Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1

CHAPTER VIII.

CHILI

1535-1550

The authentic history of Chili, according to the Abbé Molina, does not go further back than to about the fifteenth century. The earliest accounts of the Chilians are contained in the Peruvian annals. The Incas had extended their empire from the equator to the tropic of Capricorn and thence to the desirable land of Chili, which extends for twelve hundred and sixty miles along the Pacific Ocean. The chain of the Cordilleras, which bounds it to the east, supplies it with an abundance of streams, moderating its climate and fertilizing its soil. At the time when the devastating presence of the Spaniards first appeared upon the land, the population is supposed to have been numerous. It had not been without severe fighting that the ascendancy of the Peruvians over this region was obtained; and, in like manner, the early Spaniards had to feel the force of the arm of the native tribes. Chili, indeed, had become divided into two parts; the one free, the other subject to Peruvian domination.

According to the author above quoted, the Chilians at the date of the Spaniards’ arrival were by no means so rude in manners as is usually supposed. They had long since passed from the state of the hunter, which is that of the Patagonian of to-day, to the more advanced state of the shepherd. This second stage in civilization, too, they had surmounted, and were now a race of husbandmen; they had not attained to the more advanced condition of merchants. In a country where game was not abundant, and where domestic animals were likewise rare, the transition to the condition of cultivators of the soil was probably of necessity rapid. It will be remembered that when Hernando Pizarro proceeded to Spain after the capture of the Inca Atahualpa, the territory for two hundred leagues to the south of his brother’s government had been assigned to Almagro, who had undertaken the march across the Andes to Chili.

When the difficulties of this terrible passage had been surmounted, Almagro and his men found themselves in a country supplied with abundance of provisions. The Chilians in fact, we are told, possessed maize, pulse of various kinds, the potato, the pumpkin, the pepper plant, the strawberry, and numerous other elements of vegetable food. Of animals they possessed the rabbit and the Araucanian camel, and, as tradition relates, the hog and the domestic fowl. The country may be assumed to have been well peopled, from the fact that one language prevailed throughout it, rather than the various dialects of several separate tribes. It possessed, in many parts, skilfully constructed aqueducts for watering the fields. Of these one remains in the vicinity of the capital, remarkable alike for its extent and solidity. The Chilians ate their grain cooked, either using earthen pots for the purpose of cooking it, or roasting it in hot sand. They likewise made of it two distinct kinds of meal,—the parched, which was used for gruel; and the raw, from which bread and cakes were baked in small holes formed like ovens. They made use of a kind of sieve, and they were so far civilized as to employ leaven. They were also in possession of several kinds of spirituous liquors derived from grain or berries.

The Chilians, having adopted a settled mode of life, collected themselves into families in the districts best adapted for agriculture, where they established themselves in large villages. These settlements consisted of a number of huts irregularly distributed. In each village there was a chief called Ulmen, subject to the supreme ruler of the tribe. This dignity was hereditary, which argues a certain antiquity and likewise a peaceful rather than a warlike mode of living, since in the latter state military ascendancy is apt to overrule the hereditary principle. The right of private property was fully recognized. Each man was absolute proprietor of the field which he cultivated and of the product of his industry, which he could transmit to his children. The houses, which were quadrangular and roofed with rushes, were enclosed by walls of wood plastered with clay, and sometimes with walls of bricks, the art of making which they had acquired from Peru. From the wool of the camel they manufactured cloth for garments, using the distaff and spindle. They were familiar with the use of the needle, and were so far advanced in taste as to admire embroidery.

