History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol. 1

The colonial difficulty in more recent times has been met by presenting to the colonies the liberty desired by the old American provinces, but at the same time throwing on them to a great extent the duty of their own defence. It is a mere suspension of the difficulty, well enough in theory, but which must break down in practice. While the parent has the sole power of declaring war, and of involving in its area distant children, innocent and ignorant of the cause, she can no more throw off the duty of their defence than she can bury herself beneath the waves that chafe her coasts. But, for the present, it affords a tolerable compromise. In the future, unless our rulers can spare time from the discussion of such petty measures as the Ballot, for the consideration of a question which involves the national existence, the Colonial Question is as certain again to face us as a difficulty, as it did in 1775. Then, the system which seemed most natural to the rulers of England was to accept the duty of the Empire's defence, but to insist on the colonies contributing to the cost. Unwise as this step was, the colonies being unrepresented in the Taxing Body, it might have been borne, had it not interfered with certain vested, although ignoble rights. The collection of the new revenue required imperial cruisers to enforce it: and these vessels sorely interfered with the habits and customs of the merchants of Massachusetts, who were the most systematic smugglers. With what petty matters are the beginnings of great revolutions entwined! The sensuality of Henry VIII. was a means to the religious reformation of England: the selfishness of the Boston traders was the note which raised in America the thirst for independence. It is an easy thing to raise a cry which shall at once carry with it the populace, and yet smother the real issues. And this was done in Boston. Up to the commencement of military operations, it is difficult to say which is the least enticing subject for contemplation, the blind, unreasoning, unaccommodating temper of the English Government, or the selfish, partisan, ignoble motives of those who were really the prime movers of the Revolution, although soon dwarfed and put out of sight by the Frankenstein which their cunning had called into existence. It is almost a relief to the student, when the sword is drawn: he has then to deal with men, not schemers; he has then pictures to gaze at of an earnest people fighting for independence, or, on the other hand, an outnumbered army fighting for duty; and he has then such figures to worship as that purest and noblest in history, George Washington, for the proper revelation of whose character the losses of that war's continuance may be counted to all time as a clear gain. What a grim satire it reads as one finds this god-like man a puppet in the hands of those who were as incapable of understanding his greatness as of wielding his sword! Wellington in Spain, worried by departmental idiocy in England, was an object of pity, but his troubles are dwarfed by those under which a weaker man than Washington would have resigned in disgust. It is pleasant to read of the gallant way in which the Royal Artillery acquitted itself in the American War: but no encomium from an English General has greater value than that of Washington, who urged his own Artillery to emulate that of his enemy: and in all the satisfaction which such praise from Washington, as an enemy, must beget, there is mingled a feeling of pride that it should have been in a school of war, where Washington was a comrade, instead of an enemy, that he had taken the first lessons in the science of which he proved so great a master.

It is to be regretted that the silence of the one country's historians on the subject of the American War is not compensated by the undoubted loquacity and grandiloquence of the other's. The student is equally baffled by the former, and bewildered by the latter. Perhaps the pride and boasting of the young country is natural: perhaps it was to be expected that ere long the fact would be forgotten that without the assistance of France and Spain to distract England, their independence could never have been achieved; but when coupled with this forgetfulness, comes an exaggeration of petty encounters into high-sounding battles, and of defeats like that of Bunker's Hill into something like victories, to be celebrated by national monuments, the student may smile complacently at the enthusiasm of the conquerors, but must regret the dust which is thrown in his eyes by their boasting and party-feeling.

There are fortunately two comparatively temperate writers, who were contemporary with the war, and took part in it on opposite sides, Stedman and Lee, – the latter being the officer who commanded the celebrated Partisan Legion (as it was called), on the American side; and in endeavouring to arrive at the truth as to the war, the student cannot do better than adhere to them.

The war, like the siege of Gibraltar, divides itself into epochs. The first, and most northerly, embraces Massachusetts and Canada; the second concentrates itself round New York, with the episode of Saratoga; and the third and last, derives its main interest from the operations in the South, culminating in the disastrous capitulation of Yorktown. In tracing the services of the Artillery during the various stages, we shall have a glimpse of nearly every operation of importance which occurred during the war.

