What was the Gunpowder Plot? The Traditional Story Tested by Original Evidence

155

Lord's Journals "Ao 1604(5) 2 Jac. – Memorandum quod hodierno die, septimo die Februarii, Ao Regis ñri Jacobi, viz. Angliae (etc.) 2ndo, & Scotiae 38o, in quem diem prorogatum fuerat hoc praesens parliamentum, convenere Proceres tam Spirituales quam Temporales, quorum nomina subscribuntur."

Then follow twenty-nine names, including the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lords Ellesmere (Chancellor), Dorset (Treasurer), Nottingham (Admiral), Suffolk (Chamberlain), Northumberland, Cranborne (Cecil), Northampton, etc. It is noted "Lords Montagu, Petre, and Gerard [all three Catholics] were present, though they were none of the Commissioners."

156

Narrative (Stonyhurst MSS.), fol. 44 b.

157

This absurd supposition is obviously implied by Faukes (November 17th, 1605), and T. Winter (November 23rd), in the only two accounts furnished by any of the conspirators wherein the episode of the mine is mentioned. In Barlow's Gunpowder Treason (Harleian Miscellany, iii. 123) it is expressly stated that the confederates "came to the knowledge of the vault" only on the occasion now detailed. Tierney says (Dodd's Church History, iv. 45, note): "At this moment an accidental noise … first acquainted them with the existence of the cellar."

158

On the 3rd of October following, Thomas Winter was sent to be present at the ceremony of prorogation, and to watch the demeanour of the assembled peers.

159

Gunpowder Plot, p. 55. This account is based almost entirely on that of Faukes, November 17th, 1605.

160

In his Italian version of Father Gerard's history, Father Greenway interpolates the following note: "Questi non erano carboni di legno, ma una sorte di pietra negra, la quale come carbone abrugia et fa un fuogo bellissimo et ottimo" (fol. 44 b).

161

"These Pioneers through Piercies chamber broughtTh' exhausted earth, great baskets full of clay;Thereby t' have made a mighty concave vau't,And of the house the ground worke tooke away:But then at last an obstacle they finde,Which to remove proud Piercy casts in 's mind.A thick stone wall their passage then did let;Whereby they cou'd not finish their intent.Then forthwith Piercy did a sellar get,Under that sacred house for yearly rent:Feigning to fill 't with Char coal, Wood, & Beere,From all suspect themselves to cloake & cleere."John Vicars, Mischeefes Mysterie

This remarkable poem, published 1617, is a much expanded translation of Pietas Pontificia (in Latin hexameter verse) by Francis Herring, which appeared in 1606.

162

On this point we are furnished with more than the usual amount of variety as to details. Cecil, writing to the ambassadors (Cornwallis, Edmondes, etc.), says there were "two hodgsheads and some 30 small barrels." The King's Discourse mentions 36 barrels. Barclay (Conspiratio Anglicana) says there were over 9,000 lb. of powder, in 32 barrels, and that one of extra size had been placed under the throne, for treason could not without dread assail Majesty even when unarmed. The indictment of the conspirators named 30 barrels and 4 hogsheads. Sir E. Coke always said 36 barrels. Barlow's Gunpowder Treason makes the extraordinary statement, frequently reproduced, that "to the 20 Barrels of Powder laid in at first, they added in July 20 more, and at last made up the number Thirty-six." Faukes (November 5th) said that of the powder "some was put in hoggesheads, some in Barrels, and some in firkins." Faukes also says that the powder was conveyed to the place in hampers. John Chamberlain, writing to Dudley Carleton, November 7th, 1605, says it was carried in satchels. Barlow (ut sup.) quotes the amount as 9,000 or 10,000 lb.

163

November 23rd, 1605.

164

The Gunpowder Plot, by L., 1805. It seems highly probable that the "cellar" was used as a public passage.

165

Hugh F. Martyndale, A Familiar Analysis of the Calendar of the Church of England (November 5th). London, Effingham Wilson.

166

Letter to Cornwallis and Edmondes, November 9th, 1605.

167

H.F. Martyndale, ut sup.

