonment and whipping; and for a third offence the slave may suffer death! It will be perceived that by the operation of those laws, a virtuous female slave, may suffer death for defending her chastity against the ruffian assaults of a debauchee. The manner in which those laws are administered in some of the states, frequently occasions great outrages upon the common charities of our nature. The discretion rested in a court of two or three freeholders, or a single magistrate, over the persons of the accused is often exercised with great severity. In Stroud's Slave Laws, we have an account of the burning to death of a negro woman, under a law of South Carolina, so late as 1820. (See page 124, in the note.)

It appears also that the mental improvement of the slave is a thing generally deprecated by the master, and in some cases provided against by law. (See Niles's Register, April 21, 1821.)

How deplorable must be the state of that community, which supposed its safety to depend on keeping one half of its members totally ignorant, and not even able to read the Holy Scripture.

How contrary to the nature of man? how offensive in the sight of that God who "has made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth!"

It furthermore appears that in transporting slaves from one part of the nation to another, either in the domestic slave trade or in large bodies by removals of planters, &c. they are usually chained and handcuffed, or otherwise manacled, like the vilest criminals, &c. &c.

In considering the treatment of slaves, your committee deem it necessary to notice the amount and quality of labour required of them. In some cases this is known to be extremely severe, and attended with many aggravating circumstances. Such as scarcity of supplies which are sometimes insufficient, and frequently of very inferior quality: exposure to disease, and want of proper attention in the incipient states of sickness. The cultivation of rice one of the great staples of the Carolinas, is an instance to illustrate this point. Mr. Adams in his Geography says, "the cultivation is wholly by negroes. No work can be imagined more laborious or more prejudicial to health. They are obliged to stand in water often times mid-leg high, exposed to the scorching heat of the sun, and breathing an atmosphere poisoned by the unwholesome effluvia of an oozy bottom and stagnant water."

It appears therefore, that in the treatment of slaves in general, as well as in the legal provisions respecting them, the interest, convenience, security and inclinations of the master, constitute the only object in view; the comfort or even safety or health of the slave makes no part of the consideration, any further than it is supposed, to promote one or the other of the former. Finally after taking a rapid view of this part of the subject, your committee are led to doubt whether the evils of slavery are materially lessened in certain portions of our beloved country, notwithstanding all that has been done in favour of manumission, colonization and abolition of the slave trade, &c. &c. and what it might have been at this time, if no efforts had been made to arrest its progress, is beyond human wisdom to determine.

Thirdly, In reference to the diminution or the final extinction of slavery in the Union, your committee remark, that it seems to be the expectation of all, that it must at some period cease to exist, an evil so tremendous—a practice so completely at war with all the principles of justice, mercy and truth, so repugnant to all the best feelings of human nature, and fraught with such fearful consequences to society; cannot but excite in every reflecting mind a strong desire that it should be removed. In view of the divine government, which rules all with justice and righteousness, the human mind is naturally led to expect that such oppression and cruelty must have an end.

But how this revolution in society is to be brought about, perhaps no human foresight can yet divine. If our slave holding fellow citizens could be induced to establish schools for the instruction of the rising generation among the blacks, and thus qualify them for self government, which every principle of equity requires they should do, and to teach them by precept and example the importance of moral obligation; one of the greatest obstacles would be removed. If they would introduce among them a sacred regard for the social duties, arising from marriage, and from the relations subsisting between parents and children; they might with perfect safety and great advantage to the state, be emancipated. A few years of effort of this kind, would form a class of men from whom the nation would not only have nothing to fear; but on whom she could safely rely for aid in her greatest emergency. In their present condition of abject slavery what can be expected of them, but that they should lay hold on every apparent opportunity, of regaining their freedom, and ever retorting on the masters the evils they have suffered?

Facts uniformly sustain this position; what multitudes of slaves joined the enemy during his temporary invasions of our southern coasts in the late war, notwithstanding all the efforts of the whites to prevent it? While on the contrary none were found more efficient in repelling his attacks than the free blacks of the south. Such was their zeal and valour in defence of Louisiana, that General Jackson, the present Chief Magistrate of the Union; bestowed on them the following eulogium.

"To the Men of Colour."

