History of Civilization in England, Vol. 2 of 3

1184

‘The terrible laws against heresy, and the atrocious juridical persecutions of the Jews, already designate Spain as the throne and centre of merciless bigotry.’ Milman's History of Latin Christianity, vol. i. p. 381. ‘Tan luego como la religion católica se halló dominando en el trono y en el pueblo, comenzaron los concilianos toledanos á dictar disposiciones canónicas y á prescribir castigos contra los idolatras, contra los judios, y contra los hereges.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. ix. pp. 199–200. See also p. 214, and vol. ii. pp. 406, 407, 451. Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. pp. 235, 236. Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain, p. 262. Circourt, Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne, vol. i. pp. 260, 261; and Southey's Chronicle of the Cid, p. 18. I particularly indicate these passages, on account of the extraordinary assertion of Dr. M'Crie, that ‘on a review of criminal proceedings in Spain anterior to the establishment of the court of Inquisition, it appears in general that heretics were more mildly treated there than in other countries.’ M'Crie's History of the Reformation in Spain, p. 83, the best book on the Spanish Protestants.

1185

A council of Toledo in 638 orders, ‘qu'à l'avenir aucun roi ne montera sur le trône qu'il ne promette de conserver la foi catholique;’ and at another council in 681, ‘le roi y présenta un écrit par lequel il prioit les évêques de lui assurer le royaume, qu'il tenoit de leurs suffrages.’ Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. viii. p. 339, vol. ix. p. 70.

1186

Those happy times have received the warm applause of a modern theologian, because in them the church, ‘ha opuesto un muro de bronce al error;’ and because there existed ‘la mas estrecha concordia entre el imperio y el sacerdocio, por cuyo inestimable beneficio debemos hacer incesantes votos.’ Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de la Iglesia en España, por Domingo Costa y Borras, Obispo de Barcelona, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 73, 75.

1187

To which they fled with a speed which caused their great enemy, Muza, to pass upon them a somewhat ambiguous eulogy. ‘Dijo, son leones en sus castillos, aguilas en sus caballos, y mugeres en sus escuadrones de á pié; pero si ven la ocasion la saben aprovechar, y cuando quedan vencidos son cabras en escapar á los montes, que no ven la tierra que pisan.’ Conde, Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes, p. 30.

1188

Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. pp. xxxviii. 287. Lafuente (Historia de España, vol. iii. p. 363) marks the epoch rather indistinctly, ‘basta ya el Duero.’ Compare Florez, Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas, Madrid, 4to, 1761, vol. i. p. 68.

1189

There is a spirited account of its capture in Mariana's Historia de España, vol. ii. pp. 506–513; after which Ortiz (Compendio de la Historia, vol. iii. p. 156) and Lafuente (Historia General, vol. iv. pp. 236–242) are rather tame. The Mohammedan view of this, the first decisive blow to their cause, will be found in Conde, Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes, p. 347. ‘Asi se perdió aquella ínclita ciudad, y acabó el reino de Toledo con grave pérdida del Islam.’ The Christian view is that ‘concedió Dios al Rey la conquista de aquella capital.’ Florez, Reynas Catholicas, vol. i. p. 165.

1190

Circourt, Histoire des Arabes, vol. i. pp. 313, 349. Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, pp. 656, 664. Ortiz, Compendio, vol. v. pp. 509, 561. Lafuente, Historia, vol. ix. pp. 341, 399.

1191

‘According to the magnificent style of the Spanish historians, eight centuries of almost uninterrupted warfare elapsed, and three thousand seven hundred battles were fought, before the last of the Moorish kingdoms in Spain submitted to the Christian arms.’ Robertson's Charles V. by Prescott, London, 1857, p. 65. ‘En nuestra misma España, en Leon y Castilla, en esta nueva Tierra Santa, donde se sostenia una cruzada perpétua y constante contra los infieles, donde se mantenía en todo su fervor el espiritu á la vez religioso y guerrero.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. v. p. 293. ‘Era España theatro de una continua guerra contra los enemigos de la Fe.’ Florez, Reynas Catholicas, vol. i. p. 226. ‘El glorioso empeño de exterminar á los enemigos de la Fe.’ p. 453. ‘Esta guerra sagrada.’ Vol. ii. p. 800. ‘Se armaron nuestros Reyes Cathólicos, con zelo y animo alentado del cielo; y como la causa era de Religion para ensanchar los Dominios de la Fe, sacrificaron todas las fuerzas del Reyno, y sus mismas personas.’ p. 801. What was called the Indulgence of the Crusade was granted by the Popes ‘aux Espagnols qui combattoient contre les Mores.’ Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. xviii. p. xxi., vol. xix. pp. 158, 458, vol. xxi. p. 171.

