Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1

It must be confessed, however, that, its moral aspect apart, the seizure of Atahualpa was a master-stroke of policy. Such was the sacredness in which his person was regarded, that with his capture the whole activity of his government collapsed. Holding this hostage, the Spaniards were omnipotent; for the slightest attempt at a rising or rescue would have at once cost the Inca his life. Whilst the prisoner of the Spaniards, he held his court in captivity, and was treated by the highest lords and officers of his realm with the ceremonious deference which formed part of the innermost being of all who owned his theocratic sway. But notwithstanding the respectful treatment which the Inca was permitted to enjoy, he could not but pine in his captivity, and his mind bent itself to the means of obtaining his freedom. He was the more anxious in this respect, as he feared his lately defeated elder brother Huascar would turn his confinement to account by bribing his jailers to place him at liberty and set him upon the Peruvian throne.

Under these circumstances, the captive Inca one day offered to Pizarro to purchase his liberation at the cost of filling the room in which he stood to his own height—the apartment was seventeen feet by twenty-two—in gold, and the adjoining smaller room twice full with silver, which offer was accepted, two months being given for the execution of the compact. The Inca had not deceived himself in his forebodings as to the conduct of Huascar, who indeed made overtures to the Spaniard, offering a still larger bribe than had his brother. He was, however, in the hands of the latter, who, on learning his proceedings through his creatures, gave orders that he should be put to death. Meanwhile the Inca’s ransom was being collected, but ere it had reached Caxamalca the situation of affairs became materially changed by the unexpected arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about a hundred and seventy men. With these Pizarro now found himself in force to proceed to the south and complete the subjugation of the country. But the question presented itself, What was to be done with the Inca? To set him at liberty would manifestly be to restore cohesion to a government which had collapsed, and thus to undo what had already been effected. If, on the other hand, they should detain him in captivity, the force requisite to guard so precious a hostage would seriously cripple the operations of the conquerors.

In this trying position the Spaniards were at no loss for an excuse for a line of conduct which might justify the measure on which their chief had resolved. In the face of their experience and of all probabilities, a general Peruvian rising was invented; and notwithstanding that the Inca had paid a ransom estimated as equivalent to three million and a half pounds sterling, he was put upon his trial on charges the most absurd, and respecting which, as the circumstances stated had occurred before their arrival, the Spaniards had in any case no pretence of jurisdiction. These, however, had involved themselves so deeply that they had scarcely a choice but to wade on through crime to crime. The Inca was condemned to death, and, to keep up the grim farce to the end, his sentence was finally commuted from being burnt alive to strangulation, on condition of his professing himself a Christian. The Dominican Valverde, who had consented to his execution, has the credit of this conversion.

The death of the Inca proved, as was to be expected, the signal for disorders throughout Peru. The late monarch had, indeed, by his own proceedings at the time of his victory over his brother, paved the way for such a result; for he had given orders to exterminate all members of the Imperial house. The Peruvian empire, with its civilization, which it had cost so much to build up, and which was perhaps equivalent to that of Japan, was now at an end. The provinces remote from Cuzco lost no time in shaking off their allegiance. Early in September, Pizarro and his followers, by this time amounting to about five hundred men, set out for the Peruvian capital, taking with them a younger brother of Atahualpa, whom they set up as the nominal Inca. Their march was a severe one; and at Xauxa they had to encounter the opposition of a numerous but impotent force. From this moment their progress was disputed; and it might have fared hardly with De Soto, who was sent on in advance, had he not, while encompassed by the Peruvians after a desperate engagement in the Sierra, received timely succour from Almagro. At Xauxa Pizarro left a small garrison of forty men, who were to guard the treasure, which he did not think it prudent to take with him on the march.

1533.

An agreeable surprise now awaited Pizarro in the arrival of Manco, the brother of Huascar, and who was the rightful heir to the Peruvian crown. No event could have happened better suited to the Spanish interests. The prince’s petition for protection was at once accorded, and he accompanied the invaders to Cuzco, which city was entered on the 15th of November. It had already been to a considerable extent denuded of its treasures, which had gone to form part of the ransom of Atahualpa, but it still formed a prize well worth the grasping, containing as it did, together with its suburbs, some five-and-twenty thousand houses. Cuzco was a populous, well-built and well-regulated city, with houses of stone, wholly or in part, and with long, regular streets, crossing one another at right angles, and meeting in the great square, which through them communicated with the high-roads of the empire. Through the capital ran a river of pure water, the banks of which for twenty leagues were faced with stone, and which was crossed at intervals by bridges.

