The Bābur-nāma

In this camp we heard that Sl. Ibrāhīm had been on our side of Dihlī and had moved on from that station, also that Ḥamīd Khān khāṣa-khail,1647 the military-collector (shiqdār) of Ḥiṣār-fīrūza, had left that place with its army and with the army of its neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 kurohs (20-30 m.). Kitta Beg was sent for news to Ibrāhīm’s camp, and Mumin Ātaka to the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza camp.

(q. Humāyūn moves against Ḥamīd Khān.)

(Feb. 25th) Marching from Aṃbāla, we dismounted by the side of a lake. There Mumin Ātāka and Kitta Beg rejoined us, both on the same day, Sunday the 13th of the first Jumāda.

We appointed Humāyūn to act against Ḥamīd Khān, and joined the whole of the right (wing) to him, that is to say, Khwāja Kalān, Sl. Muḥammad Dūldāī, Treasurer Walī, and also some of the begs whose posts were in Hindūstān, namely, Khusrau, Hindū Beg,‘Abdu’l-'azīz and Muḥammad ‘Alī Jang-jang, with also, from the household and braves of the centre, Shāh Manṣūr Barlās, Kitta Beg and Muḥibb-i ‘alī.

Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghāns remain very rustic and tactless! This person asked to sit although Dilāwar Khān, his superior in following and in rank, did not sit, and although the sons of ‘Ālam Khān, who are of royal birth, did not sit. Little ear was lent to his unreason!

(Feb. 26th) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humāyūn moved out against Ḥamīd Khān. After advancing for some distance, he sent between 100 and 150 braves scouting ahead, who went close up to the enemy and at once got to grips. But when after a few encounters, the dark mass of Humāyūn’s troops shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humāyūn’s men unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and brought the other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants.

(March 2nd) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mīrak Mughūl brought news of Humāyūn’s victory to the camp. He (Humāyūn?) was there and then given a special head-to-foot and a special horse from the royal stable, besides promise of guerdon (juldū).

(March 5th) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humāyūn arrived to wait on me, bringing with him as many as 100 prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants. Ustād ‘Alī-qulī and the matchlockmen were ordered to shoot all the prisoners, by way of example. This had been Humāyūn’s first affair, his first experience of battle; it was an excellent omen!

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took Ḥiṣār-fīrūza at once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. It was given in guerdon to Humāyūn, with all its dependencies and appurtenances, with it also a kror of money.

We marched from that camp to Shāhābād. After we had despatched a news-gatherer (tīl-tūtār kīshī) to Sl. Ibrāhīm’s camp, we stayed a few days on that ground. Raḥmat the foot-man was sent with the letters of victory to Kābul.

(r. News of Ibrāhīm.)

(March 13th) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumāda,1648 we being in that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. News had come again and again from Ibrāhīm’s camp, “He is coming, marching two miles” or “four miles”, “stopping in each camp two days,” or “three days”. We for our part advanced from Shāhābād and after halting on two nights, reached the bank of the Jūn-river (Jumna) and encamped opposite Sarsāwa. From that ground Khwāja Kalān’s servant Ḥaidar-qulī was sent to get news (tīl tūtā).

Having crossed the Jūn-river at a ford, I visited Sarsāwa. That day also we ate ma‘jūn. Sarsāwa1649 has a source (chashma) from which a smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardī Beg khāksār praising it, I said, “Let it be thine!” so just because he praised it, Sarsāwa was given to him!

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for excursions on the river, sometimes too made the marches down it. Two marches along its bank had been made when, of those sent to gather news, Ḥaidar-qulī brought word that Ibrāhīm had sent Daud Khān (Lūdī) and Ḥātīm Khān (Lūdī) across the river into the Mīān-dū-āb (Tween-waters) with 5 or 6000 men, and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own.

(s. A successful encounter.)

(April 1st) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumāda, we sent, to ride light against this force, Chīn-tīmūr Sult̤ān,1650 Mahdī Khwāja, Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, ‘Ādil Sult̤ān, and the whole of the left, namely, Sl. Junaid, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Qūtlūq-qadam, and with them also sent ‘Abdu’l-lāh and Kitta Beg (of the centre). They crossed from our side of the water at the Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the Evening Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban having crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away.

