Pax mundi

In 1871 the Belgian Association was formed at Brussels, and at the same time a local association at Verviers. Later on, April 15th, 1889, was founded the Belgian branch of the International Arbitration and Peace Association (Federation Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix, section Belge), under the leadership of M.E. de Laveleye.

The English parent society has, in the course of three-quarters of a century, employed every means that can serve to advance a public cause. By lectures and public meetings; by the distribution of literature and a diligent use of the press; by appeals to the peoples; petitions to the Governments; resolutions in parliament; by adapting themselves to Sunday and other schools, by influencing the religious community, the clergy and teachers; by combinations and interviews with peace friends in all lands – by all practicable means it has sought to work towards its goal.

First and foremost, it has advocated arbitration as a substitute for war, laboured for the final establishment of an International Law, and a Tribunal for the nations, and for a gradual reduction of standing armies; at the same time it has never ceased to raise its voice against the wars in which England and other nations have engaged. At a Universal International Peace Congress, held in London under the auspices of the society in 1843, it was resolved to send an address "to the Governments of the civilized world," whereby they should be earnestly conjured to consider the principle of arbitration, and to recognise it. This address was sent to forty-five Governments. By a deputation to the powers at the Paris Congress in 1856, this society succeeded, as before said, in getting the principle of arbitration recognised, etc.

From the commencement, the English and American peace societies have worked side by side with brotherly concord. There are over forty peace societies in America. Besides these already named – viz., the American Peace Society, and the Universal Peace Union– the following are most important: The Christian Arbitration and Peace Society, Philadelphia; the National Arbitration League, Washington; the American Friends' Peace Society, for Indiana and Ohio, founded December 1, 1873; and the International Code Committee, New York, of which David Dudley Field is president.

On the 25th of July, 1870, the English Workmen's Peace Association, now called the International Arbitration League, was founded by members of the "Reform League," a great union of workmen in London. Two years later this Arbitration League, under Mr. W. R. Cremer's powerful leadership, had well-appointed local associations all over the country, and nearly a hundred zealous leaders in various towns. Since then Mr. Cremer has become a Member of Parliament, and as such has had the opportunity of helping the peace cause in many ways; for example, as a zealous participant in the deputation of twelve to the President of the United States, which has been mentioned more particularly in the beginning of this work.

In April, 1874, was formed the Women's Auxiliary of the Peace Society. This continued to work in connection with the English parent society until 1882, when a division took place. Part of the members gathered themselves into an auxiliary, now called the Local Peace Association Auxiliary of the Peace Society, which has thirty-three sub-associations in England only. The other part formed the Women's Peace and Arbitration Association.30

At the same time great progress was made upon the Continent.

In Italy a League of Peace and Brotherhood was founded as early as 1878, by Signor E.T. Moneta.

A workmen's peace association was formed at Paris in 1879, by M. Desmoulins and others, under the name of the Société des travailleurs de la Paix.

At the close of 1882, The Danish Peace Society, or "Society for the Neutralization of Denmark," was founded in Copenhagen, with Fredrik Bajer, M.P., as chairman, and twenty-five local associations in Denmark.31 There is also at Copenhagen a "Women's Progress Society," which, with Mrs. Bajer as president, placed the cause of peace prominently upon its programme.

At a meeting of members of the Riksdag, in the spring of 1883, a Swedish Peace Society was formed, which has for its object to co-operate with the International Arbitration and Peace Association of Great Britain and Ireland, in working for the preservation of peace among nations, and the establishment of an International Tribunal of Arbitration, under the mutual protection of the States, to which disputes that may arise may be referred. The first chairman of the society was S.A. Hedlund, who has long laboured in Sweden for the spread of information as to the efforts of the friends of peace.

The same year a Norwegian Peace Society was formed, which, however, like the Swedish sister association, has been apparently only dead-alive of late.