168

Letter to the Ambassadors, ut sup.

169

An Advertisement written to a Secretarie, etc. (1592), p. 13.

170

Sir R. Naunton, Fragmenta Regalia (Harleian Miscellany, ii. 106).

171

Blount to Parsons (Stonyhurst MSS.), Anglia, vi. 64.

172

Such letters are found amongst the State Papers.

173

The amount, it would seem, cannot have been less than this. A barrel of gunpowder, containing four firkins, weighed 400 lb., and had the casks in the cellar all been barrels, in the strict sense of the word, the amount would therefore have exceeded six tons. Some of these casks, we are told, were small, but some were hogsheads. The twenty barrels first laid in are described as "whole barrels." (Faukes, January 20th, 1605-6.)

174

An interesting illustration of this point is furnished by a strange piece of evidence furnished by W. Andrew, servant to Sir E. Digby. Sir Everard's office was to organize the rising in the Midlands, after the catastrophe, but he apparently forgot to supply himself with powder till the very eve of the appointed day. Andrew averred that on the night of November 4th, his master secretly asked him to procure some powder in the neighbouring town, whereupon he asked, "How much? A pound, or half a pound?" Sir Everard said 200 or 300 lb. Deponent purchased one pound. (Tanner MSS. lxxv. f. 205 b.)

One Matthew Batty mentioned Lord Monteagle as having bought gunpowder. (Ibid. v. 40.)

In the same collection is a copy of some notes by Sir E. Coke (f. 185 b), in which the price of the powder discovered is put down as £200, i. e. some £2,000 of our money.

175

Gunpowder was measured by the last = 2,400 lb. (Tomline's Law Dictionary.) In 1607 there were delivered out of the store 14 lasts and some cwts. In 1608 the amount in various strong places is entered as: "Dover Castle, 4 lasts; Arcliffe Bullwark, 1 last; Walmer, 1 last, 8 cwt.; Deal Castle, 1 last; Sandown Castle, 2 lasts, etc.; Sandgate, 1 last; Camber, 1 last."

176

The position and character of the "cellar" admit of no doubt, as appears from the testimony of Smith's Antiquities of Westminster, Brayley and Britton's Ancient Palace of Westminster, and Capon's notes on the same, Vetusta Monumenta, v. They are, however, inconsistent with some circumstances alleged by the government. Thus, Sir Everard Digby's complicity with "the worst part" of the treason, which on several occasions he denied, is held to be established by a confession of Faukes, which cannot now be found among the State Papers, but which is mentioned in Sir E. Coke's speech upon Digby's arraignment, and is printed in Barlow's Gunpowder Treason, p. 68. In Sir E. Coke's version it runs thus: "Fawkes, then present at the bar, had confessed, that some time before that session, the said Fawkes being with Digby at his house in the country, about which time there had fallen much wet, Digby taking Fawkes aside after supper, told him he was much afraid that the powder in the cellar was grown damp, and that some new must be provided, lest that should not take fire."

Seeing, however, that the powder stood above ground, within a most substantial building, and could be reached by the rain only if this should first flood the Chamber of the Peers, it does not seem as if the idea of such a danger should have suggested itself.

Another interesting point in connection with the "cellar" is that the House of Lords having subsequently been removed to the Court of Requests, and afterwards to the Painted Chamber, "Guy Faukes' Cellar" on each occasion accompanied the migration. From Leigh's New Picture of London we find that in 1824-5, when the Court of Requests was in use, and the old cellar had completely disappeared, Guy's Cellar was still shown; while a plate given in Knight's Old England, and elsewhere, represents a vault under the Painted Chamber, not used as the House of Lords till after 1832. Such a cellar seems to have been considered a necessary appurtenance of the House.

177

Afterwards the Electress Palatine.

178

Gardiner, Hist. i. 245; Lingard, vii. 59; T. Winter, November 23rd, 1605.

179

Faukes, November 17th, 1605.

180

Harry Morgan, Examination (R.O.), November 12th, 1605.

181

T. Winter, November 23rd and 25th, 1605. As the information about Prince Henry was alleged to have been communicated by Lord Monteagle, the passage has been mutilated in the published version to conceal this circumstance.