Here, as usual, almost the first care of the Spaniards, after their arrival, was to collect the treasure, which was computed to amount to about six hundred pesos of gold and two hundred and fifteen marks of silver. Pizarro’s next object was to set up a civil government, and with this view the young Inca was crowned, with the formalities which would have been observed had he really been destined to power, whilst at the same time Spanish alcaldes and regidores were appointed, two of the latter being Pizarro’s brothers. But all was not tranquil in Peru, and Almagro had soon to take the field to reduce one of the two generals of the late Inca, who, when defeated by him on this occasion, retreated to Quito, where he defied the Spaniards until he was assassinated by his troops. Soon afterwards Pizarro had the good fortune to purchase from the governor of Guatemala, for the consideration of a hundred thousand gold pieces, a fleet of twelve vessels, great and small, with forces, stores and ammunition.

Peru was now, in all seeming, conquered, and the governor’s next concern was to select a suitable situation for the future capital of this vast colony. After much consideration, he decided on a spot about six miles from the mouth of the river Rimac, almost in the latitude of Cuzco, and on which, with wonderful rapidity, arose the beautiful city of Lima. Pizarro was now somewhat advanced in years, and the development of the new city in its delightful situation formed the immediate interest of the remainder of his life, he throwing into this object the same vigour by which he had been ever distinguished in exploration or in war.

It will be remembered that Pizarro’s elder brother, Hernando, had been despatched to Spain to announce the progress of his countrymen and the capture of the Inca. He was graciously received by the emperor, who manifested great interest as well in the fabrics and other products which he had brought with him as in the gold and silver, for which he had more immediate occasion. The adventurers who had returned with him had likewise such a tale to tell that he was at no loss for volunteers to return with him to Peru. He likewise brought back for his brother a patent for the rank of marquis, with the permission to extend his government seventy leagues to the south; and for Almagro the permission to discover and occupy the country for two hundred leagues still further, he himself having been named a knight of St. Iago. It so happened that no one could tell at this time the exact latitude of Cuzco, and consequently it was an open point whether it fell within the dominions allotted to Pizarro or within the grant of Almagro, a point which was not long in producing civil war amongst the conquerors. This was, however, for a time deferred, and Almagro consented to set out for the conquest of Chili.

1535.

Notwithstanding occasional hostile encounters at different points, the success of the Spaniards had been so uniform that almost the last occurrence which they looked for was a general rising of the inhabitants of Peru. They were, consequently, correspondingly astonished when, the Inca Manco having made his escape from Cuzco, his subjects rose at his orders as one man to resist the Spanish yoke and, if possible, to exterminate the invaders. In all directions the Spaniards were assailed, and many of them, who, in full belief of their security, had settled upon isolated properties throughout the country, were without difficulty cut off by the natives. But their grand effort was directed to the reduction of Cuzco, where the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were besieged for months. Although the numbers of the latter did not exceed two hundred besides a thousand native auxiliaries, they had, in the course of the siege, to undergo the trials of famine; besides which they were to be deemed fortunate in that they were not enveloped in the flames to which the city was consigned by the stratagem of the besiegers. They were reduced to terrible straits, and being cut off from all communication from outside the walls, were alike without the hope of succour and the knowledge of a place of refuge. Pizarro indeed had sent no fewer than four expeditions to their assistance, but these had been either repulsed or annihilated.

1535.

From this desperate position they were at length relieved by the necessities of the besiegers. It was now the month of August—six months from the commencement of the siege,—and the Inca Manco, whose multitudinous host was already straitened for provisions, saw that if his followers should not return to their fields at the sowing season, a famine would be the result. He accordingly gave orders that the greater part of his troops should return to their homes, to re-assemble when their agricultural labours were over. This measure, which was perhaps necessary for the Peruvians, was to the Spaniards a reprieve from death. With energy sharpened by apprehension and hunger, their foraging parties now scoured the neighbourhood for provisions, and, with the buoyancy naturally following such depression and long inaction, Hernando Pizarro was not slow in assuming the offensive. He even made a bold attempt, by a vigorous attack in the dead of night, to secure the Inca’s person. This was defeated, and he was pursued by the Peruvians to before the walls of Cuzco; but with the necessity which compelled him to order his warriors to exchange their swords for the ploughshare, the Inca lost the latest hope which remained to his countrymen of expelling the Spanish invaders.

Almagro’s march, undertaken with the object of taking possession of his future government of Chili, was of the most arduous that could be conceived. The cold which he and his men encountered in the passes of the Andes was intense, whilst the straits to which both Spaniards and their attendant Indians were reduced by hunger were so great that the former were glad of the carcases of the horses which fell victims to the climate, whilst the latter were forced to feed on the bodies of their comrades who fell. The accounts, too, received from the exploring expedition which had been sent on in advance, held out no immediate prospect of plunder; so that under these circumstances it was not difficult for his advisers to persuade Almagro to retrace his way to Cuzco. With the remembrance of his recent passage through the mountain defiles, he this time determined to follow the coast; but he had avoided one set of difficulties to encounter another, perhaps as great, for his route led across the great desert of Atacama. On reaching the town of Arequipa, Almagro learned for the first time the revolt of the Peruvians, and he was so fortunate, whilst on his way to Cuzco, as to inflict on the Inca a final defeat.