The clay of the country lent itself to arts of another description,—to the production of plates, cups, jars, &c., for varnishing which a certain mineral earth was employed. The Chilians likewise possessed vessels of hard wood and of marble. The earth yielded gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead. From their bell-metal they constructed axes, hatchets, and other edged tools; and they alone of all the races or nations of America possessed a word for iron, although it is to be added that no iron implements have as yet been discovered in Chili. The natives likewise were familiar with the art of extracting salt. They possessed dyes of all colours, not only from plants but likewise from minerals; whilst in lieu of soap they employed the bark of the quillai, and obtained oil from the seeds of the madi. From various vegetables they manufactured baskets and mats, and from others thread for ropes and fishing-nets. In fishing they employed baskets and hooks, and on the sea-coast used floats of wood or of inflated seal-skins.

Hunting was to them, as to us, an amusement. In this pursuit they employed the arrow, the sling, and the noose, together with snares of several kinds. It is a singular fact that two races, living so far apart as those inhabiting China and Chili, should have employed the same artifice for entrapping wild-fowl on the water, namely, for a man to glide amongst them, his head being concealed in a perforated gourd. They were familiar with the use of numbers, their language possessing the words signifying ten, a hundred, and a thousand respectively, and, like that of the Romans, stopping at that number. Their transactions were noted by skeins of thread of various colours, with a number of knots. They had not attained to the art of writing, although their language contains a word signifying to sketch or to paint. In the latter art, however, they were exceedingly primitive. But their chief progress was in the sciences of physic and astronomy. Such was the people who had been handed over by Charles V. to the tender mercies of Almagro and his followers, whose presence came on them and their promising civilization as the frost on the blossoms of spring.

1535.

The history of Chili, in so far as the connection of that country with Europe is concerned, begins at the close of the year 1535, when Almagro set out from Peru with a force composed of five hundred and seventy Spaniards and some fifteen thousand Peruvians, the latter being under the command of the brother of the Inca Manco. His march has been already briefly described in the preceding chapter. His army, after many conflicts with the natives, became entangled in the Cordilleras at the beginning of winter, being destitute of provisions and ill-supplied with clothing. The few mountain paths were obliterated by the snow. With their accustomed intrepidity, the Spaniards surmounted the perilous heights; but a hundred and fifty of their number, and, it is said, some ten thousand Peruvians, perished from the cold. It is, indeed, computed that none would have escaped but for the energy of Almagro, who, pushing on with a few horsemen, sent back to his followers a timely supply of provisions, which he found in abundance at Copiapo. The survivors of his army reached the plains of that fertile province, where they were well received by the inhabitants.

The Inca’s brother, Paullu, who seems to have had the Spaniards’ interests at heart as being identical with his own, was the first to point out to them the importance of their conquest. He obliged the peasants to deliver up to him all the gold in their possession, by which means he collected a sum equivalent to 500,000 ducats, which he presented to Almagro. The Spanish leader, imagining he had another Peru before him, made over this sum to his followers. He was naturally of a generous disposition, and has been lauded for his action on this occasion;12 but if we reflect on the source from which his largesse sprung, we are reminded of the old saying respecting generosity at the expense of others. As, in addition to the plunder with which he was already gorged, he had the prospect of ample riches before him, his conduct may be compared to that of the chief of a foreign force which we may imagine to be in possession of London, and who, having shared in the spoil of the Bank of England, should liberally make over the treasure at Messrs. Coutts’ to his followers, with the intention of emptying the tills of Messrs. Drummond’s and other banks into their own coffers.

At Copiapo Almagro imitated the conduct of Pizarro in Peru in assuming the office of umpire between contending native authorities. The reigning Ulmen, it appears, had usurped the government of his nephew. Shocked at this instance of high-handed conduct, the worthy Spanish freebooter caused the guilty chief to be arrested; and the natives were simple enough to impute the re-settlement of their hereditary ruler to a sense of abstract justice on the part of the heaven-sent newcomer. Almagro’s followers soon recovered from their fatigues amongst the beautiful villages of Copiapo, and being strengthened by reinforcements brought up by Orgoñez, were soon in a condition to resume their march towards the south. Meanwhile an incident occurred which showed the confiding people that there were two sides to the character of the liberal and just Almagro.