182

Faukes, November 5th, 1605.

183

Sir E. Digby, Barlow's Gunpowder Treason, App. 249.

184

Faukes, November 17th, 1605.

185

Digby, ut sup.

186

History, i. 239.

187

There is also an allusion to the same in the confession of Keyes, November 30th, 1605; but this document also is of a highly suspicious character. Of the seven miners, none but these three were taken alive; Catesby, Percy, and the two Wrights being killed in the field. Strangely enough, though Keyes may be cited as a witness on this subject, on which his evidence is of such singular importance, the government, for some purpose of its own, tampered with the confession of Faukes wherein he is mentioned as one of the excavators, substituting Robert Winter's name for his, and placing Keyes amongst those "that wrought not in the myne." See Jardine's remarks on this point, Criminal Trials, ii. 6.

188

His detailed notes and plans are given in Vetusta Monumenta, vol. v.

189

Page 4.

190

See Appendix E, Site of Percy's house.

191

Tanner MSS. lxxv. § 185, b.

192

Faukes, November 6th, uses the same expression, "a low room new builded," which seems to imply that this receptacle had been constructed since Percy came into possession of the house.

193

November 6th, 1605. More will be seen of the important document containing this information.

194

According to Smith's plan (sup. p. 59) there were four entrances to the cellar, none of which can have been Percy's "new dore."

195

We are told that Faukes was selected to take charge of the house, and perform other duties which would bring him into notice, because being unknown in London he was not likely to excite remark. In his declaration, November 8th, however, he gives as his reason for going abroad, "lest, being a dangerous man, he should be known and suspected." It is obvious that in the meantime the cellar must either have been left in charge of others better known, and therefore more likely to excite suspicion, or have been left unprotected.

196

November 17th, 1605.

197

Thomas Winter, November 23rd, 1605.

198

F. 66.

199

This, as we have heard, was Mr. Whynniard, who unfortunately died very suddenly on the morning of November 5th, on hearing of the "discovery," evidence of great importance as to the hiring of the house and "cellar" being thus lost. "As for the keeper of the parliament house," says Goodman, "who let out the lodgings to Percy, it is said that as soon as ever he heard of the news what Percy intended, he instantly fell into a fright and died; so that it could not be certainly known who procured him the house, or by whose means." —Court of King James, i. 107.

200

He appears to have been no relation of John and Christopher Wright, the conspirators.

201

Davies was employed in other affairs of a similar nature. See Dom. James I., xix. 83, I (P.R.O.).

202

Cf. a "setter dog."

203

See the full text of Wright's letter, Appendix G.

204

See the text of the memorial, Appendix G.

205

Copy in the P.R.O. Dom. James I. vii. 86, and xx. 52. The informer's name is given in the latter, viz., Ralph Ratcliffe.

206

It was likewise cited in the interrogatories prepared for the Jesuit Thomas Strange (Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 6178, 74) in November, 1605, and in this case also as treating of the Gunpowder Plot and no other.

207

Illustrations, iii. 301.

208

P.R.O. France, b. 132.

209

Ibid.

210

P.R.O. France, bundle 132.

211

Ibid. f. 273 b.

212

Hatfield MSS. 112, n. 141.

213

P.R.O. Gunpowder Plot Book, 16.

214

November 10th, 1605, Dom. James I. xvi. 44.

215

At a later period (July 20th, 1606) we find that Southwaick ("or Southwell") had lost favour and was warned by Salisbury to leave the country. "I hold him," says the Earl, "to be a very impostor." (To Edmondes, Phillipps MS. f. 165.)

216

Stowe MSS., 168, 39.

217

Ibid. 40.

218

Ibid. 42.

219

Birch, Historical View, p. 234.

220

P.R.O. France, bundle 132, January 25th, 1604-5.

