History of Julius Caesar Vol. 2 of 2

405

De Bello Gallico, V. 18. – Polyænus expresses himself thus: “Cæsar, when he was in the isle of Britain, sought to pass a great river. Cassivellaunus, King of the Britons, opposed the passage with a numerous cavalry and many chariots. Cæsar had a very great elephant, an animal which the Britons had never seen; he armed it with iron flakes, and placed on its back a great tower filled with archers and slingers, all men of skill, and caused it to advance into the river. The Britons were struck with astonishment at the view of such an enormous animal, which was unknown to them. And is it necessary to say that their horses were frightened at it, since we know that, even among the Greeks, the presence of an elephant causes the horses to flee? Much more were those of the barbarians unable to support the view of an elephant armed and loaded with a tower from which flew stones and arrows. Britons, horses, and chariots, all equally took flight; and the Romans, by means of the terror caused by a single animal, passed the river without danger.” (Strateg., VIII. 23, § 5.)

406

After having crossed the Thames, Cæsar invaded the territory of Cassivellaunus, and directed his march to the oppidum of that chief. Certain commentators place this oppidum to the west of Wendover (see Plate 15), others at St. Albans, the ancient Verulamium. All we can possibly say is, that the brief indications of the “Commentaries” seem to agree best with the latter locality.

407

De Bello Gallico, V. 22.

408

De Bello Gallico, V. 23.

409

Strabo, p. 167.

410

Pliny, Hist. Nat., IX., 116. – Solinus, LIII. 28.

411

“I have received, on the 4th of the nones of June (the 1st of June, according to the concordance here adopted, see Appendix A), your letter dated from Placentia; that of the following day, dated from Lodi, arrived on the very day of the nones (4th of June).” It was accompanied with a letter from Cæsar, expressing his satisfaction at the arrival of Quintus. (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, II. 15.

412

Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 15. This letter was closed on the 5th of the calends of August, answering to the 26th of July.

413

“I have received, on the day of the ides of September (the 9th of September), your fourth letter, dated from Britain on the 4th of the ides of August (8th of August).” (Epist. ad Quintum, III. 1.

414

“The 11th of the calends of October (16th of September) your courier arrived; he has taken twenty days on the road; my uneasiness was mortal.” (Epist. ad Quintum, III. 1.) – “Cæsar has written to me from Britain a letter, dated on the calends of September (28th of August), which I received on the 4th of the calends of October. It appears that affairs are not going on ill with him. Cæsar adds, to prevent me from being surprised at not hearing from you, that you were not with him when he came to the coast (23rd of September).”

415

Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, III. 3.

416

At ten miles to the east of Deal it is high tide half an hour later than at Dover, and the reflux begins there four hours after the hour of high tide.

417

Those who refuse to admit Boulogne and Deal for the points of Cæsar’s embarking and landing, pretend that so long a time was not necessary to effect so short a passage. But a fleet requires a longer time to navigate the more numerous it is; resembling in that an army, which marches much more slowly than a single man.

418

Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum, IV. 17.

419

To find the time required, we must suppose that, by some delay or by the absence of regular couriers, Cæsar’s letter to Cicero had been thirteen days on the road between Lodi and Rome.

420

Much uncertainty exists in regard to the distribution of the legions; yet the location of two of the winter quarters appears to us certain, Samarobriva (Amiens) and Aduatuca (Tongres). If now, from a point situate near to the Sambre, from Bavay as the centre, we describe a circle, we shall see that Cæsar’s winter quarters, except those of Normandy, were all comprised in a radius of 100 miles, or 148 kilomètres. The researches which Major Cohausen kindly made for me, and those of MM. Stoffel and Locqueyssie, have enabled me to determine approximately the winter quarters.

421

The brother of the orator.

422

The Commandant of Artillery, De Locqueyssie, has found on the Ourthe, near the village of Lavacherie (Duchy of Luxemburg), the remains of a Roman camp with triangular fosses, and in a position which appears to agree with the date of the “Commentaries.”