Although the 4th Battalion was not the only representative of the Royal Artillery in America during the war – the 1st and 3rd Battalions also being represented – its commanding officers, Colonels Cleaveland and Pattison, who served on the Staff of the Army as Brigadiers, were in command of the Artillery on the Continent; and, therefore, in tracing the services of the corps, the records of the 4th Battalion form the best groundwork. When hostilities commenced, in Massachusetts, the head-quarters of the battalion were in Boston. General Gage, who commanded the troops, had failed to conciliate the colonial representatives. On the 25th February, 1775, he sent a party of infantry and marines to seize some guns which he understood were in the town of Salem; but on their arrival, they found that the guns had been removed. On the evening of the 18th April, in the same year, he sent a similar body – about 900 strong – to the town of Concord on a like errand, and here the first blood of the war was shed. Great mismanagement was displayed on the part of the English commander, and a very decided hostility on the part of the colonists, ultimately rendering a retreat necessary. The troops commenced retiring on Lexington, under an incessant, although irregular fire from the militia and peasantry; and luckily, on their arrival at that town, they met a reinforcement under Lord Percy, sent to their assistance, and accompanied by two field-guns. This was the first appearance of the Royal Artillery in the war. Under the fire of the guns, the troops were able to continue their retreat comparatively unmolested; but before they reached Boston, they had sustained a loss of no less than 273 killed, wounded, and prisoners. This number was considered sufficient to justify the Americans in honouring the conflicts which occurred, by the high-sounding titles of the "Battles of Concord and Lexington." Effective as the fire of the English guns was, complaints were made, probably in self-defence, by the commanding officer of the troops, that the Artillery were inadequately supplied with ammunition on the occasion. A strong remonstrance was immediately addressed by Colonel Cleaveland to the Master-General of the Ordnance, stating the true facts. "I find it has been said in England, that ammunition was wanting for the two guns which went with the Brigade to Lexington – that they had only 24 rounds per gun. I had a waggon with 140 rounds on the parade, and Lord Percy refused to take it, saying it might retard their march, and that he did not imagine there would be any occasion for more than was on the side boxes."30

On the 17th June, 1775, the Battle of Bunker's Hill, as it is called, although Breed's Hill was the real scene of operations, (Bunker's Hill, which was intended to be fortified, being considerably more distant from Boston,) was fought; and in the batteries on Cop's Hill, and with the guns actually on the field, five companies of the 4th Battalion were present – Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8. Eight field-guns were actually in action; but twelve accompanied the attacking force – four light 12-pounders, four 5½-inch howitzers, and four light 6-pounders. The attack was made under the fire of the guns, "The troops advancing slowly, and halting at intervals to give time for the Artillery to produce some effect."31 In these words, the recently exploded traditions are apparent, which wedded the Artillery to the infantry during an engagement, instead of allowing it independent action. One statement is made by Stedman, generally a most accurate writer, which it is difficult to reconcile with Colonel Cleaveland's official report. "During the engagement," writes the former, "a supply of ball for the Artillery, sent from the Ordnance Department in Boston, was found to be of larger dimensions than fitted the calibres of the field-pieces that accompanied the detachment; an oversight which prevented the further use of the Artillery." In opposition to this statement, Colonel Cleaveland's report to the Master-General may be quoted. "At Bunker's Hill, I sent sixty-six rounds to each gun, and not more than half was fired."32 Had the reason been that given by Stedman, Colonel Cleaveland was too truthful a man to omit mentioning it. The Battle of Bunker's Hill was the Inkermann of the American War. The British lost 1054 killed and wounded; the enemy admitted a loss of 449. The latter had the advantage of an elevated and entrenched position; the former fought in heavy marching order – on a hot summer day – and had to ascend a steep hill in the face of a heavy and continuous fire. The loss fell most heavily on those who met hand to hand; the Artillery met with but little casualty. According to the 4th Battalion records, Captain-Lieutenant Lemoine, Lieutenant Shuttleworth, and nine matrosses were wounded; according to Colonel Cleaveland's MSS., this number was increased by Captain Huddlestone, whom he includes among the wounded.

The English plan of attack was faulty, and the defence of the Americans was admirable; but these facts merely rendered the victory of the English troops more creditable. It was a barren victory – perhaps, even, an injurious one. It did not save Boston from the blockade, which from this day became more thorough, and it certainly encouraged the American militia, who found with what effect they could fight against those regular troops from whom they had hitherto shrunk a little, with a species of superstitious dread.

But it was not the less a complete victory, a soldiers' victory, by sheer hard and close fighting; and, even more, an officers' victory – for at one time nothing but the energy and gallantry of the officers would have rallied the troops, reeling under a tremendous fire.

