Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1

It was inevitable that in the course of time South America should be explored as Africa is now being explored; but the world is to be congratulated in that with the lapse of centuries the consideration of civilized peoples towards weaker races becomes somewhat greater, though there is still much room for improvement in this respect.

The Peruvian chief having been detained on board to dinner and having been courteously dismissed, Pizarro on the following day sent two of his men on shore with a present for the governor. They returned with so marvellous a tale, that Pizarro, somewhat distrusting it, next day sent on shore a person in whose statements he could have greater confidence, but who on his return only confirmed what had been told by the others respecting the marvels of Tumbez,—a city which, being the most important place on the borders of Peru proper, boasted a magnificent temple, with an establishment of the Virgins of the Sun.

On the receipt of this intelligence, Pizarro’s feelings were of a twofold nature—rapture on being at length actually within sight of the golden spoils which he had gone through so much to obtain, and bitter regret that at such a moment his followers were not at hand to enable him to seize them. Having no other course before him, he reluctantly quitted Tumbez,—a prey that must await a more convenient season. Sailing still further southwards he touched at various points, and was everywhere received with hospitality, until, having reached almost the ninth degree of southern latitude, and having ascertained indubitable proofs of the existence of a great empire, he yielded to the wishes of his followers and retraced his way to Panamá. It may be mentioned that, visiting Tumbez on his return voyage, he there left some of his companions as the guests of the natives, whilst he was permitted to carry away with him two or three Peruvians, who were destined to be interpreters.

1528.

On his arrival at Panamá, where he had long since been given up for lost, he was received with much joy, but even after the tale of his discovery had been repeated, the governor obstinately declined to lend any assistance towards the further prosecution of his enterprise. This was a trying blow to Pizarro and his two associates. There was now no help for it but to appeal directly to the crown. After some difficulty the necessary funds were raised, and, in the spring of 1528, Pizarro and one of his comrades, taking with them some natives of Peru and some products of that country, set out to tell their tale at the court of Castile.

Note.—It may be noticed as an instance of history repeating itself that at one of the places at which Pizarro touched on his return to Panamá he was entertained by a Peruvian lady of rank, to whom he stated his motives for visiting the country. He concluded by unfurling the flag of Castile, which he required his hostess and her attendants to raise in token of their allegiance to his sovereign, they being of course unaware of the nature of the act they were performing. Are we not reminded of the recent proceedings of M. de Brazza on the Congo?

CHAPTER VII.

CONQUEST OF PERU

1529-1542

Pizarro, on his return to Spain, found the Emperor Charles V. at Toledo, and met with a gracious reception. The court listened with eagerness to his adventures by sea and land, and examined with interest the products of Peru which he had brought with him. His tales of the wealth which he had witnessed were the more readily believed in consequence of the experiences of another Spaniard whom he now met at court, the famous conqueror of Mexico. Yet affairs in Spain progressed with proverbial slowness, and it was not until the expiry of a year from the date of his arrival in the country, that the capitulation was signed defining the powers of Pizarro.

1529.

By this agreement he was granted the right of discovery and conquest in Peru, or New Castile, with the titles of Captain-general of the province and Adelantado, or lieutenant-governor. He was likewise to enjoy a considerable salary, and to have the right to erect certain fortresses under his government, and, in short, to exercise the prerogatives of a viceroy. Almagro was merely appointed commander of the fortress of Tumbez, with the rank of Hidalgo; whilst Father Luque became bishop of the same place. Luque was likewise to be “protector of the Indians,” with a yearly salary, which, like those of his associates, was to be derived from the revenues of the country to be conquered.

Pizarro, on his part, was bound to raise within six months a force of two hundred and fifty men; whilst the government on theirs engaged to furnish some assistance in the purchase of artillery and stores. Ruiz received the title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean; Pedro de Candia, who had accompanied Pizarro, was named chief of artillery; and the other eleven companions who had remained with him on the desolate island were created Hidalgos or gentlemen. Liberal provisions were inserted in the agreement, to encourage emigration to Peru, and Pizarro was enjoined to observe the standing regulations for the good government and protection of the natives of America. “It is but justice to the Spanish Government,” says Prescott, “to admit that its provisions were generally guided by a humane and considerate policy, which was as regularly frustrated by the cupidity of the colonist and the capricious cruelty of the conqueror.” But what, it may be asked, is the justification of the Spanish government in undertaking or sanctioning the conquest of Peru at all; in attacking an inoffensive people, and disposing of their country by anticipation? Had the Peruvians been let alone, there would have been no occasion to provide for their protection; and however desirable might be their conversion, to effect this by the sword might be sanctioned by the Koran, but certainly not by the New Testament.