1192

‘En aquellos tiempos [y duró hasta todo el siglo xv. y toma de Granada] eran los obispos los primeros capitanes de los exércitos.’ Ortiz, Compendio, vol. iii. p. 189. ‘Los prelados habían sido siempre los primeros no solo en promover la guerra contra Moros, sino á presentarse en campaña con todo su poder y esfuerzo, animando á los demas con las palabras y el exemplo.’ Vol. v. pp. 507, 508.

1193

History of Civilization, vol. i. pp. 121–130.

1194

‘Les chrétiens avoient apporté dans les Asturies une arche ou coffre plein de reliques, qu‘ils regardèrent depuis comme la sauve-garde de leur état.’ … ‘Elle fut emportée et mise enfin à Oviedo, comme le lieu le plus sûr entre ces montagnes, Père 773, l'an 775.’ Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. ix. p. 190. This ‘arca llena de reliquias’ was taken to the Asturias in 714. Mariana, Historia de España, vol. ii. p. 227; and, according to Ortiz (Compendio, vol. ii. p. 182), it was ‘un tesoro inestimable de sagradas reliquias.’ See also Geddes' Tracts concerning Spain, vol. ii. p. 237, London, 1730; and Ford's Spain, 1847, p. 388.

1195

‘But no people ever felt themselves to be so absolutely soldiers of the cross as the Spaniards did, from the time of their Moorish wars; no people ever trusted so constantly to the recurrence of miracles in the affairs of their daily life; and therefore no people ever talked of Divine things as of matters in their nature so familiar and common-place. Traces of this state of feeling and character are to be found in Spanish literature on all sides.’ Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, vol. ii. p. 333. Compare Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature, vol. i. pp. 105, 106; and the account of the battle of las Navas in Circourt, Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne, vol. i. p. 153: ‘On voulait trouver partout des miracles.’ Some of the most startling of these miracles may be found in Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. v. p. 227; in Mariana, Historia de España, vol. ii. pp. 378, 395, vol. iii. p. 338; and in Ortiz, Compendio, vol. iii. p. 248, vol. iv. p. 22.

1196

One of the most curious of these prophetic dreams is preserved in Conde, Dominación de los Arabes, pp. 378, 379, with its interpretation by the theologians. They were for the most part fulfilled. In 844 ‘El Apóstol Santiago, según que lo prometiera al Rey, fué visto en un caballo blanco, y con una bandera blanca y en medio della una cruz roxa, que capitaneaba nuestra gente.’ Mariana, Historia de España, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311. In 957 ‘El Apóstol Santiago fué visto entre las hacas dar la victoria à los fieles,’ p. 382. In 1236 ‘Publicóse por cierto que San Jorge ayudó á los Christianos, y que se halló en la pelea.’ Vol. iii. p. 323. On the dreams which foreshadowed these appearances, see Mariana, vol. ii. pp. 309, 446, vol. iii. pp. 15, 108.

1197

‘Priests mingle in the council and the camp, and, arrayed in their sacerdotal robes, not unfrequently led the armies to battle. They interpreted the will of Heaven as mysteriously revealed in dreams and visions. Miracles were a familiar occurrence. The violated tombs of the saints sent forth thunders and lightnings to consume the invaders.’ Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. 39. In the middle of the ninth century, there happened the following event: ‘En lo mas cruel de los tormentos’ [to which the Christians were exposed] ‘subió Abderramen un dia á las azuteas ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los cuerpos de los Santos martirizados en los patíbulos y atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos para que no quedase reliquia. Cumplióse luego la órden: pero aquel impio probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volvía por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces; cerrósele la boca, y no pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle, sus criados á la cama, murió aquella misma noche, y antes de apagarse las hoguerasen que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los eternos fuegos del infierno.’ Ortiz, Compendio, vol. iii. p. 52.

