The History of Antiquity, Vol. 1 (of 6)

Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," Suppl. Pl. 76; Champollion, "Lettres," p. 344 ff.

256

In the inscriptions of the graves and sarcophagi of the Berlin Museum; cf. Ebers, "Ægypten," s. 300.

257

What Synesius (Op. p. 94) tells us of the election of the kings is so astounding that it can hardly have been part of any plan of the priests; the whole history of Egypt contradicts an elective monarchy of such a kind. These supposed elections were said to have taken place on the Libyan mountains, near Thebes; the priests mentioned the names of the candidates for whom the votes were to be given. The votes of the prophets had the value of one hundred, those of the lower priests of twenty, of the servants of the temple of ten, and of the warrior class of one.

258

Kalasiris was the name given by the Egyptians to a linen coat, with fringe round the thighs (Herod. 2, 81). The name Hermotybian has been derived from ἡμιτύβιον, a kind of apron.

259

Herod. 2, 37.

260

Diod. 1, 73, 74.

261

Herod. 2, 37, 168.

262

Genesis xlvii. 22, 26.

263

Herod. 2, 109 supra, p. 143.

264

Genesis xlvii. 24, 26.

265

Herod. 2. 168.

266

Genesis xlvii. 26.

267

Even the land which the Pharaohs allotted to the temples with a tax of a fifth belonged to them in a certain sense. We have tolerably ancient records on papyrus, on which are given the incomes of the temples, with the names of the tax-payers, and the things given in taxation. When the Ptolemies ruled over Egypt the land which paid to the temples belonged actually to the temples as property, but as property revocable at will, and the kings on their side taxed the temples just as the Islamite princes are accustomed to tax their mosques. In the Rosetta inscription, under date March 27, 196 B.C., the prophets, upper priests, chamberlains, pastophors, and scribes, explain that the king (Ptolemy Epiphanes) had given an order that the incomes of the temples and the land-taxes paid to them yearly, and the portions reserved for the gods in the vineyards and other property, should continue to be paid. At the same time we see from the sequel of this inscription, as well as from other sources, that these incomes were not sufficient to keep the temples in good order, and the king was compelled to make additions. Yet, in any case, the Ptolemies by their state taxes withdrew from the temples a portion of their incomes. From every plot of corn-land (ἄρουρα) the temples were to pay to the king an artabe of corn, and from every plot of vineyard an amphora of wine. Besides this, they had to pay a money-tax and a certain amount of byssus cloth.

268

Clemens ("Strom." p. 757 ff. ed. Pott) expressly says that the prophet was the overseer of the temple; on the other hand, in the inscription of Rosetta, the high priests and prophets stand side by side.

269

Herod. 2, 37, 143; Diod. 1, 73.

270

Diod. 1, 80; Herod. 2, 37, 81; Diog. Laert. 8, 27; Porphyr. "De abst." 4, 7.

271

Diod. 1, 74, 92.

272

Lepsius, "Briefe." s. 309, 310; Brugsch, "Hist. d'Egypte," p. 259.

273

Herod. 2, 47; Aelian, "De Nat. An." 10, 16. As Herodotus tells us that the swineherds married in their own order only, it follows that the other orders married with each other. The attempt has often been made to explain the so-called divisions of the Egyptians into castes by the immigration of foreign tribes. This conception places in mechanical layers what is really an organic development. In India such an assumption has a certain historical foundation. There, there was a servile class (the Sudra) under three superior classes; the first was composed of the original inhabitants, the others of the Aryan immigrants. This kind of division is wholly wanting in Egypt, and not less so any historical or physiological foundation for the immigrations. Strabo knows three orders only in Egypt; the priests, the soldiers, and the population engaged in work or trades. Diodorus (1, 74) speaks of five orders; i. e. in addition to the first two, husbandmen, artizans, and shepherds. Plato ("Timæus," p. 21) mentions priests, soldiers, artizans, shepherds, and hunters; Herodotus mentions priests, warriors, cowherds, swineherds, merchants, interpreters, and mariners. In Plato and Diodorus we miss the merchants, who certainly were not wanting in Egypt, and in Herodotus the husbandmen and artizans. Nothing therefore remains but the natural assumption that the labouring masses were chiefly divided into shepherds, artizans, and husbandmen; and these were again broken into many divisions according to their different vocations, and each of our authorities has brought into prominence those distinctions which especially came under his notice. As Herodotus especially notices cowherds, we must suppose that those herdsmen are probably meant who derived a living from the buffalo herds, which they pastured in the swampy flats of the Delta, on the border of Egypt, and lived in huts of reeds. – Diod. 1, 43.