(April 2nd) At day-break they came upon the enemy;1651 he made as if coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed with his at once, overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and unhorsed them till they were opposite Ibrāhīm’s own camp. Ḥātim Khān was one of those unhorsed, who was Daud Khān (Lūdī)’s elder brother and one of his commanders. Our men brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also 60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the prisoners, by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom.

(t. Preparations for battle.)

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, the army was numbered;1652 it did not count up to what had been estimated.

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army should collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. Seven hundred carts (arāba) were brought1653 in. The order given to Ustād ‘Alī-qulī was that these carts should be joined together in Ottoman1654 fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of chains, and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should be fixed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. To allow of collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in that camp. When everything was ready, all the begs with such braves as had had experience in military affairs were summoned to a General Council where opinion found decision at this: – Pānī-pat1655 is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It would be on one side of us; our other sides must be protected by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, halted one night on the way, and reached Pānī-pat on Thursday the last day (29th) of the second Jumāda (April 12th).

(u. The opposed forces.)

On our right was the town of Pānī-pat with its suburbs; in front of us were the carts and mantelets we had prepared; on our left and elsewhere were ditch and branch. At distances of an arrow’s flight1656 sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 horsemen.

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing recommends anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God has fixed in eternity cannot be changed. But though this is so, it was no reproach to be afraid and anxious. For why? Because those thus anxious and afraid were there with a two or three months’ journey between them and their homes; our affair was with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor did they know ours: —

A wandering band, with mind awander;In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar.1657

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men; Ibrāhīm’s elephants and those of his amīrs were said to be about 1000. In his hands was the treasure of two forbears.1658 In Hindūstān, when work such as this has to be done, it is customary to pay out money to hired retainers who are known as b: d-hindī.1659 If it had occurred to Ibrāhīm to do this, he might have had another lak or two of troops. God brought it right! Ibrāhīm could neither content his braves, nor share out his treasure. How should he content his braves when he was ruled by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin? He was an unproved brave1660; he provided nothing for his military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move, nor fight.

In the interval at Pānī-pat during which the army was preparing defence on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad Sārbān had once said to me, “With such precautions taken, how is it possible for him to come?” Said I, “Are you likening him to the Aūzbeg khāns and sult̤āns? In what of movement under arms or of planned operations is he to be compared with them?” God brought it right! Things fell out just as I said!

(Author’s note on the Aūzbeg chiefs.) When I reached Ḥiṣār in the year I left Samarkand (918 AH. -1512 AD.), and all the Aūzbeg khāns and sult̤āns gathered and came against us, we brought the families and the goods of the Mughūls and soldiers into the Ḥiṣār suburbs and fortified these by closing the lanes. As those khāns and sult̤āns were experienced in equipment, in planned operations, and in resolute resistance, they saw from our fortification of Ḥiṣār that we were determined on life or death within it, saw they could not count on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once from near Nūndāk of Chaghānīān.

(v. Preliminary encounters.)

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pānī-pat, our men used to go, a few together, close up to Ibrāhīm’s camp, rain arrows down on his massed troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made no move; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on the advice of several Hindūstānī well-wishers and sent out 4 or 5000 men to deliver a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of it being Mahdī Khwāja, Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, ‘Ādil Sult̤ān, Khusrau, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid Barlās, ‘Abdu’l-‘azīz the Master of the Horse, Muḥ. ‘Alī Jang-jang, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī, Khalīfa’s Muḥibb-i-‘alī, Pay-master Muḥammad, Jān Beg and Qarā-qūzī. It being dark, they were not able to act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on arrival. They stayed near Ibrāhīm’s camp till dawn, when the nagarets sounded and troops of his came out in array with elephants. Though our men did not do their work, they got off safe and sound; not a man of them was killed, though they were in touch with such a mass of foes. One arrow pierced Muḥ. ‘Alī Jang-jang’s leg; though the wound was not mortal, he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle.