1198

Circourt (Histoire des Arabes, vol. i. p. 5) says, ‘Les chrétiens qui ne voulurent pas se soumettre furent rejetés dans les incultes ravins des Pyrénées, où ils purent se maintenir comme les bêtes fauves se maintiennent dans les forêts.’ But the most curious account of the state of the Spanish Christians in the last half of the eighth century, and in the first half of the ninth, will be found in Conde, Historia de la Dominacion, pp. 95, 125. ‘Referian de estos pueblos de Galicia que son cristianos, y de los mas bravos de Afranc; pero que viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que no se los mudan, y los llevan puestos hasta que se los caen despedazados en andrajos, que entran unos en las casas de otros sin pedir licencia.’ … In a. d. 815, ‘no habia guerra sino contra cristianos por mantener frontera, y no con deseo de ampliar y extender los limites del reino, ni por esperanza de sacar grandes riquezas, por ser los cristianos gente pobre de montaña, sin saber nada de comercio ni de buenas artes.’

1199

‘Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She engaged in it with the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than to reëstablish the empire of the Cross over the ancient domain of Christendom.’ Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. 392. Compare Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. xxiii. p. 583, ‘bannir de toute l'Espagne la secte de Mahomet;’ and Circourt, Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 99, 109, ‘pour elle une seule chose avait de l'importance; extirper de ses royaumes le nom et la secte de Mahomet.’ … ‘Sa vie fut presque exclusivement consacrée à faire triompher la croix sur le croissant.’ Mariana (Historia de España, vol. v. p. 344, and vol. vii. pp. 51, 52) has warmly eulogized her character, which indeed, from the Spanish point of view, was perfect. See also Florez, Reynas Catholicas, vol. ii. pp. 774, 788, 829.

1200

‘En España los Reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel luego que se viéron desembarazados de la guerra de los Moros, acordáron de echar de todo su reyno á los Judíos.’ Mariana, Historia de España, vol. vi. p. 303. A Spanish historian, writing less than seventy years ago, expresses his approbation in the following terms: ‘Arrancado de nuestra peninsula el imperio Mahometano, quedaba todavía la secta Judayca, peste acaso mas perniciosa, y sin duda mas peligrosa y extendida, por estar los Judíos establecidos en todos los pueblos de ella. Pero los Catolicos Monarcas, cuyo mayor afan era desarraigar de sus reynos toda planta y raiz infecta y contraria á la fé de Jesu-Cristo, dieron decreto en Granada dia 30 de Marzo del año mismo de 1492, mandando saliesen de sus dominios los Judíos que no se bautizasen dentro de 4 meses.’ Ortiz, Compendio, Madrid, 1798, vol. v. p. 564. The importance of knowing how these and similar events are judged by Spaniards, induces me to give their own words at a length which otherwise would be needlessly prolix. Historians, generally, are too apt to pay more attention to public transactions than to the opinions which those transactions evoke; though, in point of fact, the opinions form the most valuable part of history, since they are the result of more general causes, while political actions are often due to the peculiarities of powerful individuals.

Of the number of Jews actually expelled, I can find no trustworthy account. They are differently estimated at from 160,000 to 800,000. Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii. p. 148. Mariana, Historia de España, vol. vi. p. 304. Ortiz, Compendio, vol. v. p. 564. Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. ix. pp. 412, 413. Llorente, Histoire de l'Inquisition, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p. 261. Mata, Dos Discursos, Madrid, 1794, pp. 64, 65. Castro, Decadencia de España, Cadiz, 1852, p. 19.

1201

It had been introduced into Aragon in 1242; but, according to M. Tapia, ‘sin embargo la persecucion se limitó entónces á la secta de los albigenses; y como de ellos hubo tan pocos en Castilla, no se consideró sin duda necesario en ella el establecimiento de aquel tribunal.’ Tapia, Historia de la Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. ii. p. 302. Indeed, Llorente says (Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p. 88), ‘Il est incertain si au commencement du 15e siècle l'Inquisition existait en Castille.’ In the recent work by M. Lafuente, 1232 is given as its earliest date; but, ‘á fines del siglos xiv. y principios del xv. apenas puede saberse si existia tribunal de Inquisicion en Castilla.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. ix. pp. 204–206, Madrid, 1852. It seems therefore with good reason that Mariana (Historia, vol. vi. p. 171) terms the Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella ‘un nuevo y santo tribunal.’ See also Florez, Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas, vol. ii. p. 799.