274

The number of provinces in Egypt under the old kingdom appears to have been twenty-seven, according to the myth of the hewing of the body of Osiris into twenty-seven pieces, and the distribution of them to all the priests of the land for burial, which Diodorus has preserved. From this may be derived the number of twenty-seven courts in the labyrinth given by Strabo, p. 811, and twenty-five in Pliny, pp. 113, 114; as a fact the building had only twelve courts. Yet Strabo mentions thirty-six provinces (p. 787). Later coins give forty-six provinces, and Ptolemy forty-seven. Forty-four nomes, twenty-two for Upper Egypt and as many for Lower Egypt, can be established, together with their names. – Brugsch, "Hist. d'Egypte," p. 9.

275

Diod. 1, 73, 75, 94; Herod. 2, 136; Plut. "De Isid." 10; Chabas, "Mél." 3, 10.

276

Diod. 1, 77 ff.

277

Herod. 2, 37, 38, 39, 65; Genesis xliii. 32.

278

Herod. 2, 77, 85; Diod. 1, 84, 91.

279

Lepsius, "Aelteste Texte," s. 10; Brugsch, "Grammaire démotique."

280

Clem. Alex. "Strom." p. 758, ed. Pott; cf. Diod. 1, 49.

281

Ebers, "Augsburger Allg. Zt." 1873. On a papyrus of a medicinal character of the period from the twentieth to the twenty-second dynasty, see Birch, "Zeitschrift für ægyptische Sprache," 1871, s. 61.

282

Herod. 2, 84, 3, 1.

283

Lepsius, "Götterkreis," s. 30; Bunsen, "Ægypten," 5, 1, 189 ff.

284

Papyrus, Sallier III.

285

De Rougé, "Recueil de Travaux," 1, 3 ff.; Chabas, "Revue Archéol." 1875.

286

On the papyrus Sallier I.; "Revue Archéol." 1860, 2, 241.

287

Goodwin-Chabas, loc. cit. 1861, 4, 118 ff.

288

Loc. cit. 1860, 1, 357.

289

De Rougé, loc. cit. 1852. On another very marvellous narrative on a papyrus in the demotic character, see Brugsch, loc. cit. 1867, 16, 161 ff. This papyrus Brugsch, on paleographical grounds, places in the third or second centuries B.C.

290

Lauth, "Sitzungsberichte der Akademie, zu München," 1872, 347 ff, and his "Abhandlung über den papyrus Sallier II. und Anastasi III.;" ibid. p. 29 ff.; cf. Chabas, "Voyage d'un Egyptien," and Goodwin, "Saneha."

291

Bœckh, "Manetho und die Hundsternperiode;" Lepsius, "Chronologie," s. 470 ff. and supra, p. 40.

292

Diod. 1. 81.

293

Brugsch, "Zeitschrift d. d. M. S." 10, 662 ff.

294

The Egyptians then compared certain constellations in their spheres with the signs of the zodiac. The Crab they denoted by the scarabæus, the Lion by the knife, the Scales became the "sun-mountain," the Scorpion became the snake. The Kid was with them "the life," the Ram "the slain" &c. – Brugsch, loc. cit.

295

Champollion, "Lettres," p. 239; Lepsius, "Chronologie," s. 109, 110; cf. supra, p. 58.

296

Champollion, "Lettres," p. 196.

297

Diod. 1, 74.

298

Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," 3, 4.

299

Strabo, p. 758; cf. p. 147.

300

Supra, p. 94; Ebers, "Durch Gosen," s. 135 ff.

301

Herod. 2, 78.

302

Wilkinson, "Manners and Customs," 2, 132.

303

Cf. infra, Book II. cap. 3.

304

1 Kings x. 28, 29; 2 Chronicles i. 16, 17; ix. 28.

305

"Od." 14, 288; 4, 225, 355; 17, 448; Movers, "Phœnizier," 2, 70.

306

Xenoph. "Cyrop." 7, 5; Strabo, pp. 41, 84, 544, 736, 737.

307

Strabo, p. 748; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 5, 1 ff.; G. Hertzberg, "Feldzug der Zehntausend," s. 139 ff.

308

Beros. ap. Sync. p. 28; Herod. 1, 193; "Anab." 2, 3.

309

Herod. 1, 178-200.

310

"De Cœlo," p. 503.

311

Diod. 3, 31; Cic. "De Divin." 1, 19; Jul. Afric. ap. Syncell. p. 17; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 7, 57; cf. H. Martin, "Revue Archéol." 1862, 5, 243.