But before he could obtain possession of that city he had to encounter yet another foe. It was too important a prize to be yielded up without a struggle. Negotiations, it is true, took place between Almagro and the brothers of Pizarro who were in command; but in the end recourse was had to arms, with the result that the former remained master of the city of the Incas, whilst Hernando Pizarro and his brother were his prisoners.

1537.

These successes of Almagro did not fail to rouse the jealousy of Pizarro, but in the end mediation between them was listened to, and Hernando was liberated on a solemn agreement that there should be no more strife between them. Scarcely, however, had Hernando reached his brother’s camp than they at once set on foot a hostile expedition against Almagro, of which Hernando Pizarro was to take command. Almagro was too weak to place himself at the head of his own troops, the command of whom he deputed to Orgoñez. A fierce engagement took place between them and those of his rival within sight of Cuzco. Pizarro was victorious, and after the battle, in which Orgoñez, after performing prodigies of valour, fell, Almagro himself became a prisoner. He had injured too deeply the pride of Hernando Pizarro to be forgiven; the same farce of a mock trial which had been played in the case of Atahualpa now took place upon Pizarro’s confederate. The trial was a waste of time, as the sentence was a foregone conclusion, and the veteran Almagro had to submit to the same traitor’s death which had been inflicted on the Inca. But he was not to be unavenged. His position had been too prominent to make it possible that the circumstances of his fate should escape inquiry, and Hernando Pizarro, who took an abrupt departure for Spain, where his riches might avail him, had to undergo an imprisonment of twenty years.

1541.

The civil war which had occurred in Peru drew the attention of the Spanish Government to that country, and a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid was sent out in the capacity of a royal judge, holding certain co-ordinate powers with Pizarro, and with a warrant to assume the government in the case of his death. He reached Peru at the close of 1541. The affairs of the colony urgently demanded his presence, for the Inca Manco meanwhile kept up a desultory war from the fastnesses of the Cordilleras, from which the Spaniards found it impossible to dislodge him, whilst the natives throughout the country, seeing the Spaniards engaged in war amongst themselves, were more unsettled than ever. The governor now attempted to remedy this state of things by establishing provincial settlements. One of these sprang up at Guamanga and another in the mining district of Charcas, called the Villa de la Plata, whilst the city of Arequipa was founded by the sea. Pizarro continued to display his wonted energy as a governor, encouraging commerce with the colonies north of Peru, and facilitating measures for internal intercourse. Husbandry was stimulated by the importation of European grains, which he had the satisfaction to see thrive in a country whose soil and climate were so productive and varied. But the chief object of attention was the development of the mines, the produce of which very soon attracted European immigrants in numbers. Their arrival enabled Pizarro to send out two important expeditions in opposite directions—the one to Chili under Valdivia, the other under his brother Gonzalo, from his government of Quito, which region had been conquered by Benalcazar, towards the unknown country to the east. The latter expedition was destined to lead to results which those who sent it out were far from foreseeing.

1540.

Gonzalo Pizarro proceeded on his mission with ardour, and in a short time mustered three hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indians, one hundred and fifty of the former being mounted. At the commencement few difficulties presented themselves, but they had no sooner become involved in the ranges of the Andes than dearth, hunger, intense cold, and hardships and incessant toil awaited them at every stage. As they descended the eastern slopes the cold of the mountains was exchanged for tropical heat and a deluge of tropical rains. Some months of this depressing labour brought them at length to the land of cinnamon-trees (Canelas), of which they were in search. The precious bark lay before them covering forests of trees; but in the absence of the means of transport it was useless. They were lured onwards by fabulous accounts of a land of gold before them; but the rumours proved illusive, and they found themselves at every step still further entangled in primeval forests of stupendous growth, the exuberance of the vegetation being such as to defy the imagination of any but those who have witnessed it. Their condition was now pitiable in the extreme. Their provisions and livestock were consumed, and they were reduced to feed upon the carcases of the thousand dogs which they had brought with them, many of them destined for hunting the natives. When this source of food too was gone, they had to content themselves with such herbs and roots as the forest afforded.

If anything can mitigate the horror with which we look on the cruelties exercised by the Spanish conquerors of America, it is the fact that if they never spared others, they were equally unsparing of themselves. They shrank from no exposure, fatigue, or danger, and were as enterprising as they were remorseless.