Two soldiers having left the army had proceeded to Goasco, where they were at first well received by the inhabitants, but where they afterwards met their death, which they had in all probability provoked, if they had not richly deserved it. Their fate, however, showed the Chilians that the invaders were mortal, and therefore caused concern to the latter’s chief. Almagro, on learning it, proceeded to Coquimbo, where he summoned before him the Ulmen of the district, as well as his brother and twenty of the principal inhabitants, and the ex-usurping Ulmen of Copiapo. It was no doubt right and reasonable on his part to institute an inquiry into the circumstances attending the death of his two soldiers, and no one could blame him for exacting due punishment on any persons who should be shown to have deserved it in the matter; but it would be hopeless to look for any considerations of justice in one so above all law as Almagro. The twenty-three innocent men, who had had nothing whatsoever to do with the soldiers’ death, were one and all committed to the flames. Such was the Chilians’ first experience of the gratitude of their Christian invaders for the hospitable reception they had met with. It is right to add that the greater part of his army openly disapproved of this savage proceeding on the part of their chief Almagro, who in his subsequent fate must be held to be beyond the pale of sympathy.

1537.

In 1537 Almagro received a further reinforcement under Juan de Rada, and he was at the same time urged by letters from his friends in Peru to return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco. He, however, pursued his march and passed the river Cachapoal, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his Peruvian followers, who dreaded to enter the country of the warlike Promaucians. As usually happened, the aspect of the Spaniards, with their horses and firearms, struck terror into their opponents. These, however, recovering from their surprise, regained at the same time their wonted intrepidity. A battle took place on the Rio-Claro. The Peruvians, who were in the front, were soon routed; and although the Spaniards, after a furious struggle, which lasted until nightfall, remained masters of the field, the enemy were in no degree dismayed. They were prepared to renew the attack next morning; but the Spaniards had had enough of fighting for the present, and resolved by common consent to retreat rather than face a campaign before so warlike a people. A portion of Almagro’s force would have formed a settlement in northern Chili; but it was their leader’s object not to lessen his strength, and he accordingly retreated with his whole band towards Cuzco.

1540.

Three years after the above-mentioned occurrences, when the Pizarros, by the death of Almagro, were undisputed lords of Peru, Francisco determined to renew an attempt on Chili. The enterprise had been confided by the court of Spain to two adventurers, named respectively Hoz and Carmargo. The former was to undertake the conquest of the country to the north of the river Maule; the latter was to reduce the territory southward of that stream as far as to the archipelago of Chiloë. But Pizarro, for some undivulged reason, declined to confirm the royal nomination, and appointed in his own name to the expedition Pedro de Valdivia, an able and well-tried officer, and one devoted to his party. Valdivia, however, was directed to take Hoz with him, and to satisfy him with a liberal distribution of land.

Valdivia determined to establish a permanent settlement in the country to which he was to proceed, and made preparation accordingly, taking with him not only two hundred Spanish fighting-men and a large body of Peruvians, but likewise several women, some monks, and a great number of European quadrupeds. Instructed by the experience of Almagro in the Cordilleras, although he pursued the same route, he took care to choose the summer for his passage. He thus incurred no loss on his way; but he met with a very different reception from that which had been accorded to his precursor. The inhabitants of northern Chili were by this time aware that the empire of the Incas was no more, and they accordingly no longer owed subjection to their Peruvian conquerors. They attacked the invaders on all sides, but with more valour than method. The Spaniards were accordingly enabled to overcome them in detail, and traversed the provinces of Copiapo, Coquimbo, Quillota, and Melipilla, and arrived with but little loss at that of Mapocho, now named Santiago.

1541.

