The Journal of Negro History, Volume 1, January 1916

354

The African Repository, XXI, 285.

355

The Cincinnati Gazette, July 14, 1841.

356

Stebbins, "Facts and Opinions Touching the Real Origin, Character and Influence of the American Colonization Society," 200-201.

357

The Baltimore Sun, July 27, 28 and 29, 1852.

358

Stebbins, "Facts and Opinions, etc.," 200-201.

359

Cromwell, "The Negro in American History," 42.

360

The North Star, 1853.

361

Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell's "Negro in American History," 43-44.

362

Ibid., 44.

363

The African Repository, XXIV, 261.

364

Letter of Bishop Holly in Cromwell's "The Negro in American History," 44.

365

The Liberator, 1833.

366

The African Repository, XXIII, 117.

367

United States Census, 1850 and 1860.

368

For a more detailed account of these settlements see Woodson's "The Education of the Negro, Prior to 1861," 243-244; and Hickok, "The Negro in Ohio," 85-88.

369

Mr. Powell, a teacher of Tuskegee, wrote this letter a few years ago while making a study of the Negroes in Ohio.

370

"An Account of the Endeavor Used by the S.P.G.," pp. 6-12; Meade, "Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon," pp. 31 et seq.

371

Special Report of U. S. Commission of Ed., 1871, pp. 300 et seq.

372

Journal, Vol. I, May 30, July 18, and Aug. 15, 1707; Special Report of the U. S. Com. of Ed., 1871, p. 363.

373

Pascoe, "Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," p. 15.

374

Ibid., 15.

375

In 1713 this churchman wrote his supporters:

"As I am a minister of Christ and of the Church of England, and a Missionary of the most Christian Society in the whole world, I think it my indispensable and special duty to do all that in me lies to promote the conversion and salvation of the poor heathens here, and more especially of the Negro and Indian slaves in my own parish, which I hope I can truly say I have been sincerely and earnestly endeavoring ever since I was a minister here where there are many Negro and Indian slaves in a most pitifull deplorable and perishing condition tho' little pitied by many of their masters and their conversion and salvation little desired and endeavored by them. If the masters were but good Christians themselves and would but concurre with the ministers, we should then have good hopes of the conversion and salvation at least of some of their Negro and Indian slaves. But too many of them rather oppose than concurr with us and are angry with us, I am sure I may say with me for endeavouring as much as I doe the conversion of their slaves.... I cannot but honour Madame Haigue.... In my parish a very considerable number of Negroes … were very loose and wicked and little inclined to Christianity before her coming among them I can't but honor her so much … as to acquaint the Society with the extraordinary pains this gentle woman and one Madm. Edwards, that came with her, have taken to instruct those negroes in the principles of the Christian Religion and to instruct and reform them; And the wonderful successe they have met with, in about a half a year's time in this great and good work. Upon these gentle women's desiring me to come and examine these negroes … I went and among other things I asked them, Who Christ was. They readily answered. He is the Son of God and Saviour of the world and told me that they embraced Him with all their hearts as such, and I desired them to rehearse the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten Commandments and the Lord's Prayer, which they did very distinctly and perfectly. 14 of them gave me so great satisfaction, and were so very desirous to be baptized, that I thought it my duty to baptize them and therefore I baptized these 14 last Lord's Day. And I doubt not but these gentlewomen will prepare the rest of them for Baptism in a short Time." Journal, Vol. II, Oct. 6, 1713; A. Mss., Vol. VIII, pp. 356-7; Pascoe, "Digest of Records of S.P.G.," p. 15.

376

Journal, II, 328; XIV, 48; XX, 132-133; XVI, 165-166.

377

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 46.

378

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," 16.

379

Meriwether, "Education in South Carolina," p. 123; McCrady, "South Carolina," etc., p. 246; Dalcho, "An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina," pp. 156, 157, 164.

380

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 22.

381

Ibid., 22.

382

Ibid., 23.

383

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 47.

384

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 22.

385

Smyth, "Works of Franklin," V, 431.

386

Wickersham, "History of Education in Pennsylvania," p. 249.

387

Bassett, "Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina," p. 226.

388

Journal, Vol. XI, pp. 305 and 311.

389

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 28.

390

Journal, Vol. XVII, p. 97.

391

Ibid., II, 251.

392

Journal, IX, 87.

393

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 47.

394

Ibid., 1737, 50.

395

Ibid., 1737, p. 41.

396

Pennsylvania Magazine of History, XXIV, 467, 469.

397

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 38.

398

Ibid., 39.

399

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1736.

400

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," 55.

401

Ibid., 56.

402

Ibid., 57, and "Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed.," 1871, 362; and "An Account of the Endeavors Used by the S.P.G.," pp. 6-12.

403

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 58.

404

Ibid., Journal, I, Oct. 20, 1710.

405

"Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed.," 1871, p. 362.

406

Pascoe, "Digest, etc.," p. 59.

407

Journal, III, Oct. 15, 1714.