423

Under the name of Belgium, we must only comprise a part of the peoples of Belgic Gaul, such as the Atrebates, the Ambiani, and the Bellovaci. (De Bello Gallico, V. 24, 25, 46; VIII. 46.)

424

Unam legionem, quam proxime trans Padum conscripserat.– According to the use of the good Latin writers, proxime does not mean recently, but in the last place. Through an incorrect interpretation of this phrase, General de Gœler has supposed that Cæsar had, at this time, brought from Italy the 15th legion; this legion, as we shall see, was only raised at a later period.

425

More than fourteen different localities have been proposed for identification with Aduatuca. If some writers have advanced good arguments for placing Aduatuca on the right bank of the Meuse, others have believed that they have offered equally good ones for seeking it on the left bank of that river; but the greater part of them have admitted this or that site for the most futile reasons. Nobody has dreamt of resolving the question by the simplest of all means – which consists in seeking if, among the different sites proposed, there is one which, by the form of the ground, agrees with the requirements of the narrative given in the “Commentaries.” Now, Tongres is in this position, and it alone, and so completely satisfies them that we cannot think of placing Aduatuca elsewhere. In fact, Tongres is situated in the country occupied formerly by the Eburones, and, as Cæsar expresses it, in modiis finibus Eburonum, which signifies entirely in the country of the Eburones, and not in the centre of the country. It is moreover enclosed in a circle of a hundred miles radius, comprising all the winter quarters of the Roman army except those of Roscius. This locality fulfils all the conditions required for the establishment of a camp; it is near a river, on a height which commands the neighborhood, and the country produces wheat and forage. At two miles towards the west is a long defile, magna convallis, the vale of Lowaige, where the relation of the massacre of the cohorts of Sabinus is perfectly explained. At three miles from Tongres we find a plain, separated from the town by a single hill; on the same side as this hill rises a rounded eminence – that of Berg, to which the name of tumulus may be fairly applied. Lastly, the Geer, the banks of which were formerly marshy, defended through a large extent the height of Tongres. (See Plate 18.)

426

De Bello Gallico, V. 25.

427

See the notice by M. M. F. Driesen on the position of Aduatuca, in the Bulletins de l’Académie Royale de Belgique, 2nd series, tom. XV. No. 3.

428

De Bello Gallico, V. 37.

429

De Bello Gallico, V. 39.

430

The towers of the Romans were constructed of timber of small size, bound together by cross pieces. (See Plate 27, fig. 8.) They still raise scaffolding at Rome in the same manner at the present day.

431

Although the text has passuum, we have not hesitated in substituting pedum, for it is very improbable that Gauls could have made, in three hours’ time, a countervallation of more than 22 kilomètres.

432

The siege machine called testudo, “a tortoise,” was ordinarily a gallery mounted upon wheels, made of wood strongly squared, and covered with a solid blindage. It was pushed against the wall of the place besieged. It protected the workmen employed either in filling the fosse, or in mining the wall, or in working the ram. The siege operations of the Gauls lead us to presume that the camp of Cicero was in a fort surrounded by a wall. (See, on the word falces, note (1) on p. 143.)

433

In the coal-basin, in the centre of which Charleroy is situated, the coal layers crop out of the surface of the soil on different points. Still, at the present day, they knead the clay with small coal. But, what is most curious, people have found at Breteuil (Oise), as in the ruins of Carthage, a quantity of ovoid balls made of pottery.

434

It will be seen that we use indifferently the terms vallum and rampart.

435

Dio Cassius, XL. 8.

436

It has appeared to us that the movement of concentration of Cæsar and Fabius did not allow the winter quarters of the latter to be placed at Therouanne or at Montreuil-sur-Mer, as most authors have supposed. These localities are too far distant from the route from Amiens to Charleroy to have enabled Fabius to join Cæsar on the territory of the Atrebates, as the text of the Commentaries requires. For this reason, we place Fabius at Saint-Pol.