In the meantime, the rebels or patriots, as they were called respectively by enemies and friends, resolved to invade Canada. Nos. 3 and 6 Companies of the 4th Battalion were scattered over the provinces, and on the lakes, in detachments. On the 3rd May, 1775, a small body of the Americans, (who had already possessed themselves of artillery,) attacked with success Crown Point and Ticonderoga. In November, the posts of Chambly and St. John were also taken, and with the exception of one officer and eight men, the whole of No. 6 Company was now captive, and remained so until exchanged on the 7th April, 1777. Two men belonging to the company were killed at St. John. The capture of these posts placed at the disposal of the Americans a quantity of guns, ammunition, and stores, of which they had stood sorely in need: and the supply was largely increased by the fortunate capture of an ordnance transport from Woolwich, heavily laden with a valuable cargo.

On the 25th September, an ill-judged and unsuccessful attack was made on Montreal by a small force of rebels, in which their commander was taken prisoner; but later in the year – a more formidable demonstration being made by a force under General Montgomery – the Commandant, General Carleton, withdrew to Quebec: and Montreal fell into the enemy's hands. Part of No. 3 Company was made prisoner on this occasion.

The siege of Quebec was the next episode in the Canadian part of the war. It was totally unsuccessful; and the gallant commander of the Americans – General Montgomery, who had fought under Wolfe at the same place – was killed. The Artillery present in Quebec belonged to No. 3 Company, 4th Battalion; but they were very few in number. They were under the command of Captain Jones, whose services on the occasion received the highest praise. A sort of blockade of the town was kept up by General Montgomery's successor – Arnold, – but it was indifferently conducted; and as soon as a man-of-war was able to get up through the ice, General Carleton sallied out and routed the American forces in a most thorough manner. Very little more was done in Canada during the war. The loyalty of the inhabitants was unmistakable; and it cannot fail to surprise one who remembers for how very brief a time the French Canadians had been under British rule. Even later in the war, when the French fleet came to render active assistance to the Americans, and the Admiral appealed to the French colonists to rise, his appeal was unsuccessful. Either the British rule had already become popular, because, on the whole, kind and just; or the sympathies of the French Canadians – although, perhaps, not with the English – were still more averse from the American cause, which was associated in their minds with the old New England enemies who had waged with them such an incessant border-warfare. The loyalty of Canada is one of the marvels of English history. It seems unalienable, as it certainly is unselfish. Tested, sixteen years after its conquest, by the great American War; and again in the present century by the second American War; tried sorely by a too paternal Colonial Office, which retarded its advancement, its hindrance made all the more plain by the spectacle, across the frontier, of the American Republic attaining a marvellous wealth and development; exposed to risk from enemies whom it did not know, and in quarrels in which it had no share, merely on account of its connection with England; suffering, without indemnity, loss of life and of treasure by invasion from lawless banditti, who thought to strike England through her dependency; chilled by neglect, and depressed by words which, if they had any meaning at all, insinuated that she was a burden to the parent, and half suggested to her to take her leave, and to quit the Empire of which she had been so staunch a member; – tested, tried, endangered, suffering, and neglected, the loyalty of Canada remains undimmed. It is, as has been said, a marvel! Let England take heed that she do not underrate this treasure of a people's tried affection.

In the meantime, while Canada had been invaded by the rebels, their army, under Washington, had gradually surrounded Boston, and established a very thorough blockade – causing great hardship and suffering to the troops. On the 2nd and 3rd of March, 1776, they established batteries to the east and west of the town, which the Royal Artillery vainly endeavoured for fourteen days to silence; and ultimately it was decided to evacuate Boston, and retire to Halifax, Nova Scotia, to prepare for an attack upon New York later in the year, and with large naval and military reinforcements from England.

