The Journal of Negro History, Volume 3, 1918

D. Appleton and Company have published for Professor Ulrich B. Phillips of the University of Michigan a volume entitled American Negro Slavery.

Lincoln, the Politician, by T. Aaron Levy, and Latest Lights on Abraham Lincoln, and War Time Memories, works published by Badger and Revell respectively, are two important volumes throwing light on the Civil War.

Among the Washington University Studies has appeared a monograph by C. S. Boucher entitled The Secession and Cooperation Movements in South Carolina, 1848 to 1852.

1

On account of ill health Mr. W. B. Hartgrove, who was preparing this article, had to turn over his unfinished manuscript to the editor, who completed it. The story is based on the "Life of Josiah Henson," "Father Henson's Story of His Own Life" and "Uncle Tom's Story of His Life."—The Editor.

2

Henson, "Uncle Tom's Story of his Life," p. 15.

3

Henson, "Uncle Tom's own Story of his Life," p. 53.

4

Henson gives this interesting conversation:

"How far is it to Canada?" He gave me a peculiar look, and in a minute I saw he knew all. "Want to go to Canada? Come along with us, then. Our captain's a fine fellow. We're going to Buffalo." "Buffalo; how far is that from Canada?" "Don't you know, man? Just across the river." I now opened my mind frankly to him, and told him about my wife and children. "I'll speak to the captain," said he. He did so, and in a moment the captain took me aside, and said, "The Doctor says you want to go to Buffalo with your family." "Yes, sir." "Well why not go with me?" was his frank reply. "Doctor says you've got a family." "Yes, sir." "Where do you stop?" "About a mile back." "How long have you been here." "No time," I answered, after a moment's hesitation. "Come, my good fellow, tell us all about it. You're running away, ain't you?" Henson saw that he was a friend, and opened his heart to him. "How long will it take you to get ready?" "Be here in half an hour, sir." "Well go along and get them." Off I started; but, before I had run fifty feet, he called me back. "Stop," said he; "you go on getting the grain in. When we get off, I'll lay to over opposite that island, and send a boat back. There's a lot of regular nigger-catchers in the town below, and they might suspect if you brought your party out of the bush by daylight." I worked away with a will. Soon the two or three hundred bushels of corn were aboard, the hatches fastened down, the anchor raised, and the sails hoisted. I watched the vessel with intense interest as she left her moorings. Away she went before the free breeze. Already she seemed beyond the spot at which the captain agreed to lay to, and still she flew along. My heart sank within me; so near deliverance, and again to have my hopes blasted, again to be cast on my own resources. I felt that they had been making a mock of my misery. The sun had sunk to rest, and the purple and gold of the west were fading away into gray. Suddenly, however, as I gazed with weary heart the vessel swung round into the wind, the sails flapped, and she stood motionless. A moment more, and a boat was lowered from her stern, and with steady stroke made for the point at which I stood. I felt that my hour of release had come. On she came, and in ten minutes she rode up handsomely on the beach. My black friend and two sailors jumped out, and we started on at once for my wife and children. To my horror, they were gone from the place where I left them. Overpowered with fear, I supposed they had been found and carried off. There was no time to lose, and the men told me I would have to go alone. Just at the point of despair, however, I stumbled on one of the children. My wife it seemed, alarmed at my long absence, had given up all for lost, and supposed I had fallen into the hands of the enemy. When she heard my voice, mingled with those of the others, she thought my captors were leading me back to make me discover my family, and in the extremity of her terror she had tried to hide herself. I had hard work to satisfy her. Our long habits of concealment and anxiety had rendered her suspicious of every one; and her agitation was so great that for a time she was incapable of understanding what I said, and went on in a sort of paroxysm of distress and fear. This, however, was soon over, and the kindness of my companions did much to facilitate the matter."—Father Henson's Story of his own Life, p. 121.

5

Henson, "Uncle Tom's Story of his Life," p. 162.