"Soldiers! From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms; I invited you to share in the perils, and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you formidable to an invading enemy. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war.—I knew that you loved the land of your nativity! and that like ourselves you had to defend all that is dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I found in you united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds." In a subsequent communication, the General in numerating the officers whose commands had distinguished themselves, makes honourable mention of the one who led these troops in the different actions of that memorable campaign. There are many circumstances which encourage the hope, that the time is drawing nigh when the African race shall enjoy the sweets of liberty. Their successful attempt at self government in St. Domingo, under so many disadvantages, the abolition of slavery in several of the South American provinces, and recently in Mexico, and the efforts of the British nation in their behalf, together with many other co-operating causes seem to indicate the interposition of Divine Providence in favour of the oppressed. In his Almighty hand, the most inefficient causes sometimes produce the most astonishing effects, and often the very means made use of to rivet the chains of oppression are so overruled by Him as to burst the bonds they were designed to perpetuate. We may therefore rest assured that He will in his own good time crown our labours with complete success, by bringing deliverance to the captive "and the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound." In the mean time let every friend of the cause remember that he has a duty to perform. Let the result be what it may, he is equally bound to oppose as far as possible, the growing evil.

It becomes us therefore to enquire how this may most effectually be done. Our opposition should be peaceable but firm. It should be the opposition of brothers not of enemies, it may be shewn by acts of kindness and forbearance, but it must be opposition and it must be shown. It may exhibit itself in peaceable efforts to protect the rights of free blacks, and instructing their offspring, or it may be shown by rational attempts to enlighten the public mind on the subject, or in encouragement of those publications that are so employed; or by memorials to congress and the state legislature, &c. &c.

Our means of considerable efficiency for exciting the public mind to the consideration of the injustice and impolicy of slavery, may probably be found in the persevering efforts now making on the part of many friends of abolition to encourage the creation and consumption of the products of free labour.

We cannot withhold the tribute of our respect and admiration from those patriotic females, who have associated for this purpose both in England and America, and heartily, recommend their example, as one worthy of universal imitation.409

Wm. Kesley, Chairman.A Table shewing the recommendations and requisitionsof the Convention of 1796, and of former Conventions,and how far they have hithertobeen complied with by each Society

I. To send delegates to a Convention to meet at Philadelphia in May, 1797.

Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington (Pennsylvania,) Wilmington, (Delaware,) Delaware, Chester-town (Maryland,) Winchester, (Virginia) and Kentucky societies sent none.

II. To transmit certified copies of all the laws in the respective states relating to slavery; as well of those repealed as of those in force.

a copy of professor Tucker's dissertation on slavery, which contains the substance of all the laws of Virginia respecting slavery from its settlement till 1794. Copies of the laws since that period also sent.

Rhode Island, Delaware, and Kentucky societies have not yet transmitted.

III. To forward correct lists of the officers and other members of each respective society.

New-York complied in 1796 and 1797, number of members two hundred and fifty.

New-Jersey complied partially.

Pennsylvania complied in 1797. Members five hundred and ninety-one.

Wilmington complied in 1796. Members about sixty.

Maryland complied in 1797. Members two hundred and thirty-one.

Choptank complied in 1797. Members twenty-five.

Alexandria complied in 1797. Members sixty-two.

Virginia complied in 1796 and 1797. Members one hundred and forty-seven.

Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Delaware, Chester-town, Winchester and Kentucky societies have not yet sent lists of their members.

IV. An account of the proceedings of each society in relieving persons unlawfully held in bondage.

New-York. Since January 1796, have had complaints from ninety persons, Africans or of African descent—twenty-nine freed on the law prohibiting importation—seven as free born—two unsuccessful—heavy damages recovered in some instances—twenty-one cases now in suit—nineteen under consideration.

New-Jersey, Society. Many manumissions have been effected since January 1796, but no precise information is yet received to what number and under what circumstances.

Pennsylvania Society. It appears from the minutes of the acting committee of the society, that many hundreds of Africans have been liberated through their aid since the institution of the society.

Wilmington Society. Has sent a list of persons liberated by their agency up to 1796, amounting to eighty since 1788.

