Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856 (4 of 16 vol.)

H. W. RYLAND.

John Henry, Esq., &c.

Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel

27, Leicester Square, London,

September 4, 1811.

Sir: I have just learned the ultimate decision of my Lord Wellesley, relative to the appointment which I was desirous to obtain; and find that the subsisting relations between the two countries forbid the creating a new office in the United States, such as I was solicitous to obtain. In this state of things I have not a moment to lose in returning to Canada; and have taken my passage in the last and only ship that sails for Quebec this season. As I have not time to enter (de novo) into explanations with the gentleman who is in your office, and as I have received the assurances from you, in addition to the letter from my Lord Liverpool, of the 27th June, that "his Lordship would recommend me to the Governor of Canada for the first vacant situation that I would accept," I beg the favor of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendation without loss of time. I have the honor to be, &c.

J. HENRY.

Robert Peel, Esq., &c.

Despatch of Lord Liverpool to Sir George Prevost

Downing Street, Sept. 16, 1811.

Sir: Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of delivering this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith transmit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction.

In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance which I have given of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasions mentioned in his memorial, and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active employment in any public situation in which you should think proper to place him.

I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

LIVERPOOL.

To Sir George Prevost, Baronet, &c.

[The following is the report of the Secretary of State, communicated to the Senate by the Message of the 12th March, 1812.]

Department of State, March 12, 1812.

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate of the 10th instant, has the honor to report: That this department is not in possession of any names of persons in the United States who have, in any way or manner whatever, entered into, or countenanced the project or the views for the execution or attainment of which John Henry was, in the year 1809, employed by Sir James Craig; the said John Henry having named no person or persons as being concerned in the said project or views referred to in the documents laid before Congress on the 9th instant. Which is respectfully submitted,

JAMES MONROE.

The Message and documents having been read, Mr. Rhea made a motion to print them.

Mr. Pitkin said that he had no objection to the papers being printed, but that he rose to protest against the sentiments attributed in these papers to the Federal party, being considered as those of the citizens of the State which he had the honor to represent. He trusted it would not be believed that they had any knowledge of any mission of this kind from Canada, or from any other quarter.

It was the first time that he had heard that the opposition to the embargo in the States of Vermont or Massachusetts had any connection with the British Government, or with any project of a separation of the Union in any manner, much less under the agency of a British spy. So far as he could understand the papers from the first reading, Mr. P. said they did not intimate that any disclosure had been made to any individual of the United States by Mr. Henry of the object of his mission, or that his scheme had been advocated or supported by any one. And I trust no gentleman will take the character of the parties in any section of this country, from a man who it seems has proved a traitor to his own Government. So far as the statements made in these papers may be considered as involving the party in concert with the Federal party, in any scheme of co-operation with the British Government in dividing the Union, it is one of the grossest libels that ever was uttered. Nor do I feel willing to take the character of the people of this country from the mouth of this man. He does not stop at debasing the character of the people of this country, but he utters a libel against all parties and against the Government itself. He states that in the extra session of Congress in May, 1809, there were sixty-one votes against Mr. Madison, in consequence of his arrangement with Mr. Erskine; when we all know that the vote on the resolution approving of the President's conduct in that affair was no criterion by which to judge. While, therefore, gentlemen will not, as I presume they will not, place any confidence in the statements made by this man against themselves, and against those whom he styles Democrats, I trust they will be equally incredulous as to any statements he has made against those he has called Federalists, with respect to their co-operation with the British Government in dividing the Union. More especially as they come from one who, disappointed at not receiving the promised reward from his Government, has turned traitor to his employers.

Mr. Bibb said he agreed with the gentleman who just sat down on one point, that a full investigation ought to be had. It was due to the Congress, to our connections with Great Britain, that an inquiry should be made into the transaction now exposed to view; and, in addition to the motion for printing, he should move a reference of the Message to the Committee of Foreign Relations.

Mr. Gholson said it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evidence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the Eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious scheme to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country: and yet, Mr. G. said, it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort, in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated, as matter of fact, what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British Government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would say no more.