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humāyūn and his troops to go 2 or 3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with the rest of the army in battle-array. The party of the night-attack joined him and came back with him. The enemy making no further advance, we returned to camp and dismounted. That night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20 minutes (one garī) there were uproar and call-to-arms; the disturbance died down after a time.]

(w. Battle of Pānī-pat.1661)

(April 20th) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,1662 news came, when it was light enough to distinguish one thing from another (farẓ-waqtī) that the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We at once put on mail,1663 armed and mounted.1664 Our right was Humāyūn, Khwāja Kalān, Sult̤ān Muḥammad Dūldāī, Hindū Beg, Treasurer Walī and Pīr-qulī Sīstānī; our left was Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Mahdī Khwāja, ‘Ādil Sult̤ān, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid Barlās, Qūtlūq-qadam, Jān Beg, Pay-master Muḥammad, and Shāh Ḥusain (of) Yāragī Mughūl Ghānchī(?).1665 The right hand of the centre1666 was Chīn-tīmūr Sult̤ān, Sulaimān Mīrzā,1667 Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr Barlās, Yūnas-i-‘alī, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad Sārbān and ‘Abdu’l-lāh the librarian. The left of the centre was Khalīfa, Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān, Secretary Aḥmadī, Tardī Beg (brother) of Qūj Beg, Khalīfa’s Muḥibb-i-‘alī and Mīrzā Beg Tarkhān. The advance was Khusrau Kūkūldāsh and Muḥ. ‘Alī Jang-jang. ‘Abdu’l-'azīz the Master of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the turning-party (tūlghuma) at the point of the right wing,1668 we fixed on Red Walī and Malik Qāsim (brother) of Bābā Qashqa, with their Mughūls; for the turning-party at the point of the left wing, we arrayed Qarā-qūzī, Abū’l-muḥammad the lance-player, Shaikh Jamāl Bārīn’s Shaikh ‘Alī, Mahndī(?) and Tīngrī-bīrdī Bashaghī(?) Mughūl; these two parties, directly the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right, the other from the left.

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he seemed to incline towards our right; ‘Abdu’l-‘azīz, who was the right-reserve, was sent therefore to reinforce the right. From the time that Sl. Ibrāhīm’s blackness first appeared, he moved swiftly, straight for us, without a check, until he saw the dark mass of our men, when his pulled up and, observing our formation and array,1669 made as if asking, “To stand or not? To advance or not?” They could not stand; nor could they make their former swift advance.

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right and left to the enemy’s rear, to discharge arrows and to engage in the fight; and for the right and left (wings) to advance and join battle with him. The turning-parties wheeled round and began to rain arrows down. Mahdī Khwāja was the first of the left to engage; he was faced by a troop having an elephant with it; his men’s flights of arrows forced it to retire. To reinforce the left I sent Secretary Aḥmadī and also Qūj Beg’s Tardī Beg and Khalīfa’s Muḥibb-i-'alī. On the right also there was some stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr Barlās, Yūnas-i-‘alī and ‘Abdu’l-lāh to engage those facing them in front of the centre. From that same position Ustād ‘Alī-qulī made good discharge of firingī shots;1670

Must̤afa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge of zarb-zan shots from the left hand of the centre. Our right, left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy, rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He made one or two small charges on our right and left but under our men’s arrows, fell back on his own centre. His right and left hands (qūl) were massed in such a crowd that they could neither move forward against us nor force a way for flight.

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear-high; till mid-day fighting had been in full force; noon passed, the foe was crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. By God’s mercy and kindness, this difficult affair was made easy for us! In one half-day, that armed mass was laid upon the earth. Five or six thousand men were killed in one place close to Ibrāhīm. Our estimate of the other dead, lying all over the field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known, later in Āgra from the statements of Hindūstānīs, that 40 or 50,000 may have died in that battle.1671

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. Our men brought in amīrs of all ranks and the chiefs they captured; mahauts made offering of herd after herd of elephants.

Ibrāhīm was thought to have fled; therefore, while pursuing the enemy, we told off Qismatāī Mīrzā, Bābā chuhra and Būjka of the khaṣa-tābīn1672 to lead swift pursuit to Āgra and try to take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own enclosure (sarācha) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank of standing-water (qarā-sū).