Maryland Society at Baltimore. A variety of suits were instituted against the unlawful holders of slaves last year, and in consequence many have been liberated—there are several suits now pending in law, which are expected to have the like favorable issue.

Choptank Society. This society has exerted itself in favor of the Africans, for seven years; and been the instrument of liberating more than sixty individuals, and has failed but in a single application to a court of justice in their behalf.

Alexandria Society. Twenty-six complaints made to the society—six persons relieved on the law against importation; five will probably be relieved, the other fourteen cases on which as well as on the above suits are pending are doubtful. A suit in Norfolk court and one in North Carolina now carrying on at the expense of this society.

Virginia Society. Nothing of material importance since the convention of 1796. Suits commenced before now pending in behalf of between twenty and thirty persons.

Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Delaware, Chester-town, Winchester, and Kentucky societies sent no account.

V. A Statement of the condition of the blacks in each State both bond and free, with respect to the property of the free, and the employment and moral conduct of all.

New-York. The number of people of color in the state of New-York not known—exceeds two thousand—in the city names of one thousand collected—of these more than half are free, employed as servants, labourers, sailors, mechanics, &c.—a few are small traders—condition tolerable—many in town and country freeholders—several worth from three hundred to thirteen hundred dollars—various associations among the free blacks for mutual support, benefit and improvement—one has a lot for a burying ground and the site of a church worth fifteen hundred dollars. In a state of progressive improvement.

New-Jersey. Condition, as to enjoyments of life and respectability, much the same as in New-York.

Pennsylvania. Complied with in 1796. See the minutes of the convention of that year—page 20 and 21.

Maryland at Baltimore & Choptank. The condition of the blacks from the information this society has received is greatly ameliorated, and some few of the free are enabled to provide for themselves without manual labor—moral conduct equal to that of the whites in like circumstances—minute information not yet obtained.

Alexandria. Generally slaves—their treatment less rigourous than formerly—moral conduct of the free generally good—as labourers preferred to the whites.

From Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chester-town, Virginia, Winchester and Kentucky Societies,—none sent.

VI. Reports of trials and adjudications relative to Africans.

New-York. A bill for the gradual abolition of slavery brought into the Legislature at their last session, but postponed till the next session.

New-Jersey. A bill brought into the last session of the Legislature for a gradual abolition of slavery which is postponed to the next session as in New-York.

Pennsylvania. A bill for the total abolition of slavery was brought into and read in the House of Representatives near the close of the last session of the Legislature, but lies over to the next session.

Maryland at Baltimore. No attempt has been made since the Convention of 1796.

Alexandria. Have drawn up and mean to present to the next Legislature, a remonstrance against a late law of the State which is peculiarly severe against Africans.

Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chester-town, Choptank, Virginia, Winchester, and Kentucky societies transmitted no information.

VIII. The progress made in extending to Africans the benefits of instruction.

New-York. House and lot for a school purchased by the society since January 1796—school has existed many years—more flourishing now than ever—property of the society for its accommodation worth upwards of three thousand five hundred dollars—annual expense of the school one thousand dollars—has a master, usher and mistress—scholars taught reading, penmanship, arithmetic, English grammar and geography—girls (additionally) needle work—number one hundred and twenty-two—boys sixty three girls fifty-nine—improve fast and behave as well as any other children—evening school in the winter for free blacks, adults—taught by the master and usher of the society's school—number, forty-four—usher a black man.

New-Jersey. Nothing done by the society—a bill is now pending before the Legislature providing for the instruction of all children in the state, which, if carried, will include the Africans as well as the whites.

Pennsylvania. Within the city and liberties of Philadelphia there are at present seven schools for the education of people of colour; at which perhaps near three hundred scholars of both sexes usually attend—two other schools are about to be opened for the same purpose.

Maryland at Baltimore. Several children of Africans and other people of color now under a course of instruction—an academy (of which no notice was given to the last convention) will be opened the ensuing season, and suitable teachers provided.

Alexandria. A Sunday school opened by this society in December, 1795, for the reception of Africans and their descendants—the number of scholars who usually attend is one hundred and eight—they are instructed in reading, penmanship and arithmetic.

From Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Washington, Wilmington, Delaware, Chester-town, Choptank, Virginia, Winchester, and Kentucky societies—no information received.