Mr. Quincy said he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British Government, or any other Government, an idea that there was a party in this country who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. The Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be inquired into. What is the fact, admitting all that this person has said to be true? Why, that an agent from the British Government, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the spot which he represents as the hot-bed of opposition, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not contain an intimation that he dared to mention such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connection as is supposed in these papers with as much abhorrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the Government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event, and not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country for the purpose of serving party views. But here, in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed has not. been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission.

Mr. Wright said that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Gentlemen should reflect that this very disclosure might be one of the means used by this miscreant to divide this country. If he wished to promote division, how could he better attain his object than by denouncing the people of a particular section? Who is this man, and where is he? is an inquiry that ought to be made. I am not one of those who would, without inquiry, take the words of a spy, traitor, and villain, as truth. It might be well to print a sufficient number for the House, but no more until they knew more about it. However gentlemen in the Eastern States might have been dissatisfied at particular measures, the embargo law for instance, their opposition to them had arisen from their operation on their particular interests, and not that they had any disposition to sever themselves from the Union. This business had been very correctly communicated by the Executive to Congress; but they ought to act on it with temper, prudence, and coolness. Mr. W. protested against considering any such disposition as it attributed to a certain party to exist, particularly in the spot which has been frequently and emphatically styled the cradle of the Revolution. He could not feel the same disposition which some appeared to do, to give consequence to this affair.

Mr. Troup did not consider these papers as involving the character of any portion of our people. They appeared to him to be calculated merely to put the people on their guard against foreign emissaries or agents employed for the purpose of effecting a dismemberment of this Union. As to the opinions this person expresses of parties, &c., they are merely the individual speculations of this man, and cannot have much weight. But the documents have a most important bearing. They establish the fact that a foreign Government, on the eve of hostility with us, has for some time past employed an agent to foment divisions among us; and another fact, which, considered in connection with other circumstances, is of great importance. They show the deep-rooted hostility of this foreign power to our Republican Government and liberties – a hostility which could stop at nothing short of a dismemberment of the country. After the affair of the Wabash, when it was said that the Indians had been instigated by the same enemy to hostilities against us, the British Minister's choler rose; he denied the whole. He avails himself of suggestions in public prints to deny their statements; to state that so far from a disposition to stir up the Indians against us, the contrary was the fact; that, indeed, Sir James Craig has been intent on diverting Indian hostilities. Sir, may we not reasonably believe him to have fomented Indian hostilities in one part of the country, while in another he was promoting disunion in the body of the people? These, sir, are the only facts disclosed of importance; the only facts which would justify the publication of more than the ordinary number of copies.

Mr. Fisk said that the remarks which had been made by gentlemen, induced him to ask the indulgence of the House, to give some information and make a few observations relative to the subject now under consideration. This Mr. Henry was an Englishman, but had long resided in this country; so long that he had obtained a captaincy in the army raised in the year 1798; he was a man of gentlemanly deportment, and reputed good moral character; that he (Mr. Fisk) and his colleague (Mr. Strong) well remembered when he passed through Burlington, in the Spring of the year 1808, and that his object was at that time much suspected to have been what he now states; but as a politician, he was thought by the Republicans to have been a firm believer in the British maxim, "that the end sanctifies the means;" and the Federal party enjoyed the full benefits of his principles and labors while he lived in Vermont. Sir, gentlemen say that he is a traitor, a spy, and, therefore, what he here relates is not entitled to credit. However dishonorable a transaction like this may be deemed by our Government, whose motives and conduct are directed and squared by the principles of morality and justice, yet, I believe, it is not thought so very disgraceful in the British Government, as to be beneath her first characters to undertake. Sir, was the mission to Copenhagen to destroy that city, murder the innocent inhabitants, and to rob the Danes of their fleet, a more honorable one than this? Certainly not. And yet, sir, the famous Mr. Jackson, who went on that mission was considered worthy of being a Minister to this country, where he was caressed and highly esteemed by some; and performed both missions much to the satisfaction of his master. Why, sir, can gentlemen seriously doubt the truth of the facts stated by this Mr. Henry, when they have it from the highest authority, that the former British Minister, Mr. Erskine, while here, at this very time, was in the same business this Henry was sent to perform? In a letter written by that Minister to this Government, and published by its order, he tells them:

"I have endeavored, by the most strict and diligent inquiries into the views and strength of the Federal party, to ascertain to what extent they would be willing and able to resist the measures of the party in power, and how far they could carry the opinions of this country along with them in their attempts to remove the embargo, without recurring to hostilities against both Great Britain and France."

And again, he tells them in his letter of the 15th February, 1809, when speaking of the divisions which then agitated this country, and the opposition made to the laws by the people of the Eastern States:

"The ultimate consequences of such differences and jealousies, arising between the Eastern and Southern States, would inevitably tend to a dissolution of the Union, which has been for some time talked of, and has of late, as I have heard, been seriously contemplated by many of the leading people in the eastern division."

Now, sir, when the British Minister was on this business, by order of his Government, is it extraordinary or incredible that this Henry should be sent on the same errand by Governor Craig? The occurrences of those times place the fact out of doubt. I perfectly recollect that on my return home from this place in March, 1809, I was informed of this Henry having passed through the country; and it was then conjectured that he was on the very business which he now states. But, say gentlemen, he libels and calumniates the Government! Why, sir, he does not more so than has often been done on this floor by a gentleman not now present, or than has been done for years by one description of presses and newspapers in this country.

The division of the Union is not a new subject. As early as the time the Jay Treaty agitated this country, I saw two numbers in the "Centinel," printed at Boston, holding out the idea of a separation of the States. I am very far from believing it was ever the wish of the great body of the Federal party, or that they will knowingly join the enemies of this country to effect such a purpose, but that there are some who call themselves Federalists, and who in principle and feeling are Englishmen, that would do it, I have no doubt.

Mr. Smilie said the character of this man was nothing to us, though it might be to him, and he therefore should not follow the example of gentlemen who had made so free with it. There was one point in which he considered the publication of these documents, which was of real importance; that they exhibited to the American people what sort of a nation we had to deal with. It appeared to him that Great Britain considered no means dishonorable provided they would accomplish the attainment of her object. With respect to Mr. Wright's idea, that the publication of the papers would throw an odium on the leading parties in this country, said Mr. S., none of those papers said any thing more disrespectful to the parties in this country than those parties had frequently said of each other in the public prints. He never had believed that the mass of the Federal party wished a separation of the Union; but that there were men in it attached to the British interests, he knew to be true. There was at least enough in these papers to put every man on his guard with respect to the insidious, dishonorable conduct of that Government, and he would therefore vote for printing 5,000 copies.

Mr. Macon said this was one of those debates which sometimes arose in the House, in which all were on one side of the question. Nothing can be more true than that these papers do prove that Great Britain has not yet ceased her attempts to disturb the peace of this nation. That they were genuine he believed, although they came from a man whom that Government had employed. There was nothing new in the manner of communicating them. How was it in the conspiracy of Blount and Liston? Mr. Adams communicated the disclosure to Congress. I imagine that Burr's conspiracy was communicated by some one who was or had been engaged in it. In this case, a man who had been in the service of this Government, preferring the British, was, while in Canada, engaged by Governor Craig to go into a part of this country to endeavor to procure a division of the Union. Mr. M. said he had, four years ago, stated that both Great Britain and France had agents in this country. Had they not had them in other countries? They had; and he cited Holland as a particular instance.

The only question that presents itself is, Is the information useful to us? Does it not confirm every man in the belief that while she is making professions of friendship through her Minister here, Great Britain is, in another direction plotting our destruction by her secret agents? It would be happy for us if we had not also French agents here. I never did believe the Federal party had any notion of joining Great Britain; but this nation, favored as it is, has yet not been clear of discord; and to say that there is not a man in the Federal or Republican parties who would wish a union with Great Britain or France, would be to say what I do not believe.