437

The “Commentaries” say, Græcis conscriptam litteris; but Polyænus and Dio Cassius affirm that the letter was written in Greek.

438

Polyænus, Strateg., VIII. xxiii. 6.

439

We admit that Cicero encamped at Charleroi: all circumstances concur in justifying this opinion. Charleroi is situated on the Sambre, near the Roman road from Amiens to Tongres (Aduatuca), and, as the Latin text requires, at fifty miles from this latter town. On the high part of Charleroi, where the camp was, no doubt, established, we command the valley of the Sambre, and we can see, in the distance towards the west, the country through which Cæsar arrived. Moreover, the valley of the Haine and mount Sainte-Aldegonde, above the village of Carnières, agree perfectly with the details of the combat in which the Gauls were defeated.

440

From Amiens to Charleroi it is 170 kilomètres. Cæsar must have arrived on the territory of the Nervii, towards Cambrai, the morning of the third day, counting from his departure from Amiens, after marching ninety kilomètres. He immediately sends the Gaulish horseman to Cicero. This horseman has to perform eighty kilomètres. He can only take eight to nine hours, and arrive at the camp in the afternoon of the third day. He throws his javelin, which remains where it was fixed the third and the fourth day. The fifth day it was discovered, and the smoke of the fires is then seen. Cæsar, then, arrived on the fifth day (reckoning thirty kilomètres for a day’s march) at Binche, twenty kilomètres from Charleroi. That town is on a sufficiently elevated knoll to allow the smoke to be seen. The siege lasted about fifteen days.

441

De Bello Gallico, V. 53.

442

“I have read with a lively joy what you tell me of the courage and strength of mind of Cæsar in this cruel trial.” (Cicero, Epist. ad Quintum, III. viii. 166.)

443

Suetonius, Cæsar, 67. – Polyænus, Strateg., VIII. xxiii.

444

One is on the site of the citadel of Amiens; the second is near Tirancourt; the third is the camp of l’Etoile. (See the Dissertation sur les Camps Romains de la Somme, by the Comte L. d’Allonville.)

445

De Bello Gallico, V. 58.

446

Précis des Guerres de César, by Napoleon, Chapter V. 5.

447

De Bello Gallico, VI. 4.

448

The “Commentaries,” after having informed us (V. 24) that Labienus established himself in the country of the Remi, on the confines of that of the Treviri, give us afterwards to understand that he encamped among the Treviri, where he had passed the winter, “Labienum cum una legione, quæ in eorum finibus hiemaverat.” (VI. 7.) We believe, with certain authors, that the country in which he encamped was either on the boundary of the two countries, or ground of which the Remi and the Treviri disputed the possession. Is it not evident, moreover, that after the catastrophe of Aduatuca and the insurrection of the people seduced by Ambiorix, everything dictated to Labienus the necessity of engaging himself no further in a hostile country, by separating himself from the other legions?

449

De Bello Gallico, VI. 6.

450

De Bello Gallico, VI. 8.

451

See page 82.

452

De Bello Gallico, VI. 29.

453

We must suppose from this that, during his march, Cæsar crossed the territory of the Segni and Condrusi, or that at least he passed not far from it. This consideration has induced us to extend this territory farther towards the north than is generally done. (See Plates 1 bis and 13.)

454

Cæsar might very well say that the Scheldt mingles his waters with those of the Meuse. Several ancient authors share in this opinion. This took place by the eastern arm of the Scheldt, formerly more developed than in modern times, which spread itself in the space which, according to Tacitus, formed the immense mouth of the Meuse (immensum Mosæ os).

455

De Bello Gallico, VI. 34.

456

Forty-five kilomètres reckoned down from Bonn bring us to the confluence of the Wipper and the Rhine.

457

Cæsar complained of the conduct of Quintus, when he wrote to Cicero the orator: “He did not keep within the camp, as would have been the duty of a prudent and scrupulous general.” (Charisius, p. 101.)

