The Journal of Negro History, Volume 1, January 1916

158

Marquis de Chastellux, "Travels," I, 454.

159

Moore, "Historical Notes," 19.

160

"The Spirit of Rhode Island in '76," 186-188.

161

Washington, "The Story of the Negro," I, 311, Note.

162

Moore, "Historical Notes," 22.

163

Ibid., 16.

164

Bancroft, "History of the United States," X, 133.

165

Lecky, "American Revolution," 364.

166

Austin Dabney, a remarkable free man of color, died at Zebulon. His remains repose, we understand, near those of his friend Harris. The following account of Dabney, as given by Governor Gilmer, may be interesting:

In the beginning of the Revolutionary conflict, a man by the name of Aycock removed to Wilkes County, having in his possession a mulatto boy, who passed for and was treated as his slave. The boy had been called Austin, to which the captain to whose company he was attached added Dabney.

Dabney proved himself a good soldier. In many a skirmish with the British and Tories, he acted a conspicuous part. He was with Colonel Elijah Clarke in the battle of Kettle Creek, and was severely wounded by a rifleball passing through his thigh, by which he was made a cripple for life. He was unable to do further military duty, and was without means to procure due attention to his wound, which threatened his life. In this suffering condition he was taken into the house of a Mr. Harris, where he was kindly cared for until he recovered. He afterwards labored for Harris and his family more faithfully than any slave could have been made to do.

After the close of the war, when prosperous times came, Austin Dabney acquired property. In the year 18–, he removed to Madison County, carrying with him his benefactor and family. Here he became noted for his great fondness for horses and the turf. He attended all the races in the neighboring counties, and betted to the extent of his means. His courteous behavior and good temper always secured him gentlemen backers. His means were aided by a pension which he received from the United States.

In the distribution of the public lands by lottery among the people of Georgia, the Legislature gave to Dabney a lot of land in the county of Walton. The Hon. Mr. Upson, then a representative from Oglethorpe, was the member who moved the passage of the law, giving him the lot of land.

At the election for members of the Legislature the year after, the County of Madison was distracted by the animosity and strife of an Austin Dabney and an Anti-Austin Dabney party. Many of the people were highly incensed that a mulatto negro should receive a gift of the land which belonged to the freemen of Georgia. Dabney soon after removed to the land given him by the State, and carried with him the family of Harris, and continued to labor for them, and appropriated whatever he made for their support, except what was necessary for his coarse clothing and food. Upon his death, he left them all his property. The eldest son of his benefactor he sent to Franklin College, and afterwards supported him whilst he studied law with Mr. Upson, in Lexington. When Harris was undergoing his examination, Austin was standing outside of the bar, exhibiting great anxiety in his countenance; and when his young protégé was sworn in, he burst into a flood of tears. He understood his situation very well, and never was guilty of impertinence. He was one of the best chroniclers of the events of the Revolutionary War, in Georgia. Judge Dooly thought much of him, for he had served under his father, Colonel Dooly. It was Dabney's custom to be at the public house in Madison, where the judge stopped during court, and he took much pains in seeing his horse well attended to. He frequently came into the room where the judges and lawyers were assembled on the evening before the court, and seated himself upon a stool or some low place, where he would commence a parley with any one who chose to talk with him.

He drew his pension in Savannah where he went once a year for this purpose. On one occasion he went to Savannah in company with his neighbor, Colonel Wyley Pope. They traveled together on the most familiar terms until they arrived in the streets of the town. Then the Colonel observed to Austin that he was a man of sense, and knew that it was not suitable to be seen riding side by side with a colored man through the streets of Savannah; to which Austin replied that he understood that matter very well. Accordingly when they came to the principal street, Austin checked his horse and fell behind. They had not gone very far before Colonel Pope passed the house of General James Jackson who was then governor of the state. Upon looking back he saw the governor run out of the house, seize Austin's hand, shake it as if he had been his long absent brother, draw him from his horse, and carry him into his house, where he stayed whilst in town. Colonel Pope used to tell this anecdote with much glee, adding that he felt chagrined when he ascertained that whilst he passed his time at a tavern, unknown and uncared for, Austin was the honored guest of the governor.

White's "Historical Collections," 584.

167

Wertenbaker, "Patrician and Plebeian in Virginia," 31.