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalīfa’s younger brother-in-law T̤āhir Tībrī1673 who had found Ibrāhīm’s body in a heap of dead, brought in his head.

(x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihlī and Āgra.)

On that very same day we appointed Humāyūn Mīrzā1674 to ride fast and light to Āgra with Khwāja Kalān, Muḥammadī, Shāh Manṣūr Barlās, Yūnas-i-‘alī, ‘Abdu’l-lah and Treasurer Walī, to get the place into their hands and to mount guard over the treasure. We fixed on Mahdī Khwāja, with Muḥammad Sl. Mīrza, ‘Ādil Sult̤ān, Sl. Junaid Barlās and Qūtlūq-qadam to leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihlī, and keep watch on the treasuries.1675

(April 21st) We marched on next day and when we had gone 2 miles, dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of the Jūn (Jumna).

(April 24th) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted on two nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Niz̤āmu’d-dīn Auliyā’s tomb1676 we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn over against Dihlī.1677 That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made an excursion into the fort of Dihlī and there spent the night.

(April 25th) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the circuit of Khwāja Qut̤bu’d-dīn’s1678 tomb and visited the tombs and residences of Sl. Ghiyās̤u’d-dīn Balban1679 and Sl. ‘Alāu’u’d-dīn

Khiljī,1680 his Minār, and the Ḥauẓ-shamsī, Ḥauẓ-i-khaṣ and the tombs and gardens of Sl. Buhlūl and Sl. Sikandar (Lūdī). Having done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, and there ‘araq was drunk.

We bestowed the Military Collectorate (shiqdārlīghī) of Dihlī on Red Walī, made Dost Dīwān in the Dihlī district, sealed the treasuries, and made them over to their charge.

(April 26th) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn, over against Tūghlūqābād.1681

(y. The khut̤ba read for Bābur in Dihlī.)

(April 27th) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on the same ground, Maulānā Maḥmūd and Shaikh Zain went with a few others into Dihlī for the Congregational Prayer, read the khut̤ba in my name, distributed a portion of money to the poor and needy,1682 and returned to camp.

(April 28th) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th), we advanced march by march for Āgra. I made an excursion to Tūghlūqābād and rejoined the camp.

(May 4th) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the mansion (manzil) of Sulaimān Farmulī in a suburb of Āgra, but as the place was far from the fort, moved on the following day to Jalāl Khān Jig: hat’s house.

On Humāyūn’s arrival at Āgra, ahead of us, the garrison had made excuses and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his noticing the want of discipline there was, said, “The long hand may be laid on the Treasury”! and so sat down to watch the roads out of Āgra till we should come.

(z. The great diamond.)

In Sultan Ibrāhīm’s defeat the Rāja of Gūālīār Bikramājīt the Hindū had gone to hell.1683

(Author’s note on Bikramājīt.) The ancestors of Bikramājīt had ruled in Gūālīār for more than a hundred years.1684 Sikandar (Lūdī) had sat down in Āgra for several years in order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrāhīm’s time, ‘Az̤im Humāyūn Sarwānī1685 had completely invested it for some while; following this, it was taken on terms under which Shamsābād was given in exchange for it.1686

Bikramājīt’s children and family were in Āgra at the time of Ibrāhīm’s defeat. When Humāyūn reached Āgra, they must have been planning to flee, but his postings of men (to watch the roads) prevented this and guard was kept over them. Humāyūn himself did not let them go (bārghālī qūīmās). They made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and valuables amongst which was the famous diamond which ‘Alāu’u’d-dīn must have brought.1687 Its reputation is that every appraiser has estimated its value at two and a half days’ food for the whole world. Apparently it weighs 8 mis̤qāls.1688 Humāyūn offered it to me when I arrived at Āgra; I just gave it him back.

(aa. Ibrāhīm’s mother and entourage.)