This is the result, certainly in great degree, of the slender interest taken by the cultivated classes, who in general pose as either indifferent or antagonistic to peace work; indifferent, because, in ignorance of the subject, they look upon organized peace effort as fanciful and fruitless; antagonistic, because they see in these efforts a hindrance to getting the national defence strengthened by increased military forces. As regards Norway, there are, however, signs that a different view of things has lately begun to make itself felt.32

In France the peace societies received strength in 1884, through the foundation by M. Godin of the Société de Paix et d' Arbitrage International du Familistère de Guise (Aisne), Godin's activity has embraced not less than forty-two departments in France. Besides these may be named the Société d'Aide Fraternelle et d'Etudes Sociales, the Société de Paix par l'Education at Paris, the Groupe des Amis de la paix à Clermont-Ferrand, La Fraternité Universelle Grammond, Canton de St. Galmier (Loire), and the Association des Jeunes Amis de la Paix, Nîmes.

The International Arbitration and Peace Association for Great Britain and Ireland was founded in 1880.33 This association, with which the Scandinavian society should co-operate the most closely, has a worthy chairman in Mr. Hodgson Pratt, a man whose devoted and untiring zeal has made him a distinguished leader of the peace movement, to which he has dedicated the whole business of his life.

His sphere of action has also included the Continent, and borne good fruit. Amongst others he succeeded in instituting peace societies at Darmstadt, Stuttgart and Frankfort; a committee of the association at Budapest; and in Rome, the Associazione per l'Arbitrato e la Pace tra le Nazione, with Ruggiero Bonghi as president; and also in Milan, the Unione Lombarda per la Pace e l'Arbitrato Internazionale.

In the course of the last three years, 1886-90, the idea of peace has made great progress in Italy. The movement has not been confined to any special class of society, or to any particular political or religious party, but has spread alike amongst all.

In the autumn of 1888 the central committee of the Italian League of Peace and Liberty sent out a leaflet, with a protest against any war with France. The central committee, which numbers amongst its members, senators, deputies, and many of Garibaldi's former companions in arms, declares: "The league requires all Italians, young and old, women and men, philosophers, tradesmen and working men, to unite all their energies in the great work of peace; that there may be an end of armaments, which are a positive ruin to all nations."

In the course of 1889 several important peace congresses were held. In Milan, such a congress met for the first time, January 13th, representing 200 associations in France, Italy, and Spain and for the second time, April 28th, when fifty-four Italian societies were represented. Eight days after the first Milan meeting, a similar one took place in Naples, attended by 3,000 persons, which expressed the united views of five hundred associations.

Lastly, a congress was held in Rome, May 10-14, which represented thirty-nine peace associations, the ex-minister Bonghi in the chair. The meeting expressed the desire that governments would find means to diminish the war burdens by international agreements similar to those by which economic and scientific matters are already arranged, as well as questions dealing with general sanitary concerns. A committee, consisting of six senators and deputies, was afterwards chosen for further work in the cause of peace.

A specially noteworthy feature in these Italian peace congresses is the deep repugnance to the Triple Alliance – which is regarded as a standing menace of war, – and a strong craving for good relations with France.

The way to this lies through increased peaceful connection. This was especially manifest in the meeting at Rome, which had to prepare for the participation of Italians in the Peace Congress at Paris in the summer of 1889.

The Congresses of 1889 formed part of the great commemoration of the Revolution; that meeting of international fraternity which, in the words of President Carnot in his opening, speech, "shall hasten the time when the resources of the nations, and the labour of mankind, shall be dedicated only to the works of peace."

One of these gatherings, the Universal Peace Congress, June 23-27, which was composed of delegates from the peace societies of Europe and America, had, amongst other vocations, to express itself on certain general principles for carrying forward the idea of arbitration. It specially maintained and emphasized that the principle of arbitration ought to form a part of fundamental law in the constitution of every State.34 Before the meeting closed, it was decided that the next Universal Congress should be held in London in 1890.

The other assembly, an Interparliamentary Conference (June 29-30), composed exclusively of legislators from many lands, was entitled to express itself more definitely on the adoption of actual measures; notably, on the best means of bringing about arbitration treaties between certain States and groups of States.