Gonzalo Pizarro, setting out once more from a valley where he had halted, came to a deep river, the Napo, which it was necessary for him to cross. Its narrowest breadth was twenty feet, and the banks were precipitous, and some two hundred fathoms in height. His men succeeded in laying a beam across, and in traversing this bridge of Al Sirath, one soldier fell into the hell beneath. The others proceeded, through marshes and by swamps and lakes, until their provisions were expended. On the river’s banks they determined to construct a raft which might support the sick and convey the whole party from the one bank to the other as occasion might seem to render prudent. The bits and stirrups of the horses’ harness supplied nails for the raft; the forest furnished gum in place of pitch, and the garments of the soldiers were used instead of oakum. The vessel thus constructed conveyed the sick and the stores, while the main body of the expedition followed on foot the course of the stream, through thickets, caves, plantations, and inundated fields. Gonzalo Pizarro would have belied his name had he not strewed his track with mementoes of his cruelty. Whether or not the chiefs of the tribes by which he passed received him well, their inevitable fate was to be carried along with him, although he observed a distinction between such as had given him a friendly welcome and such as had not, by placing only the latter in chains. But one day these caciques—the chained as well as the unchained—took the opportunity of leaping into the river, thinking the risk of death preferable to the tender mercies of a Pizarro. By this time more than one thousand Peruvians of the party had perished, and as by the native accounts they were not more than eighty leagues from the junction between the stream and a great river, Orellana was ordered to proceed in the vessel to the point of meeting, taking with him fifty men. In the course of three days Orellana reached the point where the Coca joins the Napo, where, finding no provisions, he urged upon his men the necessity of proceeding down the river, leaving Pizarro to his fate. A youthful knight of Badajoz, whose chivalrous ideas revolted against this act of treachery, was left alone by the water’s side, to subsist as best he might until the arrival of Pizarro.

1541.

On the last day of the year 1541 this voyage was commenced, and to such straits were the explorers reduced ere it ended, that they had recourse to boiling their leathern girdles and their shoes, to eat with the herbs upon which they had to subsist. At length the sound of a drum was heard, and four canoes were seen, when Orellana, landing his men, attacked the Indians with the impetuosity of wolves. The plunder of their property supplied the explorers for the present with food, and a further stock was obtained for the voyage. By means of an Indian language some verbal intercourse took place between Orellana and his hosts, and from this arose the name by which the river they were descending was destined to be ever afterwards known. Further down the stream—so the Indians said—there was a country inhabited by a tribe of female warriors. The Spaniards made themselves another boat and descended the river, passing by the mouths of numerous affluents and through the territories of many caciques. They landed at several places, and formally took possession of them for their monarch. They had at length to fight a battle, in which, it was affirmed, ten or twelve females took part. These women, of whom, according to the priest of the explorers, the Spaniards slew seven or eight, were tall and well formed; they were of fair complexion; they wore but a girdle; and they fought with desperation.

1542.

This voyage extended until the 26th of August 1542, when the triumphant Spaniards emerged at the mouth of the river, and courageously committed their frail barques to the currents and waves of the sea. Steering northwards, they desired to reach the island of Cubagua. The newly discovered river was at first named after Orellana, but soon afterwards took its enduring name from the real or imaginary female warriors,—“The Amazons.”

1542.

To return to Gonzalo Pizarro: After in vain awaiting during several miserable weeks the return of Orellana, Gonzalo determined to set out on the same journey by land; but two months were expended in toiling through the forest ere they reached the spot of the junction of the Napo with the Coca, which distance had been accomplished by Orellana by water in three days. There they found Vargas, who had been set on shore, and from him they learned that they had been deserted by their comrades. Their situation was now indeed deplorable, but they did not give way to despair, and after a toilsome return march, which occupied more than a year, a portion of the wayworn band arrived again at Quito. Their absence had extended over two years and a half. Their horses were no more; their clothing was replaced by the skins of wild animals; and they themselves from civilized beings had become transformed into wild men of the woods, with wasted frames, blackened faces, and tangled locks. Of the four thousand Indians who had accompanied them, one-half of the number alone returned, whilst the three hundred and fifty Spaniards were now represented by eighty.

There is but one more event to be recorded in order to complete this sketch of the origin of Spanish Peru. Among men of such hot blood and of such lawless manners as were the conquerors, it was scarcely probable that the followers of Almagro would await tamely whatever retribution for his death might be exacted in Spain; and in order that Almagro’s youthful son might be the more harmless, he was deprived by Pizarro in great part of his property, and likewise of the government of Chili. A conspiracy against the life of the marquis was the result, and the news of an appointment of a colleague with Pizarro in the government gave confidence to his enemies. The arrival of this officer being delayed by severe weather, the conspirators resolved no longer to await for public justice, but to take the law into their own hands. A band of eighteen formed themselves into a committee for its execution. They attacked Pizarro in his palace, and, after a desperate defence on his part and on that of the friends who surrounded him, consigned him to the fate which formed the appropriate close of his stormy career.