In this fertile province, which lies upon the confines of the Andes, Valdivia determined to make a settlement, and with this view he laid the foundations of the fair city of Santiago on the 24th of February 1541. He laid out the city on the general Spanish colonial plan of dividing it into squares of uniform size; and in order to protect the settlement from attack, he constructed a fort upon a hill in the centre, which has since received the name of S. Lucia. His proceedings were watched by the natives with a jealous eye, and measures were concerted for getting rid of the unwelcome intruders. Valdivia, however, discovered the plot against him in time, and imprisoned the chief conspirators in his fortress, whilst he repaired with sixty horsemen to the river Cachapoal in order to watch the Promaucians, whom he suspected of being in league with the conspirators.

The natives of Mapocho, taking advantage of the absence of Valdivia, fell upon the colony with inconceivable fury, burning the half-built houses and assailing the citadel wherein the inhabitants had taken refuge. Whilst these defended themselves bravely, a woman named Iñez Suarez, taking an axe, beat out the brains of the captive chiefs, who had attempted to escape. The battle, which began at daybreak, lasted until night, fresh assailants constantly filling the places of those who fell. Meanwhile a messenger had been despatched to inform Valdivia of what had occurred. He lost no time in hastening back, when he found the ditch filled with dead bodies, and the enemy preparing to renew the attack. Joining the besieged, he at once advanced upon the main force of the Chilians, who were posted upon the bank of the river Mapocho. There the struggle was renewed with equal fury and valour on either side, but with the advantage of skill and arms on that of the Spaniards. The natives, having at length lost the flower of their youth, dispersed over the plain.

Notwithstanding this defeat and others which followed, this brave people never ceased during six years (by which time they were almost utterly annihilated) to attack the Spaniards upon every occasion that presented itself, cutting off their provisions and compelling them to subsist on unwholesome food and on the small amount of grain which they could raise under the fire from the walls of Santiago. The once fertile plains in the neighbourhood were now a desert, such inhabitants as survived having retired to the mountains.

This prolonged and profitless fighting naturally disgusted the Spanish soldiery, and at length a conspiracy was organized amongst them against the life of Valdivia. That officer, however, having obtained information of what was passing, took his measures accordingly. Some of the conspirators were punished with death, and the soldiers in general were diverted by an expedition to the valley of Quillota, which was said to abound in mines of gold. The result surpassed their most sanguine expectations. Past sufferings and present dangers were forgotten, and the longing to return to Peru no longer existed. All were anxious to remain in the new El Dorado, and the governor lost no time in constructing a frigate at the mouth of the river Chile, which was to bear to Peru the news of his discovery, and to bring him the necessary aid to enable him to prosecute it with success.

Meanwhile, however, the state of his affairs being urgent, Valdivia likewise despatched to Peru two of his officers by land, who should take with them six companions, whose spurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of gold, which he knew would speak more eloquently than any words with a view to gaining him recruits. These messengers, although escorted by thirty horsemen, were attacked by the archers of Copiapo, and of the whole band only two escaped with life. These were the two officers Monroy and Miranda, who were brought before the Ulmen, covered with wounds. That prince resolved to put them to death, but was dissuaded from doing so by his wife, who pitied their deplorable condition. Several of the horses had been taken alive, and the Ulmena who had saved the Spaniards requested from them in return the slight favour of teaching her son to ride. This naturally suggested the idea of escape, which no one could blame the prisoners for attempting. But it would not have been in harmony with all Spanish conduct towards natives of the New World had they simply contented themselves with escaping. One day whilst the young prince was riding, escorted by his archers, and preceded by an officer armed with a lance, Monroy suddenly attacked him with a poniard, inflicting mortal wounds, whilst Miranda at the same time wrested the lance from the officer. The pair having thus rewarded the kindness of the Ulmena, put spurs to their horses and made their escape, in due time reaching Cuzco.