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik Dād Karānī, Millī Sūrdūk and Fīrūz Khān Mīwātī. They, being convicted of false dealing, were ordered out for capital punishment. Several persons interceded for Malik Dād Karānī and four or five days passed in comings and goings before the matter was arranged. We then shewed to them (all?) kindness and favour in agreement with the petition made for them, and we restored them all their goods.1689 A pargana worth 7 laks1690 was bestowed on Ibrāhīm’s mother; parganas were given also to these begs of his.1691 She was sent out of the fort with her old servants and given encamping-ground (yūrt) two miles below Āgra.

(May 10th) I entered Āgra at the Afternoon Prayer of Thursday (Rajab 28th) and dismounted at the mansion (manzil) of Sl. Ibrāhīm.

EXPEDITIONS OF TRAMONTANE MUḤAMMADANS INTO HIND

(a. Bābur’s five attempts on Hindūstān.)

From the date 910 at which the country of Kābul was conquered, down to now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindūstān had been constant, but owing sometimes to the feeble counsels of begs, sometimes to the non-accompaniment of elder and younger brethren,1692 a move on Hindūstān had not been practicable and its territories had remained unsubdued. At length no such obstacles were left; no beg, great or small (beg begāt) of lower birth,1693 could speak an opposing word. In 925 AH. (1519 AD.) we led an army out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in 2-3 garī (44-66 minutes), and making a general massacre of its people, went on into Bhīra. Bhīra we neither over-ran nor plundered; we imposed a ransom on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value of 4 laks of shāhrukhīs and having shared this out to the army and auxiliaries, returned to Kābul. From then till now we laboriously held tight1694 to Hindūstān, five times leading an army into it.1695 The fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy and favour, made such a foe as Sl. Ibrāhīm the vanquished and loser, such a realm as Hindūstān our conquest and possession.

(b. Three invaders from Tramontana.)

From the time of the revered Prophet down till now1696 three men from that side1697 have conquered and ruled Hindūstān. Sl. Maḥmūd Ghāzī1698 was the first, who and whose descendants sat long on the seat of government in Hindūstān. Sl. Shihābu’d-dīn of Ghūr was the second,1699 whose slaves and dependants royally shepherded1700 this realm for many years. I am the third.

But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For why? Because Sl. Maḥmūd, when he conquered Hindūstān, had the throne of Khurāsān subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to him were the sult̤āns of Khwārizm and the Marches (Dāru’l-marz), and under his hand was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his army may not have numbered 2 laks, what question is there that it1701 was one. Then again, rājas were his opponents; all Hindūstān was not under one supreme head (pādshāh), but each rāja ruled independently in his own country. Sl. Shihābu’d-dīn again, – though he himself had no rule in Khurāsān, his elder brother Ghiyās̤u’d-dīn had it. The T̤abaqāt-i-nāṣirī1702 brings it forward that he once led into Hindūstān an army of 120,000 men and horse in mail.1703 His opponents also were rāīs and rājas; one man did not hold all Hindūstān.

That time we came to Bhīra, we had at most some 1500 to 2000 men. We had made no previous move on Hindūstān with an army equal to that which came the fifth time, when we beat Sl. Ibrāhīm and conquered the realm of Hindūstān, the total written down for which, taking one retainer with another, and with traders and servants, was 12,000. Dependent on me were the countries of Badakhshān, Qūndūz, Kābul and Qandahār, but no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was necessary to reinforce them fully because several lie close to an enemy. Then again, all Māwarā’u’n-nahr was in the power of the Aūzbeg khāns and sult̤āns, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000. Moreover Hindūstān, from Bhīra to Bihār, was in the power of the Afghāns and in it Sl. Ibrāhīm was supreme. In proportion to his territory his army ought to have been 5 laks, but at that time the Eastern amīrs were in hostility to him. His army was estimated at 100,000 and people said his elephants and those of his amīrs were 1000.

Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear 100,000 old enemies such as are the Aūzbegs, we put trust in God and faced the ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide. As our trust was in Him, the most high God did not make our labour and hardships vain, but defeated that powerful foe and conquered that broad realm. Not as due to strength and effort of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as had solely through God’s pleasure and kindness. We know that this happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but that it was purely from His mercy and favour.