With this Interparliamentary Conference, this international parliamentary meeting, we come to the beginning of a new and exalted organization, forming almost a powerful prelude to co-operation between England, America and France, such as I spoke of in the commencement of this book.

After the emissaries of the 270 members of the legislature had in the autumn of 1887 fulfilled their mission to America, and had started an active movement there which has since spread over the whole American continent, English and French representatives of the people met in Paris, October 31st, 1888, and decided on behalf of many hundreds of their absent associates that a meeting of members of as many parliaments as possible should take place during the Universal Exposition in 1889.

This resolution was carried into effect. On June 10th about one hundred parliamentary representatives assembled in Paris from Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Hungary, Italy, Liberia, the United States and Spain. Nearly four hundred members of various parliaments had given their adhesion to the design of the meeting. Jules Simon opened the proceedings. Many important resolutions were passed, with a view to practically carrying into effect the principle of arbitration. After this it was arranged that a similar assembly should meet annually in one or other of the capital cities of the countries in sympathy; in 1890, in London; and lastly, a committee of forty was chosen, composed, according to resolution, of six members of every nationality, which should undertake the preparation of the next conference, send out the invitations, collect the necessary contributions, and in the interim do all in their power to remove the misunderstandings which might possibly arise, when it appealed, as it would be needful to do, to public opinion.

Pursuant to the invitation of this committee, the second International Assembly of Members of Parliament met in London, July 22-23, 1890.

In consequence of the second Universal Peace Congress, the central gathering of the peace societies, being held only a short time previously (July 14-19), a large number of influential men attended this international meeting of legislators; but whilst amongst those who took part in the first named conference, the Universal Peace Congress, were a fair number of M.P.s of various countries, yet (with few exceptions) all those who took part in the interparliamentary meeting were members of one or other national legislative assembly.

The second Interparliamentary Conference, in London, 1890, had double the attendance of the first, in Paris, members from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Norway, Spain and Sweden; besides which, more than a thousand representatives of the people, who were prevented attending, signified by letter their adhesion. Amongst these were Gladstone, Clemenceau, the Vice-president of the German Reichstag, Baumbach, the Italian Prime Minister Crispi, Andrassy, and three French Ministers. Ninety-four Italian senators and deputies, and thirty-one members of the Spanish Cortes, in their respective addresses, expressed their sympathy with the work of the conference. The ex-Lord Chancellor, Lord Herschell, acted as chairman.

The most important resolution of the meeting was, that all civilized governments were urged to refer all disputes in which they might be involved to arbitration for solution.

Those present bound themselves to work to the best of their ability for the object, especially through the press and in the national assembly of their own lands, and thus gradually win public opinion over to the cause.

As a first step towards practically settling international disputes by arbitration, the conference urged that in all treaties affecting trade, literature, or other arrangements, a special arbitral clause should be inserted.

Amongst other resolutions it was voted, that a parliamentary committee should be created in each country for mutual consultation on international matters.

Lastly, a standing interparliamentary committee of thirty members was chosen, to serve as a connecting link in the interval between the conferences.

The third Interparliamentary Conference will meet in Rome in 1891.

In the fact that these conferences are composed of legislators chosen by the people lies their peculiar significance. They speak with power, because they are supported by millions of electors in various lands. The weight of their utterances naturally increases in the proportion in which the number of members grows. As yet this parliament of the peoples represents only a minority of the national assemblies; but the day may be coming when it will express the opinion of the majority, and that would be the triumph of right over might.

In the effort to reach this goal there must be no settling into stagnation. The peace societies especially must work with all their might to get friends of peace into parliament, and subscribe to enable them to take part in the interparliamentary meetings. It would, of course, be still better if the means for their attendance were supplied by a public grant.