Vaca de Castro, who on the death of Pizarro was now governor of Peru, on being informed of the critical situation of his countrymen in Chili, at once despatched to their aid a considerable detachment of troops under Monroy, who on his return had the good fortune to escape the notice of the Copiapins. At the same time De Castro despatched by sea a still greater reinforcement under Juan Pastene, a Genoese. Both reinforcements reached Valdivia about the same time, thus enabling him to carry his vast designs into execution. Taking advantage of Pastene’s nautical acquirements, he ordered him to make a complete survey of the sea-coast as far as to the Straits of Magellan. On his return from this service Pastene was despatched to Peru for further recruits, which were more than ever wanted, for since the successful affair in Copiapo the natives had become even more aggressive than before.

1544.

The inhabitants of the valley of Quillota had, by means of a stratagem, massacred all the Spanish soldiers employed at the mines. One of the neighbouring natives had brought to the commander a vessel filled with gold, telling him that he had found a large quantity of the precious metal in a neighbouring district. On this, all were impatient to proceed thither to secure their share of the treasure, and falling into an ambuscade were all cut off, with the exception of the commander and a negro, who owed their safety to their horses. At the same time the frigate, which had now been completed, was destroyed. On receiving news of this disaster, Valdivia hastened to Quillota with his troops, and there built a fort for the protection of the miners. Being reinforced with three hundred men, he thought fit to establish a settlement in the north of Chili to serve as a depôt and a protection for convoys. For this purpose he selected Coquimbo, which was founded by him in 1544.

1547.

Two years later, Valdivia, having passed the Maule, proceeded to the river Itata. Whilst there encamped at night, at a place called Quilacura, he was attacked by the natives, who inflicted on him such a loss that he thought it prudent to renounce his intended expedition and to return to Santiago. Being disappointed by the non-arrival of the succours which he expected from Peru, he now resolved to proceed thither in person. As he was on the point of starting [1547], Pastene returned, but alone, and bringing news of the civil war. This did not deter Valdivia from his purpose, and the two set sail together for Peru. The part which was played in the final struggle in that country by the conqueror of Chili is detailed elsewhere. As a reward, he was confirmed by the President Gasca in the office of governor of Chili, and was furnished with an abundance of military stores. The president further put at his disposal two ships, in which he might take away with him many of the turbulent spirits who could be well spared from Peru.

During the absence of Valdivia, affairs in the south were by no means at a standstill. In the first place, Pedro de Hoz, who, it will be remembered, had been designated by the court of Spain for the conquest of Chili, was accused, rightly or wrongly, of endeavouring to supplant Valdivia, and was accordingly beheaded by order of the acting governor. In the next place, the inhabitants of Copiapo, eager to avenge the treacherous murder of their prince’s son, cut off some forty Spaniards who were proceeding from Peru to Chili, whilst, at their instigation, the people of Coquimbo massacred the whole colony which had been recently founded in their territory, razing the city to its foundation. Aguirre was immediately sent thither, and after various encounters rebuilt the settlement on a more advantageous situation. Aguirre is considered by the inhabitants of Coquimbo as the founder of their city, and many of the patricians of the place claim him as their ancestor.

1550.

After a toilsome contest of nine years, Valdivia considered himself to be so firmly established in that part of Chili which had been under the dominion of the Peruvians as to warrant his partitioning the land amongst his soldiers. Having by these means satisfied the ambition of his companions, he set out anew for the southern provinces with a respectable army of Spaniards and of Promaucian allies. After a march of eighty leagues he at length arrived at the bay of Panco—already reached by Pastene—where, on the 5th of October 1550, he founded the city of Conception. This place, the situation of which is so advantageous for commerce on account of its excellent harbour, is exposed to earthquakes, by which, and by the simultaneous inundations of the sea, it has been twice destroyed.13 Its occupation by the Spaniards excited alarm amongst the neighbouring warlike Araucanians, who, foreseeing that their turn would come next, resolved to succour the tribes near Conception. Thus was produced a fresh war, the details of which may be preceded in a future chapter by some account of the remarkable people who have hitherto, even to the present day, by their obstinate valour, alone amongst the native inhabitants of South America, withstood the tide of Spanish invasion, and maintained themselves independent in their mountain strongholds.