168

Exactly how many of each race settled in the Appalachian region we cannot tell, but we know that they came in large numbers, after the year 1735. A few important facts and names may give some idea as to the extent of this immigration. The Shenandoah Valley attracted many. Most prominent among those who were instrumental in settling the Valley was the Scotchman, John Lewis, the ancestor of so many families of the mountains. The Dutchmen, John and Isaac Van Meter, were among the first to buy land from Joist Hite, probably the first settler in the Valley. Among other adventurers of this frontier were Benjamin Allen, Riley Moore, and William White, of Maryland, who settled in the Shenandoah in 1734; Robert Harper and others who, in the same year, settled Richard Morgan's grant near Harper's Ferry; and Howard, Walker, and Rutledge, who took up land on what became the Fairfax Manor on the South Branch. In 1738 some Quakers came from Pennsylvania to occupy the Ross Survey of 40,000 acres near Winchester Farm in what is now Frederick County, Virginia. In the following year John and James Lindsay reached Long Marsh, and Isaac Larne of New Jersey the same district about the same time; while Joseph Carter of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, built his cabin on the Opequon near Winchester in 1743, and Joseph Hampton with his two sons came from Maryland to Buck Marsh near Berryville. But it is a more important fact that Burden, a Scotch-Irishman, obtained a large grant of land and settled it with hundreds of his race during the period from 1736 to 1743, and employed an agent to continue the work. With Burden came the McDowells, Alexanders, Campbells, McClungs, McCampbells, McCowans, and McKees, Prestons, Browns, Wallaces, Wilsons, McCues, and Caruthers. They settled the upper waters of the Shenandoah and the James, while the Germans had by this time well covered the territory between what is known as Harrisonburg and the present site of Harper's Ferry. See Maury, "Physical Survey," 42; Virginia Magazine, IX, 337-352; Washington's Journal, 47-48; Wayland, "German Element of the Shenandoah," 110.

169

Wayland, "German Element of the Shenandoah," 28-30; Virginia Historical Register, III, 10.

170

See Meade, "Old Families of Virginia," The Transalleghany Historical Magazine, I and II; De Hass, "The Settlement of Western Virginia," 71, 75; Kercheval, "History of the Valley," 61-71; Faust, "The German Element in the United States."

171

Dunning, "The History of Political Theory from Luther to Montesquieu," 9,10.

172

Buchanan, the most literary of these reformers, insisted that society originates in the effort of men to escape from the primordial state of nature, that in a society thus formed the essential to well-being is justice, that justice is maintained by laws rather than by kings, that the maker of the laws is the people, and that the interpreter of the laws is not the king, but the body of judges chosen by the people. He reduced the power of the ruler to the minimum, the only power assigned to him being to maintain the morals of the state by making his life a model of virtuous living. The reformer claimed, too, that when the ruler exceeds his power he becomes a tyrant, and that people are justified in rejecting the doctrine of passive obedience and slaying him. See Buchanan, "De Jure Apud Scotos" (Aberdeen, 1762); Dunning, "History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu"; and P. Hume Brown, "Biography of John Knox."

173

Just how much the racial characteristics had to do with making this wilderness a center of democracy, it is difficult to estimate. Some would contend that although the Western people were of races different from this aristocratic element of the East, their own history shows that this had little to do with the estrangement of the West from the East, and that the fact that many persons of these same stocks who settled in the East became identified with the interests of that section is sufficient evidence to prove what an insignificant factor racial characteristics are. But although environment proves itself here to be the important factor in the development of these people and we are compelled to concede that the frontier made the Western man an advocate of republican principles, heredity must not be ignored altogether.

Exactly how much influence the Scotch-Irish had in shaping the destiny of Appalachian America is another much mooted question with which we are concerned here because historians give almost all the credit to this race. Even an authority like Justin Winsor leaves the impression that Virginia cared little for the frontier, and that all honor is due to the Scotch-Irish. Their influence in shaping the destiny of other States has been equally emphasized. The facts collected by Hanna doubtless give much support to the claims of that people to the honor for the development of Appalachian America. His conclusions, however, are rather far-sweeping and often shade into imagination. On the other hand, a good argument may be made to prove that other people, such as the Germans and Dutch, deserve equal honor. Furthermore, few of the eulogists of the Scotch-Irish take into account the number of indentured servants and poor whites who moved westward with the frontier. Besides, it must not be thought that the East neglected the frontier intentionally simply because the Tidewater people could not early subdue the wilderness. They did much to develop it. The records of the time of the Indian troubles beginning in 1793 show that the State governments answered the call for troops and ammunition as promptly as they could, and their statute books show numerous laws which were enacted in the interest of the West during these troubles. The truth of the matter is that, whatever might have been the desire of the East to conquer the wilderness, the sectionalizing institution of slavery which the colony had accepted as the basis of its society rendered the accomplishment of such an object impossible. There was too great diversity of interest in that region.

174

Jefferson's Works, VI, 484.