458

De Bello Gallico, VI. 42.

459

An ancient manuscript belonging to Upper Auvergne, the manuscript of Drugeac, informs us that this custom continued long in use, and that it still existed in the Middle Ages. Rough towers were built for this purpose on the heights, 400 or 500 mètres apart; watchmen were placed in them, who transmitted the news from one to another by sonorous monosyllables. A certain number of these towers still exist in the Cantal. If the wind prevented this mode of transmission, they had recourse to fire.

It is evident that criers had been posted beforehand from Genabum to Gergovia, since it was agreed that the Carnutes should give the signal of war. It is exactly 160 miles (about 240 kilomètres), through the valleys of the Loire and the Allier, from Gien to Gergovia, the principal oppidum of the Arverni.

460

“Hic corpore, armis, spirituque terribilis, nomine etiam quasi ad terrorem composito.” (Florus, II. x. 21.) – Vercingetorix was born at Gergovia. (Strabo, IV., p. 158.)

461

De Bello Gallico, VII. 5.

462

Coins of Lucterius have been found, as well as of many of the Gaulish chiefs mentioned in the “Commentaries.” The first has been described by MM.[“Messieurs” methinks] Mionet and Chaudruc de Crazannes. (Revue Numismatique, t. V., pl. 16, p. 333.)

463

Their capital was Alba, now Aps (Ardèche). During recent researches, remains of an ancient road have been discovered, which passed by the places here indicated, and led from the land of the Helvi to the Vellavi and Arverni.

464

De Bello Gallico, VII. 9.

465

Since Cæsar did not start until after the murder of Clodius, which took place on the 13th of the Calends of February (December 30th, 701), and had raised troops in Italy, passed through the Roman province, penetrated over the Cévennes into Auvergne, and had thence returned to Vienne, it is probable that he did not arrive at Sens before the commencement of March.

466

The Latin term has Altero die, quum ad oppidum Senonum Vellaunodunum venisset, &c. All authors, without exception, considering wrongly the expression of altero die as identical with those of postro die, proximo die, insequenti die, pridie ejus diei, have translated it by the following day. We consider that altero die, when used with regard to an event, signifies the second day which follows that of the said event.

Thus Cicero gives it this sense in his Philippica Prima, § 13, where he reminds us of the conduct of Antony after the death of Cæsar. Antony had begun by treating with the conspirators who had taken refuge in the Capitol, and, at a sitting of the Senate, which he called together ad hoc, on the day of the Liberalia, that is to say, the 16th of the Calends of April, an amnesty was pronounced in favour of the murderers of Cæsar. Cicero, speaking of this session of the Senate, says, Proximo, altero, tertio, denique reliquis consecutis diebus, &c. Is it not evident that here altero die signifies the second day which followed the session of the Senate, or two days after that session?

Here are other examples which show that the word alter must be taken in the sense of secundus. Virgil says (Eclogue VIII., line 39), Alter ab undecimo tum jam me ceperat annus, which must be translated, I was thirteen years old. Servius, who composed a commentary on Virgil at a time when the traditions were still preserved, makes the following comment on this verse: Id est tertius decimus. Alter enim de duobus dicimus ut unus ab undecimo sit duodecimus, alter tertius decimus, et vult significare jam se vicinum fuisse pubertati, quod de duodecimo anno procedere non potest. (Virgil, edit. Burmann, tom. I., p. 130.)

Forcellini peremptorily establishes that vicesimo altero signifies the twenty-second; legio altera vicesima means the twenty-second legion.

The “Commentaries” inform us (De Bello Civili, III. 9) that Octavius, when besieging Salona, had established five camps round the town, and that the besieged took those five camps one after the other. The text is thus expressed: Ipsi in proxima Octavii castra irruperunt. Mis expugnatis, eodem impetu, altera sunt adorti; inde tertia et quarta, et deinceps reliqua. (See also De Bello Civili, III. 83.)