221

"Who so evar finds this box of letars let him carry hit to the Kings magesty: my mastar litel thinks I knows of this, but yn ridinge wth him that browt the letar to my mastar to a Katholyk gentlemans hows anward of his way ynto lin konsher [Lincolnshire], he told me al his purpos, and what he ment to do; and he beinge a prest absolved me and mad me swar nevar to revel hit to ane man. I confes myself a Katholyk, and do hate the protystans relygon with my hart, and yit I detest to consent ethar to murdar or treson. I have blotyd out sartyn nams in the letars becas I wold not have ethar my mastar or ane of his frends trobyl aboute this; for by his menes I was mad a goud Katholyk, and I wod to God the King war a good Katholyk: that is all the harm I wish him; and let him tak hed what petysons or suplycasons he take of ane man; and I hop this box will be found by som that will giv hit to the King, hit may do him good one day. I men not to com to my mastar any moe, but wil return unto my contry from whens I cam. As for my nam and contry I consel that; and God make the King a goud Katholyk; and let Ser Robart Sesil and my lord Cohef Gustyse lok to them selvse." (Printed in Appendix to Third Report of Historical MSS. Commission, p. 148.)

222

It is signed "G.D.," and was possibly written by a relation of Sir Everard's.

223

To Sir H. Bruncard, March 3rd, 1605-6. P.R.O. Ireland, vol. 218.

224

"Instructions to my trusty servant Sir James Lindsay, for answer to the lettre and Commission brought by him from the Pope unto me." Ao 1604. (P.R.O. France, b. 132.)

In these notes the king explains that the things of greatest import cannot be written, but have been imparted "by tongue" to the envoy, to be delivered to his holiness. Moreover he thus charges Lindsay: "You shall assure him that I shall never be forgetful of the continual proof I have had of his courtesy and long inclination towards me, and especially by this his so courteous and unexpected message, which I shall be careful to requite thankfully by all civil courtesies that shall be in my power, the particulars whereof I remit likewise to your declaration." Besides this, he protests that he will ever inviolably observe two points: first, never to dissemble what he thinks, especially in matters of conscience; secondly, never to reject reason when he hears it urged on the other side.

225

P.R.O. France, b. 132.

226

Lodge, Illustrations, iii. 262.

227

P.R.O. France, b. 132.

228

Ibid.

229

The Politician's Catechism, 1658.

230

Birch, Historical View, p. 234.

231

"If the Priestes and Catholickes, so many thousands in England would have entertayned it, no man can be so malicious and simple to thinke but there would have been a greater assembly than fourscore [in the Midlands] to take such an action in hand, and the Council could not be so winking eyed, but they would have found forth some one or other culpable, which they could never do, though some of them, most powerable in it, tendered and racked forth their hatred against us to the uttermost limites they could extend." English Protestants' plea, p. 60.

232

Discourse of the manner of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot. Printed in the Collected Works of King James, by Bishop Mountague, by Bishop Barlow, in Gunpowder Treason, and in Cobbett's State Trials, as an appendix to that of the conspirators.

233

I.e., Cornwallis, Edmondes, and Chichester. The despatch to Cornwallis is printed in Winwood's Memorials, ii. 170.

234

Sir Thoms Parry, P.R.O. France, bundle 132.

235

Mr. Hepworth Dixon observes (Her Majesty's Tower, i. 352, seventh edition) that a man must have been in no common measure ignorant of Cecil and Northampton who could dream that such a design could escape the greatest masters of intrigue alive, and that abundant evidence makes it clear that the Council were informed of the Plot in almost every stage, and that their agents dogged the footsteps of those whom they suspected, taking note of all their proceedings. "It was no part of Cecil's policy," adds Mr. Dixon, "to step in before the dramatic time."

236

Often called Phelipps, or Philipps.

237

History of Scotland, iii. 376, note (ed. Eadie). It was on one of these letters which had been in the hands of Phelippes that Mary was convicted.

238

Dom. James I. xx. 51. April, 1606.

239

In the fragment cited above, Phelippes says that Queen Elizabeth and the Earl of Essex largely availed themselves of this device of his, and that "My Lord of Salisbury had himself made some use of it in the Queen's time."

240

February 12th, 1605-6. (Stowe MSS. 168.)

241

Copies were sent by Cecil to Cornwallis at Madrid, Parry at Paris, Edmondes at Brussels, and Chichester at Dublin. Also by Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton.