The evacuation of Boston was conducted in good order, and without loss. Washington ceased firing on the troops, on receiving notice from the English general – Howe – that if the bombardment continued, he would set fire to the town, to cover his retreat; and the men, guns, and stores, were placed on board the transports with regularity, and without interruption – but not without great labour. Colonel Cleaveland reported to the Board of Ordnance, that on the evening of the 6th March, 1776, he had received orders to use every despatch to embark the Artillery and stores. "The transports for the cannon, &c., which were ordered to the wharf, were without a sailor on board, and half stowed with lumber. At the same time, most of my heavy cannon, and all the Field Artillery, with a great quantity of ammunition, was to be brought in from Charleston, and other distant posts. I was also obliged to send iron ordnance to supply their places, to keep up a fire on the enemy, and prevent their breaking ground on Forster Hill. On the fifth day, most of the stores were on board, with the exception of four iron mortars and their beds, weighing near six tons each. With great difficulty I brought three of them from the battery, but on getting them on board the transport, the blocks gave way, and a mortar fell into the sea, where I afterwards threw the other two… Two of my transports were manned with four marines, and a few Artillery, who understand something of sailing." The guns which were left in the town were the oldest, and were left for use, if necessary, in covering the final embarkation of the troops. One hundred and fifty vessels were employed in transporting the army and its stores to Halifax; and with the army were Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8 Companies of the 4th Battalion, Royal Artillery, under Colonel Cleaveland, who, having recently received the Army rank of Colonel, received also now the local rank of Brigadier. During the last few months of his stay in Boston, he had been much occupied in planning the Artillery share in the coming summer campaign, and in making the necessary demands on the authorities at home. He obtained permission to purchase 700 horses at Halifax and Annapolis; and a remonstrance made by him about the "wretches whom he had to hire as drivers" at two shillings per day, succeeded in procuring for him a draft of trained drivers from England. Four companies of the 3rd Battalion had joined before he left Boston, but not before he was sorely in need of their services, for he literally had not a relief for the men whom he had to keep constantly on duty. Two more companies were ordered from England to the South; four companies under Colonel Phillips were ordered to Canada, to take part ultimately in Burgoyne's wild expedition; and two more were embarked for service along the coast in bomb-vessels. A large number of 3-pounders, mounted on wheel-carriages devised by Captain Congreve, had arrived, and a larger number was promised. They were found infinitely more convenient than those Colonel Cleaveland already had, and arranged so as to be carried on the backs of horses and mules. Captain Congreve's ingenuity displayed itself in many ways, and called forth repeated expressions and letters of praise and commendation from Colonel Cleaveland. Doubtless the favourable reports made by that officer did much to procure for him – in 1778 – from Lord Townsend, then Master-General of the Ordnance, the new appointment of Founder and Commandant of the Royal Military Repository. The grounds attached to that institution are now used solely for instruction in the management of heavy ordnance, but when it was first opened, the sharp turns and steep inclines in the roads of the Repository Grounds were made use of in training the drivers to turn and manage their horses. Captain Congreve – afterwards Sir William Congreve – was a very distinguished and able Artillery officer, but it was not he, but his son, who invented the well-known Congreve rocket.

The officer who went in command of the companies of Artillery ordered for service in the South was Major Innes, an officer who commenced his career as a matross, and ended it as Commandant of the Invalid Battalion in 1783.

Colonel James commanded the detachments on board the bombs, and was much praised for the accuracy of his fire at the unsuccessful attack on Fort Sullivan, near Charlestown, South Carolina, in June, 1776. He also commenced his career as a matross – in the year 1738 – and died as a Colonel Commandant, in 1782.

Several cadets were sent out to fill vacancies as they might occur, instead of promoting non-commissioned officers. While doing duty, awaiting these vacancies, they received pay as Second Lieutenants.

Among the guns sent out for the campaign of 1776 were some light 24-pounders with travelling carriages, some 12-pounders, an immense number of light 3-pounders with Congreve's carriages, and some mortars for pound-shot. It was intended by the English Government, that this campaign should be decisive; and the fleet, army, and Artillery were very powerful. Lord Howe commanded the fleet, and his brother commanded the army; and they had full powers to treat with the rebels with a view to a cessation of hostilities, provided they should submit. The army left Halifax in June, 1776, and landed on Staten Island on the 3rd July; the whole of the Artillery being disembarked by the 7th of the month. Here they were joined by Sir Henry Clinton's forces from the South, and by Lord Howe and his fleet from England. A large force of Hessians and Waldeckers also joined them; and on the 22nd August, the army crossed to Long Island without molestation. The Americans were encamped at the north end of the island, where the city of Brooklyn now stands – protected behind by batteries, on the left by East River, and on the right by a marsh. A range of wooded hills separated the two armies, the passes being in the possession of the rebels. On the 27th, the Battle of Long Island – or Battle of Brooklyn, as it is indifferently called – was fought. The share taken by the Artillery in this victory, was – owing to the nature of the ground, and the hurried retreat of the Americans within their lines – but small. There were forty guns present: six with Lord Cornwallis's brigade; fourteen with General Clinton in the van; ten with the main body under Lord Percy; and four 12-pounders with the 49th Regiment in rear. The loss consisted of but three killed – Lieutenant Lovell, a sergeant, and a bombardier. So difficult were the 3-pounder guns on truck carriages found either to be moved or carried, that Brigadier Cleaveland sent them on board ship, and replaced them with those mounted on Congreve's carriages. From the loyalist farmers on Long Island, an additional hundred horses were bought for the Artillery, and eighty two-horse waggons, with drivers, hired for the conveyance of ammunition and stores.