312

Between 280-270 B.C. Clinton, "Fasti Hell." ad ann. 279.

313

Abydeni Fragm. 9, ed. Müller.

314

Berosi Fragm. 1, ed. Müller.

315

Abyd. Fragm. 1, 2, ed. Müller; Berosi Fragm. 5.

316

In the Armenian Eusebius, p. 10, ed. Schœne, the name is Lancharis.

317

G. Smith, "Bibl. Arch." 3, 531.

318

So in the Armenian Eusebius; in Syncellus it is five stadia, i. e. 3,000 feet long.

319

Eusebius, p. 14, ed. Mai; Syncell. p. 30; Abydeni Fragm. 3 ed. Müller; Lucian, "De Dea Syria," 12.

320

Eusebius gives 33,091. As Syncellus enumerates the sares, neres, and sosses, the number given in the text is the correct one, or must be replaced by 34,091. The basis of the calculation which Syncellus has adopted in the four first dynasties of Berosus has been thoroughly established by Lepsius ("Chronol. der Ægypter," s. 78).

321

The period of the fourth dynasty, the eleven kings, is filled up to 248 years from the marginal note on the Armenian manuscripts of Eusebius.

322

G. Smith, "Assyrian Discoveries," p. 185-195. I retain the reading "Sisit" as against Hasisadra because of the "Sisythes" of Lucian.

323

According to Bunsen, "Ægypt." 5, 2, 61 ff., the Hebrews originally were acquainted with only seven patriarchs before the flood; see below.

324

Gen. ix. 20, 28; xi. 2-9.

325

Plin. "Hist. Nat." 6, 30. Hipparenum can be nothing but Sipparenum, or Sipparenorum.

326

If the number 34,091 be correct (p. 241, note 2), the year 2447 B.C. would be the first year of the historical era.

327

It is pointed out by Von Gutschmid in the Rhein. Mus. 8, 252.

328

Gen. x. 22; x. 8, 10.

329

Menke, "Jahrb. für classiche Philologie," 1862, s. 545.

330

Aesch. "Pers." 16.

331

The name Nanchundi occurs also in the compounds Istar-Nanchundi, p. 253.

332

G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," p. 200, 234-236, 249-251. As in two passages 1,635 years are given with quotation of the Neres and Sosses, this number must be kept in the third passage instead of 1,535 years. The conquest of Susa did not follow immediately on the conquest of Babylon, in the year 647; see below.

333

Sayce, "Bibl. Arch." 3, 479; Oppert, "Empires de Chaldée et d'Assyrie," p. 27.

334

G. Smith, "Discov." p. 234; "Early Hist." p. 58.

335

Genesis, xiv. 1-12; G. Smith, "Assurb." p. 228.

336

Also in Ménant, "Les Achémenides," p. 136.

337

G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," p. 224, ff.

338

Sayce, "Transact. Bibl. Arch." 3, 465, 485.

339

So Rawlinson, Norris, Mordtmann, "Zeitschrift d. d. M. G." 1870, s. 7, 76, and Sayce, loc. cit.

340

Norris, "Dict." I. 50.

341

Such is also the opinion of Eberhard Schrader.

342

Schrader, "Abstammung und Ursitze der Chaldæer," s. 405 ff., 416 ff.

343

Strabo, p. 735, 765, 767; Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 6, 23, 27. 5, 20.

344

On the correct interpretation of the passage, Isaiah xxiii. 13, see Schrader, "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 269; on the Armenian Chaldæans, the Chalybian Chaldæans, Schrader, "Abstammung der Chaldæer," s. 399, 400. The former are to be sought for in the valley of the Lycus, and are known to the Armenians as Chalti: Kiepert, "Monats-Berichte der B. Akad. d. W." 1869. Arphaxad, i. e. the high mountain district Albak (Kiepert, loc. cit. s. 200), on the Upper Zab, was on the other hand undoubtedly colonised by Semitic tribes; but these probably came from Mesopotamia and Assyria. Arphaxad is the younger brother of Elam and Asshur. Where to look for Kir, whence, according to Amos ix. 7; i. 5, the Syrians came, we do not know.

345

Schrader, "Assyrisch-babyl. Keilschriften," s. 382, 18, 42, 165, 225.

346

Schrader, "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 383.

347

Oppert, "Inscript. des Sargonides," p. 55 ff.

348

Above, pp. 132, 151, 152. From Naharina Tuthmosis III. received, among other things, forty-seven tiles of lead, forty-five pounds of gold, eighty-one mana (minæ) of spice. – De Rougé, "Notice," pp. 16, 18.