175

Kercheval, "History of the Valley," 47 and 48.

176

It soon became evident that it was better to invest in slaves who had much more difficulty than the indentured servants in escaping and passing as freemen.

177

Jefferson's Works, VI, 484.

178

This statement is based on the provisions of the first State constitutions. See Thorpe's "Charters and Constitutions."

179

Grigsby, "Convention of 1788," 15, 49.

180

The people living near the coast desired reform under British rule. The frontiersmen had to win them to the movement. A certain Scotch-Irish element in the Carolinas was an exception to this rule in that they at first supported the British.

181

The letters and speeches of most of the Revolutionary leaders show that they favored some kind of abolition. Among the most outspoken were James Otis, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and John Laurens. See also Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 149; and Brissot de Warville, "New Travels," I, 220.

182

See the various State constitutions in Thorpe's "Charters and Constitutions."

183

Ibid.

184

Foote, "Sketches of Virginia," 85.

185

Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," 73; Olmsted, "The Back Country," 230-232. Berea Quarterly, IX, No. 3.

186

See the Speeches of the Western members of the Virginia Convention of 1829-30, Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30.

187

This is proved by the reports and records of the anti-slavery societies and especially by those of the American Convention of Abolition Societies. During the thirties and forties the southern societies ceased to make reports. See Adams, "A Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 117.

188

The vote on the aristocratic constitution framed in 1829-30 shows this. See Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, p. 903.

189

Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, p. 226.

190

Thorpe, "Charters and Constitutions, South Carolina."

191

Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, pp. 53, 76, 442, 858.

192

See Calhoun's Works: "A Disquisition on Government," p. 1 et seq.

193

Adams, "Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 138.

194

Ibid., 34.

195

Bassett, "Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina," 72.

196

Adams, "Anti-Slavery, etc.," 100-101.

197

Speech of David Rice in the Constitutional Convention of Kentucky, 1792.

198

Birney, "James G. Birney," 96-100.

199

Reports of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1809 and 1823.

200

Birney, "James G. Birney," 70.

201

Adams, "The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America," 129-130. Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 1st ses., 2d ses., 18th Cong., 1st ses.

202

Ibid., 20.

203

"The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 11. 35.

204

Ibid., 10. 145.

205

See Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies.

206

Adams, "The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 132.

207

Ibid., 131.

208

"The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 1. 142; 5. 409.

209

"The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 4. 76, 142; Birney, "James G. Birney," 77; Minutes of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1826, p. 48.

210

"The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 11. 65, 66.

211

See The Minutes and Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, covering this period.

212

This statement is based on the accounts of a number of abolitionists.

213

Adams, "A Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 60, 61.

214

Siebert, "The Underground Railroad," 10. 346.

215

Ambler, "Sectionalism in Virginia," 107-108.

216

Woodson, "The Education of the Negro," 120-121.

217

"The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 5. 117, 126, 164, 188, 275, 301, 324, 365; 6. 21, 140, 177.

218

The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 1837, p. 48; The New England Anti-Slavery Almanac for 1841, p. 31.

219

Ibid.

220

The African Repository, XXXII, 16.

221

The Catalogue of Berea College, 1897.

222

Palgrave, "Essays on Eastern Questions," 37 et seq.

223

Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 13.

224

Nicholson, "Literary History of the Arabs," 114.

225

Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 14.

226

These are two selections from Antar's Mu 'Allakât:

A Fair Lady'Twas then her beauties first enslaved my heart–Those glittering pearls and ruby lips, whose kissWas sweeter far than honey to the taste.As when the merchant opes a precious boxOf perfume, such an odor from her breathComes toward me, harbinger of her approach;Or like an untouched meadow, where the rainHath fallen freshly on the fragrant herbsThat carpet all its pure untrodden soil:A meadow where the fragrant rain-drops fallLike coins of silver in the quiet pools,And irrigate it with perpetual streams;A meadow where the sportive insects hum,Like listless topers singing o'er their cups,And ply their forelegs like a man who triesWith maimed hands to use the flint and steel.The BattleThere where the horsemen rode strongestI rode out in front of them,Hurled forth my battle-shout and charged them;No man thought blame of me.Antar! they cried; and their lancesWell-cords in slenderness, pressed to the breastOf my war-horse still as I pressed on them.Doggedly strove we and rode we.Ha! the brave stallion! Now is his breast dyedWith blood drops, his star-front with fear of them!Swerved he, as pierced by the spear points.Then in his beautiful eyes stood the tearsOf appealing, words inarticulate.If he had our man's language,Then had he called to me.If he had known our tongue's secret,Then had he cried to me.Deep through the sand drifts the horsemenCharged with teeth grimly set,Urging their war-steeds;I urged them spurred by my eagerness forwardTo deeds of daring, deeds of audacity.