408

Humphreys, "Historical Account of the S.P.G.," 243.

409

Pascoe, "Digest, etc.," p. 65.

410

Ibid., 66.

411

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1737.

412

Pascoe, "Digest, etc.," p. 68.

413

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, p. 50.

414

Journal, XIX, 452-453.

415

Ibid., January 21, 1715.

416

Pascoe, "Digest of the Records of the S.P.G.," p. 67.

417

Ibid., 46.

418

Ibid., 47.

419

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1737 and 1738, p. 39.

420

Ibid., p. 40.

421

Proceedings of the S.P.G., 1723, 51.

422

Ibid., 1723, p. 52.

423

King, "New Orleans, the Place and the People during the Ancien Regime," 333.

424

De las Casas, "Historia, General," IV, 380.

425

Herrera, "Historia General," dec. IV, libro II; dec. V, libro II; dec. VII, libro IV.

426

French, "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Part V, 119 et seq.

427

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," 4th Edition, I, 242, 254.

428

French, "Historical Collections of Louisiana," Part III, p. 42.

429

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," I, 102.

430

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," I, 242, 454.

431

Ibid., I, 366.

432

Ibid., I, 365-366.

433

In 1900 a writer in Pearson's Magazine in discussing race mixture in early Louisiana made some startling statements as to the results of the miscegenation of these stocks during the colonial period.

434

Code Noir, 1724.

435

Code Noir.

436

Lebeau, De la condition des gens de couleur libres sous l'ancien régime, p. 49.

437

Ibid., 49.

438

Ibid., 50.

439

Ibid., 51.

440

In the treaty of 1803 between the newly acquired territory of Louisiana and the government of the United States, they and all mixed bloods were granted full citizenship.

441

Most writers of our day adhere to this definition. See Grace King, "New Orleans, etc.," and Gayarré, "History of Louisiana."

442

Lebeau, De la condition des gens de couleur libres sous l'ancien régime, passim.

443

Ibid., 60.

444

Laws of Jamaica.

445

Litigation on the subject of the definition of the free person of color reached its climax in the year of our Lord, 1909, when Judge Frank D. Chretien defined the word Negro as differentiated from person of color as used in Louisiana. The case, as it was argued in court, was briefly this. It was charged that one Treadway, a white man, was living in illegal relations with an octoroon, Josephine Lightell. The District Attorney claimed that any one having a trace of African blood in his veins, however slight, should be classed as a Negro. Counsel for the defence had taken the position that Josephine Lightell had so little Negro blood in her veins that she could not be classed as one. Judge Chretien held in his ruling that local opinion, custom and sentiment had previously agreed in holding that the black, and not the white blood settled the ethnological status of each person and that an octoroon, no less than a quadroon and a mulatto, had been considered a Negro. But he held that if the Caucasian wished to be considered the superior race, and that if his blood be considered the superior element in the infusion, then the Caucasian and not the Negro blood must determine the status of a person. The case went to the Supreme Court of Louisiana on an appeal from the decision of Judge Chretien who held that a mulatto is not a Negro in legal parlance. The Supreme Court in a decision handed down April 25, 1910, sustained the view of Judge Chretien. This decision was an interpretation of an act of 1908 which set forth a definition of the word Negro.–See State vs. Treadway, 126 Louisiana, 300.

446

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," I, 444, 448.

447

Ibid., I, 365, 442, 454.

448

Ibid., I, 448.

449

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," I, 435.

450

Ibid., 440.

451

Ibid., I, 444.

452

Dumont, "Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane," 225, 226.

453

Another interesting story is related by Dumont, a historian of Louisiana, who published a work in 1753. The colony was then under the administration of Gov. Kerlerec, whose opinion of colonial courage was not very high. The colony was without an executioner, and no white man could be found who would be willing to accept the office. It was decided finally by the council to force it upon a Negro blacksmith belonging to the Company of the Indies, named Jeannot, renowned for his nerve and strength. He was summoned and told that he was to be appointed executioner and made a free man at the same time. The stalwart fellow started back in anguish and horror, "What! cut off the heads of people who have never done me any harm?" He prayed, he wept, but saw at last that there was no escape from the inflexible will of his masters. "Very well," he said, rising from his knees, "wait a moment." He ran to his cabin, seized a hatchet with his left hand, laid his right hand on a block of wood and cut it off. Returning, without a word he exhibited the bloody stump to the gentlemen of the council. With one cry, it is said, they sprang to his relief, and his freedom was given him.–Dumont, "Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane," 244, 246.

The story is also told by Grace King of one slave, an excellent cook, who had once served a French governor. When, in one of her periodic transitions from one government to another, Louisiana became the property of Spain, the "Cruel" O'Reilly was made governor of the colony. He was execrated as were all things sent by Spain or pertaining to Spanish rule. However, having heard of the fame of the Negro cook, he sent for him. "You belong now," said he, "to the king of Spain, and until you are sold, I shall take you into my service." "Do not dare it;" answered the slave, "you killed my master, and I would poison you." O'Reilly dismissed him unpunished.–Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," II, 344.