In the “Commentaries” we find sixty-three times the expression postero die, thirty-six times proximo die, ten times insequenti die, eleven times postridie ejus diei, or pridie ejus diei. The expression altero die is used only twice in the eight books De Bello Gallico, viz., lib. VII. cc. 11 and 68, and three times in De Bello Civili, lib. III. cc. 19, 26, and 30. Is that coincidence alone not sufficient to make us suppose that altero die ought not to be confounded with the preceding expressions; and does it not appear certain that, if Cæsar had arrived at Vellaunodunum the morning after his departure from Agedincum, he would have written, Postero die (or proximo die) quum ad oppidum Senonum Vellaunodunum venisset, &c.?

We believe, therefore, that we are authorized in concluding that Cæsar arrived at Vellaunodunum the second day after the army moved.

Farther on, on page 339, will be found a new confirmation of the sense which we give to altero die. It results from the appreciation of the distance which separates Alesia from the battle-field where Cæsar defeated the cavalry of Vercingetorix. (See the opinions of the commentators on altero die in the sixth volume of Cicero, edit. Lemaire, Classiques Latins, Excursus ad Philippicam primam.)

467

De Bello Gallico, VII. 11. – Contrary to the generally received opinion, we adopt Gien and not Orleans for the ancient Genabum, Triguères for Vellaunodonum, Sancerre for Noviodunum, and, lastly, Saint-Parize-le-Châtel for the Gorgobina of the Boii.

As Cæsar’s object, on quitting Sens, was to march as quickly as possible to the oppidum of the Boii, in order to raise the siege, since he starts without baggage, so as to be less impeded in his march, we will first examine the probable position of this latter town, before discussing the question relating to the intermediate points.

Gorgobina Boiorum. After the defeat of the Helvetii, Cæsar allowed the Ædui to receive the Boii upon their territory, and it is probable that they were established on the western frontier, as in an advanced post against the Arverni and the Bituriges. Several data confirm this opinion. Tacitus (Histor., II. 61) relates that: Mariccus quidam, e plebe Boiorum… concitis octo millibus hominum, proximos Æduorum pagos trahebat. The possessions of the Boii were, therefore, contiguous to the Æduan territory. Pliny the Elder (Hist. Nat., IV. 18) places the Boii in the number of the nations who inhabited the centre of the Lyonnaise. Intus autem Ædui fœderati, Carnuti fœderati, Boii, Senones… The place here occupied by the word Boii shows us again that this people was not far from the Ædui, the Senones, and the Carnutes. Lastly, the text of the “Commentaries” represents Vercingetorix as obliged to traverse the country of the Bituriges to repair to Gorgobina. The most plausible opinion is that which places the Boii between the Loire and the Allier, towards the confluence of these two rivers. This was already an old tradition, adopted in the fifteenth century by Raimondus Marlianus, one of the first editors of Cæsar. This space of ground, covered in its eastern part with woods and marshes, was admirably suited by its extent to the limited population of the Boii, who did not number more than 20,000 souls. Neither Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, marked on the map of Gaul as Gorgobina, nor La Guerche, proposed by General de Gœler, answer completely, by their topographical position, to the site of a Gaulish oppidum. In fact, Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier is far from being advantageously situated; this village stands at the foot of the hills which border the right bank of the Allier. La-Guerche-sur-Aubois fulfils no better the conditions of defence which must be required in the principal town of the Boii: it is situated almost in a plain, on the edge of a marshy valley of the Aubois. It presents a few remains of fortifications of the Middle Ages, but not a trace of more remote antiquity has been discovered in it. To seek Gorgobina farther down, and on the left bank of the Loire, is impossible, since, according to Cæsar, the Boii had been established on the territory of the Ædui, and the Loire formed the boundary between the Ædui and the Bituriges. If we are reduced to conjectures, we must at least admit as incontestable what is advanced by Cæsar.