6

Years thereafter when taking dinner with a distinguished gentleman in London the thought of enjoying such privileges while his only brother was in slavery dawned suddenly and impressed itself so forcefully upon him that he immediately arose from the table, unable to eat. He soon returned to America and at once proceeded to devise means to free his brother. Mr. William Chaplain, of New York, had repeatedly urged him to flee by way of the underground railroad, but he was so demoralized and stultified by slavery that he would not make an effort. Mr. Chaplain made a second effort to induce him to escape but he still refused. Henson finally arranged to sell the narrative of his life to secure funds for his liberation. The book sold well in New England and the requisite four hundred dollars being raised his brother was freed and enabled to join him in Canada.—Father Henson's Story of his own Life, pp. 209-212.

7

Liberator, April 11, 1851.

8

For the inscription we are indebted to the Cambridge edition of the poems of Mrs. Browning, edited by Harriet Waters Preston, Houghton Mifflin, Boston, p. xii. Translation: Here wrote and died Elizabeth Barrett Browning, who united to a woman's heart the learning of a savant and the inspiration of a poet, and made her verse a golden link between Italy and England. This tablet was set by grateful Florence in 1861.

9

The Letters of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, edited by Frederic G. Kenton, 2 vols., Macmillan, New York and London, 1898. Vol. I, p. 21.

10

Letters, I, 23.

11

I. e., Franklin Pierce.

12

Letters, II, 110.

13

Letters, II, 183.

14

Quoted from Browning Society Papers, Part XII, by Elizabeth Porter Gould in The Brownings and America, p. 55.

15

Mrs. Sutherland Orr, Life and Letters of Robert Browning. 2 vols. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1891. Vol. I, p. 8.

16

Bourne, "Spain in America," 271.

17

California Miscellany, I, 9.

18

Bancroft, "History of California," I, 175; Place Notices, I, 151.

19

Hittell, "History of California," II, 115.

20

Garrison, "Westward Extension," 26.

21

Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2 Sess., 509.

22

Garrison, "Westward Extension," 254-268, 284-314. Cong. Globe, 29 Cong., 2d Sess., 178, 453, 455; 30 Cong., 1st Sess., 875, 989, 910, 1002-1005, 1062, 1081; 2d Sess., 216, 381.

23

Tuthill, "Hist. of California," 312, 316.

24

Proclamation To the Inhabitants of California.

It having come to the knowledge of the Commander in Chief of the District that certain persons have been and still are imprisoning and holding to service Indians against their will and without any legal contract for service. It is thereby ordered that all persons so holding or detaining Indians shall release them, and permit them to return to their own homes. Unless they can make a contract with them which shall be binding upon both parties. The Indian population must not be regarded in the light of slaves, but it is deemed necessary that the Indians within the settlement shall have employment, with the right of choosing their own master and employment. Having made such a choice they must abide by it, unless they can obtain permission in writing to leave, or the Justice in their complaint shall consider they have just cause to annull the contract and permit them to obtain another employee. All Indians must be required to obtain service and not be permitted to wander about the country in idleness in a dissolute manner. If found doing so they will be liable to arrest and punishment by labor on the public works at the direction of the Magistrate. All officers, Civil or Military under my command are required to execute the terms of this order and take notice of every violation thereof.—Given at headquarters in Yerba Buena.—Signed, John Montgomery. Sept. 15, 1846. Published for the Government of all concerned. Washington A. Bartlett, Magistrate of San Francisco, Sept. 15, 1846.—California Star, Sept. 15, 1846.

25

California Laws, 1849-50, p. 408.

26

Ibid., p. 408.

27

Bancroft, "History of California," VI, p. 313.

28

Ibid., p. 313.

29

The Californian, March 16 and Nov. 4, 1848.

30

Bancroft, "History of California," p. 287.

31

Jour. Cal. Leg., 1850, 372-373.

32

Cong. Globe, 1849-50, App., pt. I, 149-157.

33

Tuthill, "History of California," p. 320.

34

Bancroft, "History of California," VI, pp. 252-253.

35

Ibid., p. 595.

36

Many Negroes were returned to slavery by the Courts. An owner of slaves in Mississippi brought them voluntarily into California before the adoption of the Constitution by the State. The slaves asserted their freedom and for some months were engaged in business for themselves. The owner under the provision of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1852 brought them before the Justice of Peace, who allowed the claim of the owners and ordered them into his custody. The slaves then petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus which came before the Supreme. Court and after hearing the case the Court ordered that the writ be dismissed and the slaves remanded to their owners.—California Reports, II, 424-426.