It may be remarked that whilst Pizarro was required to carry out with him a specified number of ecclesiastics, he was at the same time strictly prohibited from permitting the presence of lawyers in the new settlements. On the whole, the terms of this arrangement did not tend to increased belief in the probity of Pizarro, who had strictly bound himself, whilst acting as their envoy, to proceed with perfect fairness in securing the interests of his associates; but it is absurd to look in the records of a transaction, which was one of spoliation and knavery from beginning to end, for anything in the shape of probity.

1530.

This solemn engagement having been completed to the satisfaction of the new knight of Santiago, he found time to pay a flying visit to his native town, Truxillo, where he was awaited by four half-brothers, who were to play a prominent part in Peru; of these four, three were Pizarros, of whom one only, Hernando, who was his senior, was legitimate. The fourth was the illegitimate son of Francisco Pizarro’s mother. Three of them were, like himself, to meet a violent death in Peru. He found no small difficulty in complying with the terms of the agreement within the specified time. He, however, contrived to start from Seville in January 1530, his brother Hernando following him to the rendezvous at Gomera in the Canaries; and in due time he reached the port of Nombre de Dios, where he was joined by Luque and Almagro. The latter of these was to no slight extent disappointed at the position which had been assigned to him. Pizarro excused himself as best he might, declaring that he had done what he could; that the government objected to divided authority; and that the country before them was large enough for both.

1531.

A new element had now entered into the confederation which had undertaken the conquest of Peru. Hernando Pizarro had everything to gain from the exclusive supremacy of his brother, and at the outset almost caused a rupture between him and Almagro. The latter indeed had gone so far as to enter into negotiations for the purchase of vessels, in order to prosecute the expedition without the aid of the Pizarros; but from this course he was dissuaded by the representations of Luque. This temporary reconciliation having been effected, no time was lost in preparing for the voyage. Three vessels were provided to replace those left on the opposite side of the Isthmus; a force was mustered of about one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses; and Pizarro, early in January 1531, sailed the third and last time for the coast of Peru. Previously to his departure, a sermon had been preached to the little force by one of the Dominicans selected for the mission; mass was performed, and the Holy Communion was administered to each of the soldiers setting out on this crusade—a crusade inspired by zeal for riches rather than religion, and directed not against aggressive Saracens, but inoffensive Americans, whose only crime was to possess wealth.

Leaving his colleague Almagro to gather recruits, Pizarro steered for Tumbez. Contrary winds, however, compelled him to anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew, where he resolved to disembark his forces and advance along the coast. The march was not easy, for the streams were full and had to be crossed where they were widest. Pizarro’s buoyant spirit, however, overcame every difficulty. At the first considerable hamlet the natives were taken by surprise, and much plunder, including many emeralds, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. The gold and silver ornaments were deposited in a common heap; the royal fifth was deducted for the crown, and the rest was distributed among the officers and soldiers. This usage prevailed throughout the conquest, and any one infringing it incurred the penalty of death. Pizarro now sent back to Panamá the vessels which had accompanied him so far along the coast, and which took away a considerable quantity of gold, the sight of which might allure recruits.

During the remainder of the march to the bay of Guayaquil the Spaniards suffered sorely, as well from a fatal epidemic as from the intense heat of the sun. They had, however, no resistance to encounter from the natives, who, alarmed at their proceedings, fled to the forest on their approach. When he had reached the vicinity of Tumbez, Pizarro determined to halt for a time on the small island of Puná, where an arbitrary act of punishment on his part ere long involved him in a fierce struggle with the islanders. Here as elsewhere Spanish discipline prevailed against enormous odds; yet he was not sorry to be relieved from his harassing situation by the arrival of two vessels bringing some horses and a hundred recruits, with which, in addition to his former force, he felt himself in sufficient strength to re-cross to the continent and resume his aggressive operations.

The inhabitants of Tumbez did not this time receive the Spaniards with their previous cordiality. On the contrary, one of the balsas bearing them was seized, and three persons were borne into the adjacent woods and massacred. Pizarro on entering the town was astonished to find it not only deserted, but almost entirely demolished. A few substantial buildings only—and these despoiled of their ornaments—remained to mark the site of the government of Almagro and of the bishopric of Luque! Pizarro, having despatched a small party in pursuit of the fugitives, was so fortunate as to get possession of the governor of the place, from whom he received the explanation that the dilapidated condition of the town was the result of a fierce contest with the inhabitants of Puná. He likewise learned that the two followers whom he had left on his former visit had perished. One of these, however, had bequeathed him a scroll, which Pizarro obtained from an unsuspecting native, and on which were written the words: “Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay.” This intelligence, however, encouraging as it was, was not sufficient to restore the spirits of the soldiers, who had fully counted on the spoils of Tumbez.

1532.