242

"Lastly, and this you must not omit, you must deliver, in commendation of my Lord Mounteagle, words to show how sincerely he dealt, and how fortunately it proved that he was the instrument of so great a blessing, … because it is so lewdly given out that he was once of this plot of powder, and afterwards betrayed it all to me." – Cecil to Coke. (Draft in the R.O., printed by Jardine, Criminal Trials, ii. 120.)

243

£500 as an annuity for life, and £200 per annum to him and his heirs for ever in fee farm rents.

244

See Thorold Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, v. 631, and Jessopp, One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 285.

245

R.O. Dom. James I. xx. 56.

246

Criminal Trials, ii. 65.

247

Ibid. 68.

248

Note on Fuller's Church History, x. § 39, and on The Student's Hume.

249

History, i. 251.

250

Criminal Trials, ii. 69.

251

On March 13th, 1600-1, Monteagle wrote to Cecil from the Tower, "My conscience tells me that I am no way gilty of these Imputations, and that mearely the blindness of Ignorance lead me into these infamous errors." (Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 6177).

252

The letter is printed in Archæologia, xxviii. 422, by Mr. Bruce, who argues from it Monteagle's complicity with the Plot. Mr. Jardine's reply is found ibid. xxix. 80.

253

According to T. Winter's famous declaration, Monteagle, within ten days before the meeting of Parliament, told Catesby and the others that the Prince of Wales was not going to attend the opening ceremony, wherefore they resolved to "leave the Duke alone," and make arrangements to secure the elder brother.

The original of Winter's declaration, dated November 25th, which is at Hatfield, contains these and other particulars, which are altogether omitted in a "copy" of the same in the Record Office, dated, remarkably enough, on November the 23rd. It is from the latter that the version in the "King's Book" was printed.

254

De Beaumont to Villeroy, September 17th, 1605.

255

Mr. Gardiner alludes to it, History, i. 254 (note), but apparently attaches no importance to it.

256

Brit. Museum, Add. MSS. 19402 fol. 143. See the letter in full, Appendix H.

257

Discourse of the Manner of the Discovery (the "King's Book").

258

Winwood, Memorials, ii. 170, etc. (November 9th). In the entry book of the Earl of Salisbury's letters (Phillipps' MSS. 6297, f. 39) this is described as "being the same that was sent to all his Majestie's Embassadors and Ministers abroade." To Parry, however, quite a different account was furnished.

259

Cecil to Sir T. Parry, P.R.O. France, bundle 132 (November 6th).

260

Gerard, Narrative, p. 101.

261

Vol. ii. 15. The partisans of the government at the time appear to have solved the difficulty by invoking the direct guidance of Heaven:

"For thus the Lord in's all-protecting grace,Ten days before the Parliament began,Ordained that one of that most trayterous raceDid meet the Lord Mounteagles Serving-man,Who about Seven a clocke at night was sentUpon some errand, and as thus he went,Crossing the street a fellow to him came,A man to him unknowen, of personage tall,In's hand a Letter, and he gave the sameUnto this Serving-man, and therewithallDid strictly charge him to take speciall heedeTo give it into's Masters hand with speede." Mischeefes Mystery (1617).

262

Here again evidence was found of the direct guidance of Heaven:

"And thus with loyall heart away he goes,Thereto resolved whatever should betide,To th' Court he went this matter to disclose,To th' Earle of Salsb'ryes chamber soone he hide,Whither heavens finger doubtless him directed,As the best meanes to have this fact detected."Mischeefes Mystery.

263

In the account forwarded to the ambassadors, there is a curious contradiction. In the general sketch of the discovery with which it opens, it is said that Faukes was captured "in the place itself," with his lantern, "making his preparations." Afterwards, in the detailed narrative of the proceedings, that he was taken outside. The fact is, that the first portion of this letter is taken bodily from that of November 6th to Parry, wherein the arrest of Faukes in the vault was a principal point. Between the 6th and the 9th this part of the story had been altered, but it does not seem to have been noticed that a remnant of the earlier version still existed in the introductory portion.