One of the greatest blots on Sir William Howe's generalship was his omission to follow up the victory he won on Long Island. Had he done so, his troops being flushed with victory, and the enemy being disheartened and disunited, it is possible that he might have put an end to the war. By means of his apathy or neglect, Washington's troops were able to cross over to New York unmolested. Before attacking New York, the English commander considered it desirable to destroy a very strong redoubt, at a place called Hell Gate, mounted with a considerable number of guns to prevent communication, should it be attempted by the British troops, from the East River into the Sound. Four batteries were accordingly erected by the Royal Artillery on the opposite shore, mounting three 24-pounders, three heavy and three medium 12-pounders, and ten small mortars. As it eventually happened, the landing of the British in New York was made at a spot where the Hell Gate redoubt would have been useless; but it was satisfactory to find, on entering it afterwards, the enemy's guns dismounted, and the works so shattered, that the troops might have marched in with little or no impediment. In the Brigadier's report on this occasion, he said, "The distance was near 700 yards, and though the enemy threw a number of shells from six mortars, we had only on this occasion two men killed, and one lost an arm. It is with infinite satisfaction that I can say, that whenever the Artillery is employed, they have not only the approbation of the Commander-in-Chief, but the whole army, for their behaviour."

The British landed on Manhattan Island, under the fire of the ships; and in the precipitate retreat to the heights of Haarlem, the Americans lost their artillery, and many stores, and Washington nearly despaired of ever succeeding with such troops as he had under his command. But it was not enough to obtain possession of New York, unless the rebel forces could be dislodged from the powerful position they occupied in the north of the island; and to do this, an engagement on no small scale was necessary, and was commenced on the 27th October, 1776. Its opening was called the Battle of the White Plains; and viewing it from the Artillery point of view, it may be described as follows (bearing in mind that it was only the opening scene of a series of engagements, all intimately connected, and resulting in the scattering of Washington's forces, their expulsion from New York Island, and almost from the Jerseys; the capture of Forts Washington and Lee, and the complete command of the Lower Hudson): – The attack of the 27th October on the White Plains commenced with a cannonade on the enemy's left wing, with nearly thirty guns, manned by the Royal Artillery. On the 28th, the attack of the Hessian troops was covered by six light 12-pounders; and General Knyphausen publicly thanked the officers and men who were attached to them. In the attack on Fort Washington in the beginning of November, the Royal Artillery had thirty-four guns in action to cover the troops. The Guards and Light Infantry who were engaged in the attack crossed the East River in boats under the protection of batteries erected for the purpose. The hill they had to ascend from their landing was exceedingly rugged and steep, and the boats in which they crossed were exposed to the fire of two of the American batteries. To silence these, the batteries above-mentioned were built, and armed with four medium 12-pounders, fourteen light 6-pounders, four howitzers, and two mortars. With this armament, the rebel fire was soon silenced, with the exception of one 3-pounder, which was sheltered by a rock, and which did considerable damage. A battalion of the rebel forces which was marching for the defence of the hill was also entirely broken and dispersed by the well-directed fire of the Royal Artillery, under which the Guards and Light Infantry landed, and gained the hill without losing a man. The 42nd Regiment, which landed at another place, was covered by four 6-pounders; and six guns advanced with Lord Percy, from the lines at New York, and gained the heights of Haarlem, every gun being engaged. In this attack, the Artillery is described as having been powerful and well-served; officers and men received public acknowledgment in General Orders, and from the Master-General; and in answering the latter's commendations, Brigadier Cleaveland felt justified in saying: "The officers and men under my command have shown an unwearied application to the service, and deserve everything I can say in their favour… The good opinion your Lordship is pleased to form of the conduct and superior abilities of the British Artillery when engaged, does them the highest honour, and I have the pleasure to inform your Lordship, that both officers and men have been emulous during the course of the campaign in deserving it."