The case of Alvin Coffey is equally as interesting. This account was given by a lifelong friend of the subject.

Alvin Coffey was born in 1822, in Saint Louis, Missouri. He came to California with his sick master, a Mr. Duvall, who landed in San Francisco, September 1, 1849. They went to Sacramento, October 13, 1849. During the next eight months the slave earned for his master $5,000, working in the mines, and by washing for the miners and mining for himself after night, he earned $700 of his own. As the master continued in poor health he decided to return with Alvin to Missouri at the expiration of two years. When they reached Kansas City, Missouri, the master sold Alvin to Nelson Tindle, first taking from him the $5,000, earned for the master, and also the $700 earned for himself.

Nelson Tindle took a great liking to Alvin and in a short time made him overseer over a number of slaves. Alvin, however, longed to return to California and, in order to earn his freedom, bought his time from his master and took contracts to build railroads. One day Nelson Tindle said to Alvin that he was too smart a man to be a slave and ought to try and purchase his freedom. Whereupon Alvin told him if he would let him return to California, he could easily earn enough money to effect the purchase. Alvin was permitted to return to California, and in a short time sent his master the $1,500 to pay for his freedom. Alvin then undertook to earn the money to pay for the freedom of his wife and daughters, who were slaves of Doctor Bassett, of Missouri. He earned the required sum and returned for his family. After paying for their freedom, he went with them to Canada, where he left his daughters to be educated. He and his wife Mahalia came to California. It cost him for the freedom of himself and family together with the trips to and from California about $7000. See Bancroft, "History of California," VI, p. 382.

37

Some of these cases are more than interesting. Daniel Rodgers came across the plains with his master from Little Rock, Arkansas, worked in the mines in Sonora, California, during the day for his master and at night for himself, earning and paying his master $1,100 for his freedom. Soon afterward the master returned with him to Little Rock and sold him. A number of the leading white gentlemen of Little Rock raised a sum of money, paid for his freedom and set him free. William Pollock and wife from North Carolina came to California with their master who located at Cold Springs, Coloma, California. He paid $1,000 for himself and $800 for his wife. The money was earned by washing for the miners at night and making doughnuts. They removed to Placerville, California, and afterward earned their living as caterers. In 1849, a slaveholder brought his slave to California. Not wishing to take the Negro back to his native State, Alabama, he concluded to sell him by auction. An advertisement was put in the papers, the boy was purchased for $1,000, by Caleb T. Fay, a strong abolitionist, who gave the boy his freedom.

A Mississippi slaveholder brought several slaves from that State and promised to give them their freedom in two years. They all ran away save one, Charles Bates, when they learned that they were already free. The owner, finding mining did not pay, started east, taking Charles with him. On the Isthmus of Panama, Charles was persuaded to leave his master. He returned to California and to Stockton with his true friend. On the street one day he was recognized by a party who had lent money to Charles's master. The debtor got out an attachment for the former slave as chattel property, and according to the State law, the Negro was put up and sold at auction. A number of anti-slavery men bought the boy for $750 and gave him his freedom.—California Reports, I, 424-426.

38

Bancroft, "History of California," VI, p. 716.

39

Bancroft, "History of California," VI, p. 716.

40

Ibid., VI, p. 716.

41

These Documents were collected by Miss D. L. Beasley and M. N. Work.

42

Miscellany, p. 35.

43

Miscellany, p. 545.

44

This paper is from the collection of 105 in the Court House at Eureka. Austin Wiley, whose name appears in the document, was later appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for California; and during his term of office did much to bring to a satisfactory termination the trouble then existing between the settlers and the natives.

45

Miscellany, p. 541.

46

These are freedom papers as recorded in the California County Court records, and as they have been found by the California Archivist, Mr. Owen Coy.

47

This court record was obtained by Mr. W. N. Work.

48

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 102.

49

"Rights of British America," Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, I, p. 440.

50

"This clause," says Jefferson, in his Autobiography (I, p. 19), "was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our northern brethren, also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others."