349

Oppert, "Empires," pp. 16, 17; G. Rawlinson, "Five Monarchies," 1, 63, 64, 137; Ménant, "Babylone," pp. 74, 75, 254.

350

G. Smith, "Early History," p. 36; G. Rawlinson, "Five Monarchies," pp. 69, 94, 157 ff.

351

Oppert, "Empires," p. 21.

352

Schrader, "Keilsch. und Alt. Test." s. 47; "Assyrisch-babylonische Keilschriften," s. 162; Sayce, "Zeitschrift für ægypt. Sprache," 1870, s. 151; Ménant, "Babylone," p. 98.

353

Oppert, "Empires," p. 36.

354

Lenormant, "Lettres Assyr." 1, 249.

355

Oppert, "Empires," p. 28; Ménant, "Babylone," pp. 118, 121.

356

G. Rawlinson, "Five Monarchies," pp. 169, 170.

357

G. Smith, "Discov." p. 236 ff., gives a deed of gift of Merodach-Baladan, the son of Milihiru, the grandson of Kurigalzu.

358

Ménant, "Babylone," pp. 127, 128.

359

Diod. 2, 30.

360

Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 9, 10, ed. Müller.

361

Pindari Fragm. adesp. 83, ed. Bergk.

362

Schrader, "Assyr. – babyl. Keilschriften," s. 123; "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 280.

363

G. Rawlinson, "Five Monarchies," p. 130.

364

2 Kings xvii. 31.

365

Amos v. 26.

366

Eberhard Schrader, "Theologg. Studien und Kritiken," 1874, 2, 324 ff.

367

Schrader, "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 167, 272; "Assyr. – babyl. Keilschriften," s. 88, 129, 140.

368

Ménant, "Babylone," pp. 201-203.

369

Munter, "Religion der Babylonier," s. 28.

370

Herod. 1, 199.

371

Baruch, vi. 42, 43 (Ep. Jerem.); cf. Genesis xxxviii. 14 ff.

372

Ménant, "Babylone," p. 204.

373

Schrader, "Abstammung der Chaldæer," s. 405. So, too, Istar of Agane is opposed to Istar of Erech.

374

G. Smith, "Discov." p. 220; Schrader, "Höllenfahrt," p. 15 ff.

375

Schrader, "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 69, 85, 86.

376

G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," p. 201.

377

Diod. 2, 30.

378

Plutarch, "De Isid." c. 48.

379

Diod. 2, 30.

380

Diod. 2, 31.

381

Sayce, "Bibl. Arch." 3, p. 137.

382

2 Kings xxiii. 5-7.

383

Diod. 2, 31.

384

Stuhr, "Die Religionsysteme der Völker des Orients," 1, 424.

385

Sayce, "Bibl. Archæol." 3, p. 153.

386

Diod. 2, 30, 31; Daniel 4, 4.

387

Above, p. 268; Strabo, p. 739.

388

Movers, "Religion der Phœnizier," 2, 262, 275.

389

Schrader, "Assyrisch. Babyl. Keilschriften," s. 105.

390

G. Smith, "Discov." pp. 387, 388; Ménant, "Les Achæmenides." Recently a tablet has been found, supposed to belong to the time of Cæsar.

391

De Rougé, "Sur l'Origine Egyptienne de l'Alphabet Phénicien;" Lauth, "Sitzungsber. d. Bair. Akad. d." 10, 1867, pp. 84-124. The inscription of Mesha, king of Moab, proves by the formation and use of the letters that this alphabet had been known for a long time.

392

The Basalt duck of Irba Marduk – no doubt a piece of Babylonian booty – was found at Nineveh. – Layard, "Discoveries," p. 601; Schrader, "Assyr. Babyl. Keilschrift," s. 175; De Vogué, "Rev. Arch." 11, 366.

393

Ideler, "Handbuch der Chronologie," 1, 207; Sayce, "Bibl. Arch." 3, p. 160.

394

Ideler, "Sternkunde der Chaldaer," s. 214.

395

Brandis, "Münzwesen," s. 20 ff.

396

Herod. 2, 109.

397

Brandis, "Münzwesen Vorderasiens," s. 36 ff.

398

George Smith, "Records of the Past." 3, 11.

399

These statements are founded on the more recent forms established by Brandis, "Münzwesen Vorderasiens," s. 158, ff.

400

Brandis, loc. cit. s. 85.