1202

Prescott's History of Philip II., vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857. Davies' History of Holland, vol. i. p. 447, London, 1841. On the religious character of his German policy, compare Mariana, Historia de España, vol. vii. p. 330; Ortiz, Compendio, vol. vi. pp. 195, 196.

1203

Prescott's Philip II., vol. i. p. 3; and the continuation of Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. xxvii. p. 280. Robertson, though praising Charles V. for this achievement, seems rather inclined to underrate its magnitude; History of Charles V., p. 246.

1204

In the speech he made at his abdication, he said that ‘he had been ever mindful of the interests of the dear land of his birth, but above all of the great interests of Christianity. His first object had been to maintain these inviolate against the infidel.’ Prescott's Philip II., vol. i. p. 8. Miñana boasts that ‘el César con piadoso y noble ánimo exponia su vida á los peligros para extender los limites del Imperio Christiano.’ Continuación de Mariana, vol. viii. p. 352. Compare the continuation of Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. xxxi. p. 19.

1205

Grotius says, 100,000; Bor, Meteren, and Paul say 50,000. Watson's History of Philip II., London, 1839, pp. 45, 51. Davies' History of Holland, London, 1841, vol. i. pp. 498, 499. Motley's Dutch Republic, London, 1858, vol. i. pp. 103, 104.

1206

It is doubted, if I rightly remember, by Mr. Prescott. But the opinion of that able historian is entitled to less weight from his want of acquaintance with Dutch literature, where the principal evidence must be sought for. On this, as on many other matters, the valuable work of Mr. Motley leaves little to desire.

1207

Prescott's Philip II., vol. i. pp. 196, 197. In 1523, the first persons were burned. Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. i. p. 69. The mode of burying alive is described in Davies' History of Holland, vol. i. p. 383, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.

1208

He died on the 21st September; and on the 9th he signed a codicil, in which he ‘enjoined upon his son to follow up and bring to justice every heretic in his dominions, and this without exception, and without favour or mercy to any one. He conjured Philip to cherish the holy inquisition as the best means of accomplishing this good work.’ Prescott's Additions to Robertson's Charles V., p. 576. See also his instructions to Philip in Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. i. p. 91; and on his opinion of the Inquisition, see his conversation with Sir Thomas Wyatt, printed from the State Papers in Froude's History of England, vol. iii. p. 456, London, 1858. This may have been mere declamation; but in Tapia's Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. iii. pp. 76, 77, will be found a deliberate and official letter, in which Charles does not hesitate to say, ‘La santa inquisicion como oficio santo y puesto por los reyes católicos, nuestros señores y abuelos á honra de Dios nuestro señor y de nuestra santa fé católica, tengo firme é entrañablemente asentado y fijado en mi corazon, para la mandar favorecer y honrar, como principe justo y temeroso de Dios es obligado y debe hacer.’

The codicil to the will of Charles still exists, or did very recently, among the archives at Simancas. Ford's Spain, 1847, p. 334. In M. Lafuente's great work, Historia de España, vol. xii. pp. 494, 495, Madrid, 1853, it is referred to in language which, in more senses than one, is perfectly Spanish: ‘Su testamento y codicilo respiran las ideas cristianas y religiosas en que habia vivido y la piedad que señaló su muerte.’ … ‘Es muy de notar en primera cláusula [i.e.] of the codicilpor la cual deja muy encarecidamente recomendado al rey Don Felipe que use de todo rigor en el castigo de los hereges luteranos que habian sido presos y se hubieren de prender en España.’ … ‘“Sin escepcion de persona alguna, ni admitir ruegos, ni tener respeto á persona alguna; porque para el efecto de ello favorezca y mande favorecer al Santo Oficio de la Inquisición,”’ &c.]