Pizarro felt the pressing necessity of giving active employment to his soldiers, but at the same time he dreaded to advance further into the interior without complete information. He took a middle course. Leaving behind part of his men, he himself with the remainder reconnoitered the interior. In May a detachment under his own command kept advancing on the more level region, whilst a smaller body skirted the slopes of the Andes under Hernando de Soto, a cavalier afterwards renowned as the discoverer of the Mississippi, and whose portrait is to be seen in the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. The Spanish leader, being awakened to the necessity of not unnecessarily provoking the hostility of the natives, maintained strict discipline, and enjoined his men to abstain from all acts of violence. By lenient conduct he soon effaced the previous unfavourable impressions respecting him, and he was welcomed in the villages beneath the Cordilleras. Proclaiming everywhere that he came in the name of the Pope and of the king of Spain, the simple natives involuntarily saw themselves become subjects of the latter, as a preliminary to being members of the faith of which the former was the head.

After a month spent in exploration, Pizarro fixed on the valley of Tangarala as the site of his new settlement. This rich locality, traversed by streams navigable from the sea, was distant thirty leagues from Tumbez, and thither he ordered the men he had left there to repair. No sooner had they arrived than preparations were made for building the settlement. Timber and stone abounded, and ere long San Miguel could boast a church, a magazine, a hall of justice, and a fort. A municipal government was organized; the neighbouring lands were divided amongst the residents; and each colonist had a number of natives assigned to him as labourers,—this last measure being held to tend to their initiation in the true faith. Luque, “the protector of the Indians,” had been left behind at Panamá.

This important operation having been effected, Pizarro caused the gold and silver which he had robbed to be melted down. After a fifth had been deducted for the crown, the soldiers were persuaded to relinquish their share for the present, and it was sent back to Panamá to pay the shipowners and the outfitters of the expedition. The chief had meanwhile gained important information respecting the empire of Peru. That unhappy land had recently been the subject of contest between two brothers, and the victor and his forces were now encamped at a distance of ten days’ march from San Miguel. Pizarro judged that on the whole it was better to lead his men on active service rather than to allow their ardour to be damped whilst waiting for further reinforcements. This force was indeed a small one with which to attempt the conquest of a powerful empire. It consisted of about a hundred and seventy men, after deducting fifty for the defence of his settlement. But no one can accuse Pizarro of irresolution. He determined to strike directly at the Inca, and in September quitted San Miguel at the head of his available men.

The Peruvian empire was now resting after an internal struggle between the sons of Huayna Capac, the conqueror of Quito, and who had left the two kingdoms of his empire to his sons Huascar and Atahualpa. Five years later the brothers went to war with each other, and their two years’ contest had but recently been decided in favour of the latter, who had now assumed the scarlet borla or diadem of the Incas. On leaving San Miguel, Pizarro and his band marched through primeval forests, broken here and there by barren shoots of the Andes. The country was as fertile as it was lovely, and was cultivated with no mean skill. Wherever the Spaniards came to, they were received by the natives with unsuspecting hospitality, which for their own sake they were careful not to abuse. In every considerable place a royal caravanserai, or resting-place for provisions, was found, in which the Inca was wont to lodge on his royal progresses. Halting on the fifth day, Pizarro found that his band numbered one hundred and seventy-seven, of which sixty-seven were horsemen. Of these, however, nine, being faint-hearted or lukewarm, were permitted to return to San Miguel. The rest volunteered to follow their captain whithersoever he might lead them.

Again resuming his march, Pizarro neared the Andes. De Soto was despatched in advance to reconnoitre, but on the eighth day he returned, accompanied by an envoy from the Inca. The Peruvian had brought with him some valuable gifts for Pizarro, whom Atahualpa welcomed to his country and invited to visit him at his camp. The march was now resumed, and the Spanish leader sent forward one of his Indians to the royal camp across the mountains with instructions to observe and report upon the route, and more particularly if the passes were guarded. After three days’ further march the base of the Andes was reached, and Pizarro had now the final choice before him of proceeding to the south along a broad and level road to Cuzco, the southern capital, or of climbing the steep and narrow way across the Cordilleras, to the camp of Atahualpa. As was to be expected from his daring character, he chose the latter.

The difficulties of the Spaniards’ march over mountain paths which had been constructed for the passage of no animal of greater burden than the llama, may be easily imagined by those who may have travelled in Northern Turkey, Asia Minor, or Persia. To miss one’s footing was in many places to ensure being dashed to pieces over the precipices beneath; and had their progress been opposed, Pizarro’s little band must have been repulsed or annihilated, more especially as there were some strong works of stone commanding angles of the road. As it was, however, the Spaniards and their horses contrived to toil up the steep ascent and at length reached the crest of the Cordillera, where the cold was so great that the men were glad of the protection of tents and the warmth of fires. Here Pizarro was rejoined by one of the messengers whom he had sent forward, and who informed him that the road was unguarded, and that an embassy from the Inca was on its way to his camp. The Peruvian envoy renewed the greetings of his master, who again invited Pizarro and his companions to Caxamalca, which place he reached on the evening of the 15th of November 1532.