401

H. Rawlinson, "Journ. Asiat. Soc." 1861, 18, 2 ff.

402

The assumption that the Birs Nimrud is the temple Beth-Sida at Borsippa is contradicted by the inscriptions. The measurements of the temple give no support for such a theory, even if the forty-two cubits of the cylinders of Rawlinson are interpreted with Norris, "Dict." p. 280, by Amatgagar; for we do not know the value of this measure exactly. I cannot regard Borsippa as a part of Babylon in the teeth of the direct testimony of Strabo (p. 728), Justin (12, 13), and Ptolemy (5, 20). The inscriptions of the Assyrians, and, not least, those of Nebuchadnezzar himself, always mention Borsippa beside Babylon. If it be maintained that in spite of this Nebuchadnezzar might have included Borsippa in the walls of Babylon, the theory is contradicted by Berosus (Joseph, "c. Apion." 1, 20), according to whom Cyrus besieges and takes Babylon while Nabonetus is blocked up in Borsippa, and by Nebuchadnezzar himself, who, after speaking of the great walls of Babylon, adds: – "I also laid the foundations of the walls of Borsippa, the Tabi-subur-su" (Ménant, "Babylone," p. 205).

403

Herod. 1, 181-183.

404

Diod. 2, 9.

405

Strabo, p. 738.

406

"Antiq." 1, 4.

407

G. Smith, "Records of the Past," 5, 69, 73.

408

Aberdeen inscription in Ménant, "Annal." p. 248.

409

Cylinder Phillips in Ménant, "Babylone," pp. 210, 211.

410

Cylinder of the British Museum in Ménant, p. 212.

411

Ménant, "Babylone," p. 216.

412

Ménant, loc. cit. p. 202.

413

"Transactions Bibl. Arch." 2, 148.

414

"Cyr. Inst." 7, 5.

415

Cylinder Grotefend, in Oppert, "Exped." 1, 232. Chief inscription in Ménant, p. 206.

416

Diod. 2, 8.

417

Cylinder Phillips, in Ménant, "Babylone," p. 210.

418

Herod. 1, 193. 2, 11.

419

Xen. "Anab." 1, 7; Ammian, 24, 3; Strabo, p. 748, puts the borders of Babylon at a canal, 18 schœnes, i. e. 135 miles above Seleucia, and Seleucia was somewhat higher than Babylon.

420

W. K. Loftus, "Warka, its Ruins and Remains;" "Transactions of the Royal Society," 2, 6, 1-64.

421

Joshua, vii. 21.

422

Brandis, "Münzwesen." s. 93.

423

Brandis, loc. cit. s. 105 ff.

424

Herod. 1, 194.

425

Movers, "Phœnizier," 2, 3, 103.

426

Brandis, "Münzwesen," s. 21 ff.

427

Brandis, "Münzwesen," s. 71, 107, 121.

428

Herod. 3, 7; 1, 131; 7, 69, 86.

429

Eratosthenes in Strabo, p. 767.

430

Strabo, p. 777.

431

Diod. 2, 48; 3, 44.

432

Diod. 2, 48, 50, 54; 3, 42, 43. The accounts of the grove are taken from Agatharchides. – Strabo, p. 777.

433

"Hist. Nat." 6, 32.

434

Amm. Marcell. 14, 4.

435

Herod. 3, 107-113.

436

Heracl. Cuman. Fragm. 4. ed. Müller.

437

Apud Strabon. p. 768 ff.

438

Agatharch. "De Mari Erythr.;" apud Diod. 3, 45-48, and the excerpt of Photius in Müller, "Geogr. Gr. Min." 1, 111 ff.; cf. Strabo, p. 778.

439

Strabo, p. 778.

440

"Hist. Nat." 12, 32; 6, 32 seq.

441

The queen of Sheba, who brings such large gifts of gold and spices to Solomon, must in any case be regarded as the queen of the rich spice land, and with this account agree other passages in which Sheba is mentioned. To the Seba, who are mentioned in Psalm lxxii. 10, 15, as rich in gold along with the Sheba, and are described in Isaiah as people of great stature (xlv. 15; cf. xliii. 3), and are placed in Genesis x. 7 among the children of Cush, I cannot assign any place. Prideaux assumes that the two nations became amalgamated; "Trans. Bibl. Arch." 2, 2.

442

Isaiah xxi. 13, 14, 17.

443

Dümichen, "Die Flotte einer ægyptischen Königin."

444

G. Smith, "Assyr. Discov." p. 286; Schrader, "Keilschriften und Alt. Test." s. 56, 143, 163.

445

G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," pp. 264, 265, 275.