51

"Their amalgamation with the other color," said he, "produces a degradation to which no lover of excellence in the human character can innocently consent."—Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 478.

52

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 243.

53

Ibid., III, p. 250.

54

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 303.

55

Ibid., IX, p. 304.

56

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 303.

57

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, p. 290.

58

Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.

59

Ibid., X, p. 291.

60

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, p. 292.

61

To General Chastellux, who had proposed to publish in a French scientific paper certain extracts from Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, he wrote the following in 1785:

The strictures on slavery (in the Notes on Virginia) … I do not wish to have made public, at least till I know whether their publication would do most harm or good. It is possible, that in my own country, these strictures might produce an irritation, which would indispose the people towards (one of) the two great objects I have in view; that is, the emancipation of their slaves.—Ford edition of the Writings of Jefferson, III, p. 71.

62

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 154.

63

Ibid., III, p. 192.

64

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, II, p. 247.

65

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, II, p. 249.

66

Ibid., III, p. 266.

67

Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.

68

Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.

69

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 267.

70

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 244.

71

Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.

72

Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.

73

Ibid., III, p. 245.

74

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 245.

75

Ibid., III, p. 245.

76

Ibid., III, p. 246.

77

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 246.

78

Ibid., III, p. 247.

79

Ibid., III, p. 247.

80

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 249.

81

Ibid., III, p. 249.

82

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, III, p. 138.

83

Ibid., V, p. 377.

84

Ibid., V, p. 379.

85

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, V, p. 377.

86

Ibid., IX, p. 246.

87

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 261.

88

Ibid., X, p. 344.

89

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, II, p. 26.

90

Ibid., III, p. 325.

91

Ibid., III, p. 409.

92

Ibid., III, p. 471.

93

Ibid., IV, p. 410

94

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IV, p. 82.

95

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IV, p. 127.

96

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IV, p. 185.

97

Ibid., IV, pp. 181-185.

98

Ibid., IV, p. 342.

99

Ibid., IV, p. 343.

100

Ibid., V, p. 31.

101

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, V, p. 66.

102

Ibid., V, p. 67.

103

Ibid., IX, p. 329.

104

Ibid., IX, p. 477.

105

Ibid., IX, p. 479.

106

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, V, p. 6.

107

This refers to "Avenia; or, A Tragical Poem on the Oppression of the Human Species," an antislavery work printed in Philadelphia in 1805.—Note in the Ford edition.

108

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VIII, p. 351.

109

Ibid., V, p. 296.

110

Ibid., V, p. 296.

111

Ibid., VI, p. 349.

112

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VII, p. 168.

113

Ibid., VII, p. 167.

114

Ibid., VIII, p. 340.

115

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VIII, p. 104.

116

Ibid., VIII, p. 162.

117

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VIII, pp. 161, 163.

118

Ibid., VIII, p. 119.

119

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VIII, p. 492.

120

Ibid., IX, p. 477.

121

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 478.

122

Ibid., IX, p. 477.

123

Ibid., IX, p. 478.

124

Ibid., IX, p. 479.

125

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, IX, p. 515.

126

Ibid., X, p. 76.

127

Ibid., X, p. 76.

128

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, p. 157.

129

Ibid., X, p. 158.

130

Jefferson MSS. Rayner, 164.

131

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, I, p. 5.

132

Ibid., I, p. 51.

133

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, VII, p. 310.

134

Ibid., X, p. 200.

135

Ibid., X, p. 292.

136

Ibid., X, p. 293.

137

In 1817 Jefferson had written Thomas Humphreys:

I have not perceived the growth of this disposition (to emancipate the slaves and settle them elsewhere) in the rising generation, of which I once had sanguine hopes. No symptoms inform me that it will take place in my day. I leave it, therefore, to time, and not at all without hope that the day will come, equally desirable and welcome to us as to them. Perhaps the proposition now on the carpet at Washington to provide an establishment on the coast of Africa for voluntary emigrations of people of color may be the corner stone of this future edifice.—Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, p. 77.

138

Ford edition of Jefferson's Writings, X, p. 344.

139

Ibid., X, p. 385.