1532.

Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, Pizarro forthwith despatched his brother Hernando, together with De Soto and a party of horsemen, to the Inca’s camp. They were received with politeness, and Atahualpa deigned to promise a visit to the Spaniards on the morrow, upon which De Soto and his companions returned to give to their comrades such an account of the state and military strength of the Peruvian monarch as filled them with dismay. At this critical moment the master spirit of Pizarro asserted its supremacy. Matters had now arrived at such a pass that all must be staked on the hazard of the die. Going amongst his men, he exhorted them not to be downcast, since from their marvellous successes hitherto they were manifestly under the special protection of the heavenly powers, and hence the numbers against them mattered nothing. He then summoned a council of officers and unfolded to them for the first time his project, which was nothing more or less than to seize the Inca. What follows is so far beyond ordinary credulity that it would not be ventured on by a writer of fiction unless he were to suppose supernatural agency.

When the morning broke of Saturday the 16th of November, the Spaniards were called to arms by the trumpet’s sound, and were acquainted by their leader with his daring plan, which was to be executed on that very day. They were then carefully stationed within the spacious buildings of Caxamalca, so as to be hidden from view until the signal should sound for their appearance. Everything, said Pizarro, depended on concert, coolness, and celerity. Nothing was overlooked by the indefatigable chief, even to the horses being furnished with bells, to add to the confusion of the Peruvians. Mass was of course performed, and the God of battles was impiously invoked in favour of the treacherous brigands. It was not, however, till late in the day that any movement was visible in the Peruvian camp; and when Atahualpa and his troops at length neared Caxamalca, the Inca sent a message to Pizarro that in consequence of the lateness of the hour he would encamp on the open for the night and pay his visit on the following morning.

His message, as we may well believe, disturbed the Spanish leader to no slight extent; but he was a man of many resources, amongst which treachery was by no means the least conspicuous. His men had been under arms all day, and their powers might be tried too far. He therefore returned a message to the effect that he had prepared an entertainment for the Inca for that evening, and he trusted he might not be disappointed in his coming. Deceived by these smooth words, the unsuspecting monarch at once gave orders for a change of plan, and leaving his warriors on the plain, came on to Caxamalca with an unarmed guard, sending on in advance a messenger to Pizarro to excuse the simplicity of his visit.

Shortly before sunset the van of the royal procession reached Caxamalca, and as the leading files entered the great square, where not a Spaniard was to be seen, the Dominican, Valverde, afterwards bishop of Cuzco, came forward with a bible and a crucifix, and attempted to explain to the astonished Peruvian the intricate doctrine of the Trinity; ranging, as we are told, from the creation of man to the representative of the Prince of the Apostles. To what must have sounded to him, hearing it as he did for the first time under these strange circumstances, as incomprehensible, the Inca replied with disdain that his god, pointing to the sinking sun, lived in the heavens above them, upon which he threw the bible to the ground. This indignity to the sacred volume scandalized Valverde, who, picking it up and hastening to Pizarro, urged him no longer to delay in giving the appointed signal. Thereupon the chief waved his scarf; the signal-gun was fired; and the Spaniards, springing like tigers from their lair, rushed upon their prey. Some thousands of unarmed Peruvians had entered with the Inca, but they were utterly powerless against the butchers who assailed them. The gates of the town had been closed on their entry; but by mere force of numbers they burst through the frail walls, and thus many of them escaped. A fierce struggle, however, raged round the golden litter of the Inca, whose person it was Pizarro’s object to secure alive, and in effecting which he himself received the only wound of which the Spaniards could boast on that shameful day, the glory of which undoubtedly rests with the Peruvians. Some thousands of them fell—all or most unarmed—through their devotion to their monarch, whom as a captive Pizarro was enabled to entertain at the feast to which he had invited him.

Some thoughtless persons have instituted a parallel, founded on numbers alone, between the attack on the Peruvians by Pizarro’s band and the defence of Thermopylæ against the Persians by the immortal three hundred. A more insulting comparison was never imagined. Leonidas and his band devoted themselves to the defence of their country, of freedom and civilization, and were sure to meet death from an overwhelming armed force. The Spaniards, on the other hand, can claim no more sympathy or respect than can a band of modern Greek brigands, who are alike entitled with them to the praise belonging to enterprise, temperance, patient endurance of severe hardship, and the most constant observance of religious duties. As to personal danger, the Spaniards engaged in the slaughter of the unarmed Peruvians attending the capture of the Inca incurred no more risk than does the butcher amongst so many sheep.