227

Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 13.

228

Holden, "Library of the World's Best Literature," 586.

229

Edward S. Holden, "Library of the World's Best Literature," I, p. 587.

230

Richard Gottheil, "Library of the World's Best Literature," II, 674.

231

This advertisement appears also under another heading.

232

This advertisement appears in full on pages 213-214.

Ran-away from his Master Mr. James Richardson of Stonington, in the County of New London, a Molatto or Mustee Servant, of about 24 Years of Age, much Pox-broken, about 6 Feet high, brought up in North Kingston in Rhode Island Government; AND WAS A SOLDIER LAST SUMMER: He had on when he went away, a Leather Jockey Cap, a good Pair of Leather Breeches, a new large Duffil Coat, of a blue Colour, a strait-bodiced ditto, a white Broad Cloth Coat and Jacket. Whoever will take up said Fellow and secure him in any of his Majesty's Gaols in North America, or return him to his Master, shall have Twelve Dollars Reward and all necessary Charges paid by me,

JAMES RICHARDSON.

All Masters of Vessels are hereby cautioned not to carry off said Fellow upon the Peril of the Law.

May 7, 1763.

Supplement to the Boston Evening Post, May 23, 1763.

233

The list is not given here for the reason that the names are not written in full. They are such as: "Cato," "Pompey," "Cicero," "Sam," etc.

234

It is not known whether Dick was a Methodist or Baptist Preacher.

235

This advertisement appears under another heading on page 199.

236

Acknowledgments are due to the Johns Hopkins Press for permitting the use in this article of data included in the author's monograph entitled "The Free Negro in Virginia, 1619-1865."

237

Hening's Statutes at Large of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 280 (1670). Italics my own.

238

Hening, Vol. V, p. 550.

239

Original MS. Records of the County Court of Northampton. Orders, Deeds and Wills, 1651-1654, p. 20.

240

Original MS. Records of the County Court of Northampton. Orders, Deeds and Wills, 1651-1654, p. 10.

241

Original MS. Records of Northampton Co., 1651-1654, p. 200.

242

MS. Land Patents of Virginia, 1643-1651, 326.

243

MS. Court Records of Northampton Co., 1651-1654, p. 161.

244

J. C. Hotten, "Lists of Emigrants to America," pp. 218-258.

245

MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 5, p. 585.

246

MS Legislative Petitions, Dinwiddie County, 1833, A 5123, Virginia State Library.

247

Orders of the Hustings Court of Richmond, Vol. 5, p. 41.

248

MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 4, p. 692.

249

MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 6, p. 274.

250

MS. Deeds of Henrico County, No. 6, p. 78.

251

MS. Legislative Petitions, Prince William Co., 1812, Virginia State Library.

252

Lower Norfolk County Antiquary, Vol. IV, p. 177.

253

Acts of Assembly, 1831-1832, p. 20.

254

Senate Journal, 1832, p. 176.

255

Acts of Assembly, 1857-1858.

256

Grattan's Reports, Vol. 14, p. 260.

257

The Washington Union, April 14, 1848.

258

Daniel Drayton was a native of New Jersey who had spent several years following the water. He had risen from cook to captain in the wood-carrying business from the Maurice River to Philadelphia. Eventually he engaged in coast traffic from Philadelphia southward. He seemed to have drifted quite naturally from strong humane impulses, intensified by an old-time spiritual conversion, into a settled conviction that the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man was a reality and that it was his duty to do what he could to assist those in bondage.

Latterly his voyages had carried him into the Chesapeake Bay and thence up the Potomac. His first successful effort to assist the slaves was made on an earlier trip when he agreed to take away a woman and five children. The husband was already a free man. The woman had under an agreement with her master more than paid for her liberty, but when she had asked for a settlement, he had only answered by threatening to sell her. The mother and five children were taken aboard at night and after ten days were safely delivered at Frenchtown, where the husband was in waiting for them. Memoir of Daniel Drayton, Congressional Library.

259

The only punishment meted out to Judson Diggs for his act of betrayal, so far as is known, was that by a party of young men who, shortly after the occurrence, took him from his cart and after considerable rough handling, threw him into the little stream that in those days and indeed for many years thereafter, took its way along the north side of the old John Wesley Church, then located at a spot directly opposite the north corner of the Convent of the Sacred Heart on Connecticut Avenue, between L and M Streets.

A number of old citizens now living distinctly remember Judson Diggs, who lived, despised and avoided, until late in the sixties. One of these is Mr. Jerome A. Johnson of the Treasury Department.