As to this man, he is just such a one as the British usually employ for these purposes; he is one of their own agents. Can England complain of our giving credit to a man with whom her first Secretary of State and the Governor General of Canada correspond? I care nothing about the cause which brings him here, it is an affair between him and them. The question is, Has he told the truth? I verily believe he has. I understood enough of the papers, as read, to know that he was the agent of the British Government sent here to sow disunion, and that was enough for me. So long as we are governed by interest, mutual wants, or common sense, so long shall we continue united. We are placed in such a situation that we ought to love each other, and we always should, did not our mad passions sometimes run away with us. One part of the nation delights in using the sea; another in agriculture; we supply each other's wants; we ought never to dream of separation. And, sir, when these messengers of hell are sent here shall we not look at them? Let us have the papers printed, sir.

Mr. Key made some remarks which were not all distinctly heard by the reporter. He wished that the publication could have been accompanied with some refutation of its contents, as it would go to alarm the people with an idea of the existence of a spirit in one section of this country which he was sure did not exist. He was not only for committing the subject, but for following it up with a full and prompt examination. Sure I am, said Mr. K., that the people of Europe have mistaken the American character. Whatever difference of opinion may exist among ourselves, there can be none as to the propriety of supporting the integrity of the Union. There can be no doubt that the people of this country, of all descriptions, will rally around the constitution. France had heretofore supposed she possessed a party in this country, but there was not a man of sense in the country who believed it. Foreign nations would err in this way, having no correct knowledge of the sentiments of the people. If we were soon to be involved in war, it was proper that no distrust should exist in one part of the community against another; and he therefore regretted that a complete investigation could not be had before the papers were published.

Mr. Milnor said his purpose in rising now was to express the anxious desire he felt that on this question there might not be the least division of sentiment manifested in the House. He should be extremely sorry at any time; above all, at a period of our national progress when it was thought that a change of circumstances of the most important kind was about to take place; that at this time an opinion should be imbibed that any portion of the people of this country were favorable to England. The candor of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) redounded to his honor. He was extremely glad to find gentlemen acknowledge, with respect to the party in which he stood enrolled, whatever might be our internal differences, &c., that they could not be suspected of hostility to the Union; there could be no idea entertained by sensible men of either party that there was among us any considerable portion of men who are inimically disposed to the union of the States.

That these papers proved a dishonorable attempt on the part of the British Government Mr. M. said he had no doubt. Although a strong sensation would probably be produced by the discovery of this circumstance, and it might be perverted much to the injury of the feelings of particular individuals, he hoped the good sense of the community would induce them, while they properly appreciated this attempt of a foreign Government, not to be led into rash or injudicious measures. He really wished the affair might be probed to the bottom; and that the British Minister having in one case come forward with a disavowal for his Government, would say in some shape or other what was the real state of the case now before the House.

The motion for printing was unanimously agreed to.

Mr. Bibb moved to amend his motion for reference to the Committee of Foreign Relations, so as to give the committee power to send for persons and papers.

Mr. Troup said that on occasions of this kind great care should be taken lest the House be hurried by a momentary excitement into an act of precipitancy. He had confidence in the discretion of the Committee of Foreign Relations, but the vesting such a power in the committee might be considered as an instruction by the House to proceed under any circumstances to bring Mr. Henry before them. He had no doubt in his own mind that the communication had been voluntary on the part of Mr. Henry, but he entertained as little that there may have been certain stipulations and conditions which the Executive would feel itself under the strongest obligations of good faith to comply with, and which would exempt the individual making the disclosure from any responsibility of any kind. Whatever may be thought of the motives of Mr. Henry in making the disclosure, or whatever the epithets applied to him in debate, certain it was, Mr. Henry had done service to the country, and ought to be protected by it. If the committee should, on examination, think proper to proceed to summon persons, or call for papers, the House would not hesitate to vest them with the necessary powers.