454

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," I, 480.

455

Ibid., III, 108.

456

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," III, 108.

457

Ibid., III, 126-132.

458

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," III, 348.

459

Gayarré, "History of Louisiana," III, 354.

460

See Debates in Congress.

461

Marshall, Speech in Washington on the Nomination of Breckenridge and Lane, p. 3.

462

Speech of John Stephenson on the state of the Union in the House of Representatives, January 30, 1861.

463

Bartlett, "Presidential Candidates in 1860," pp. 344-345.

464

Speech of Hon. J. C. Breckenridge delivered at Ashland, Kentucky, p. 9.

465

Speech of J. C. Breckenridge on Executive Usurpation, July 16, 1861.

466

"The Frankfort Commonwealth," August 21, 1861.

467

These were some of the most intellectual and aristocratic men of the State. Collins exaggerates, however, when he says that few leading men opposed secession. See Collins, "History of Kentucky," I, 82.

468

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 36.

469

Ibid., 36.

470

Ibid., 37.

471

Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," 65, 178, 234; Turner, "Rise of the New West," 77.

472

Report of the American Historical Association, 1893, pp. 219-221.

473

Burgess, "Civil War and the Constitution," I, 30.

474

Ibid.

475

McMaster, "History of the United States," VIII, 426-427.

476

Rhodes, "History of the United States," III, 391.

477

Rhodes, "History of the United States," VII, 392.

478

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 158-179.

479

House Journal, 1861, Governor's Message, p. 10.

480

Ibid., 11.

481

House Journal, 1861, Governor's Message, p. 12.

482

Ibid., 14.

483

Letter of John J. Crittenden to Gen. McClellan.

484

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 42.

485

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," p. 45.

486

House Journal. 1861, p. 33.

487

Ibid., 34.

488

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 57.

489

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 58-62.

490

Ibid., 58.

491

House Journal, 1861, p. 6.

492

Ibid., 94.

493

Nicolay and Hay, "Life of Lincoln," IV, 233.

494

Smith, "History of Kentucky," 610; Shaler, "History of Kentucky," 243.

495

Smith says in describing the period of 1861: "It were well nigh certain that if a sovereignty convention could have been called at any time before the formation of the Union sentiment and policy into action and life, the state would have been carried off into the act of secession as Virginia and Tennessee were by the sense of sympathy and kinship toward the South." Shaler thinks the same. He says: "There is reason to believe that this course (neutrality) was the only one that could have kept Kentucky from secession. If what had been unhappily named a Sovereignty Convention had been called in 1861; if the state had been compelled by the decision of a body of men who were acting under the control of no constitutional enunciation, the sense of sympathy and kinship with the Southern states, such as would easily grow up under popular oratory in a mob, would probably have precipitated action." Speed, however, is doubtless right in saying all this is mere assertion and that there was no danger of secession after the people had a chance to transfer their will to the government. Shaler, "Kentucky," p. 240; Smith, "History of Kentucky," p. 610.

496

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 93-98.

497

Collins, "History of Kentucky," I, 243.

498

The Frankfort Commonwealth, July 19; Aug. 19, 21, 23; Nov. 10, 20, 23; and Dec. 11, 1861; The Yeoman Weekly, May 10; June 21, 22; July 8, 1861; Daily Louisville Democrat, Sept. 7 and Oct. 8, 1861.

499

House Journal, 1861, 240.

500

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 192.

501

War Records, Serial 108, p. 37; Serial 127, p. 234; Serial 110, pp. 44-64, and Serial 110, p. 71.

502

Nicolay and Hay, "Life of Lincoln," IV, 237.

503

Shaler, "History of Kentucky," 261.

504

House Journal, 1861, p. 122.

505

Speed, "The Union Cause in Kentucky," 300 et seq. See despatches and letters given in same.

506

Rhodes, "History of the United States," III, 392.

507

Gage published in 1648 in London an account of his residence and voyages; I have only a French version of his work at hand, printed in Amsterdam, in 1721. The passages cited are re-translated from that language and, therefore, will not agree word for word with the original text.

508

Gage's "Voyages," Part 3, Chapter II.

509

It seems proper to add here, that three years after Guatemala had declared her independence of Spain, she abrogated slavery by decree of April 17, 1824. Thereby she got, by the way, into difficulties with Great Britain, which as late as in 1840 demanded the extradition of slaves run away from the adjacent British territory of Balize. Guatemala was by men-of-war sent to her coast forced to do so, though that was contrary to her constitution.

510

Within the last decades, some Negroes have been brought over, from the United States, to the banana plantations of United Fruit Co., near the Atlantic coast, and occasionally, though very seldom, one meets with a black newcomer from Jamaica, Barbadoes, or other West Indian islands.

511

This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.

I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.

512

Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of the Journ. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.

513

There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.

514

Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.

515

N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.