1209

Native testimony may perhaps be accused of being partial; but, on the other hand, Raumer, in his valuable History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. i. p. 22, justly observes, that his character has been misrepresented ‘by reason that historians have availed themselves by preference of the inimical narratives of French and Protestant writers.’ To steer between these extremes, I will transcribe the summing up of Charles's reign as it is given by a learned and singularly unprejudiced writer. ‘Tortuous as was sometimes the policy of the emperor, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery; his mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere in religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond example, liberal towards his servants, indefatigable in his regal duties, anxious for the welfare of his subjects, and generally blameless in private life, his character will not suffer by a comparison with that of any monarch of his times.’ Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 41. ‘Clemency was the basis of his character.’ p. 30.

1210

‘The Spaniards, as he grew in years, beheld, with pride and satisfaction, in their future sovereign, the most perfect type of the national character.’ Prescott's History of Philip II. vol. i. p. 39. So, too, in Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. i. p. 128, ‘he was entirely a Spaniard;’ and in Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. i. p. 155, ‘pero el reinado de Felipe fué todo Español.’

1211

Prescott's Philip II. vol. i. pp. 68, 210, vol. ii. p. 26. Watson's Philip II. p. 55. Compare Fleury, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. xxxiv. p. 273.

1212

‘Como era tan zeloso en la extirpación de la heregía, uno de sus primeros cuidados fué el castigo de los Luteranos; y á presencia suya, se executó en Valladolid el dia ocho de Octubre el suplicio de muchos reos de este delito.’ Miñana, Continuacion de Mariana, vol. ix. p. 212.

1213

‘The contest with Protestantism in Spain, under such auspices, was short. It began in earnest and in blood about 1559, and was substantially ended in 1570.’ Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, vol. i. p. 425. See also M'Crie's History of the Reformation in Spain, pp. 336, 346. Thus it was that ‘España se preservó del contagio. Hizolo con las armas Carlos V., y con las hogueras los inquisidores. España se aisló del movimiento europeo.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. i. p. 144, Madrid, 1850. M. Lafuente adds, that, in his opinion, all Christendom is about to follow the good example set by Spain of rejecting Protestantism. ‘Si no nos equivocamos, en nuestra misma edad se notan sintomas de ir marchando este problema hácia su resolucion. El catolicismo gana prosélitos; los protestantes de hoy no son lo que antes fueron, y creemos que la unidad católica se realizará.’

1214

Before the arrival of Alva, ‘Philip's commands to Margaret were imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the heretics.’ Davies' History of Holland, vol. i. p. 551; and in 1563 he wrote, ‘The example and calamities of France prove how wholesome it is to punish heretics with rigour.’ Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. i. p. 171. The Spaniards deemed the Dutch guilty of a double crime; being rebels against God and the king: ‘Rebeldes á Dios por la heregía, y á su Principe á quien debian obedecer.’ Mariana, Historia de España, vol. vii. p. 410. ‘Tratauan de secreto de quitar la obediencia á Dios y á su Principe.’ Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el Prudente Segundo deste Nombre, Madrid, 1632, p. 44 rev. Or, as Miñana phrases it, Philip ‘tenia los mismos enemigos que Dios.’ Continuacion de Mariana, vol. x. p. 139.

1215

Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. i. p. 229. Watson's Philip II. pp. 51, 52, 177.

1216

Mr. Motley, under the year 1566, says, ‘The Prince of Orange estimated that up to this period fifty thousand persons in the provinces had been put to death in obedience to the edicts. He was a moderate man, and accustomed to weigh his words.’ Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. i. pp. 424, 425.

1217

Watson's Philip II. pp. 248, 249. Tapia (Civilizacion Española, vol. iii. p. 95) says, ‘quitó la vida á mas de diez y ocho mil protestantes con diversos géneros de suplicios.’ Compare Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. ii. p. 423, and Davies' History of Holland, vol. i. p. 608.

1218

Davies' History of Holland, vol. i. p. 567. Vanderhammen (Don Filipe el Prudente, Madrid, 1632, p. 52 rev.), with tranquil pleasure, assures us that ‘muriessen mil y setecientas personas en pocos dias con fuego, cordel y cuchillo en diuersos lugares.’

1219

‘El duque de Alba, obrando en conformidad á las instrucciones de su soberano, y apoyado en la aprobacion que merecian al rey todas sus medidas.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. xiii. p. 221.