Here the Norwegian Storting has set an example which will be to its honour for all time; for after about sixty members had joined the interparliamentary union, and chosen Messrs. Ullmann, Horst and Lund as representatives to the conference in London, 1890; and after the Arbitration resolution moved had been adopted by the Storting (voted July 2nd, 1890, by eighty votes against twenty-nine), a subsidy of 1,200 kroner was granted for the travelling expenses of the three delegates to, the London conference.

This is probably the first time in the life of the nations that a State has granted money in support of a direct effort to make a breach in the old system of Cain.

There is less strain in America: a similar inception seems to be at hand. Long before the great rousing in 1887, the present United States Minister, James G. Blaine, was possessed with the idea of bringing about a peace-treaty between all the independent States of North and South America. He stood at the head of the Foreign Department of the Union when General Garfield was President, 1881, and already at that time entertained this grand idea. He desired, in order to realize it, to invite all the American States, by means of government emissaries, to take part in an international congress at Washington. In the interim Garfield died, and when Arthur became President, Blaine ceased to be Minister of Foreign Affairs; but as soon as, upon Harrison being chosen to the presidency, he became Foreign Minister again, he resumed the interrupted work.

In June, 1888, the President confirmed a resolution adopted by Congress, empowering him to invite all the American States to a conference composed of emissaries from their governments, with the view of establishing a Tribunal of Arbitration for settling differences that may arise between them; and for establishing by commercial treaties more facile trade combinations, adapted to the needs of the various States, and their productive and economic well-being.

The invitations were issued, and met with approval by all the independent States throughout America.

The representatives of these States met at Washington, Oct. 1st, 1889, in a deliberative assembly, which was styled the Pan-American Conference. Mr. Blaine was voted to the chair, and under his leading the members of the congress decided to begin with a circular tour of forty days through the whole of the States of the Union. Its labours were afterwards continued until April 18th, 1890.

The results of the Conference as regards the common interests of trade and commerce, etc., will only be felt gradually, since many of these matters are of intricate character, and in some instances require entirely fresh international transactions. But as regards the chief thing – viz., the establishment of a permanent tribunal of arbitration – the object was achieved.

Congress almost unanimously35 adopted the resolution of the report of the committee respecting the election of such a supreme judicial authority in case of any menacing international disagreement.

The members of the Conference were not authorized to conclude binding treaties. Their task was confined to deliberating upon affairs which might have a reciprocal interest in various countries, and then laying before their governments such resolutions as in the opinion of the Conference might best promote the well-being of all the States.

Nevertheless the majority of the States later bound themselves to the conclusions of the congress. Indeed, a week before the assembly broke up the respective members for Brazil, Bolivia, Columbia, Equador, Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, were empowered to sign at Washington the arbitration-treaty adopted by the Pan-American Conference; and the other governments have since in the same way sanctioned it.36

When this document has been fully confirmed, a quarter of the inhabited world will be rendered inviolate, and 120 millions of men set free from the chronic frenzy of war.

If minor breaches of the peace possibly may not thereby be for ever prevented, yet certainly the irresponsible system of violence will become powerless against the force of civilization which is spreading over the whole Western hemisphere.

THE PROSPECTS

The events which I have here described will perhaps one day be regarded as the transition into a new era. But specially here, in the Old World, with its many unsettled accounts, we cannot rely upon bright pictures of the future. We are convinced of nothing beyond the range of our own knowledge and experience.

I have thought so myself, and therefore I have endeavoured to keep to facts which no one can deny.

It is a fact that wars continually diminish in proportion as peoples are brought nearer to one another by trade and commerce. The old warlike condition has ceased. Formerly not a year passed without war in Europe – in the Middle Ages hardly a week. After 1815 an international peace reigned over most of the European States for forty years. In the Scandinavian peninsula that peace is continuing still. Before that time, at least until 1721, Sweden was almost continually involved in war. We reckon two hundred and sixty years of war to the Kalmar Union, and the proneness to invade and defend the countries on the other side the Baltic.

The old causes of war are being removed. Certainly new ones arise as a result of selfish patriotism, breaking out in new acts of violence. But these outbreaks of barbarism become continually more rare. Unhappily, they are so much the more horrible when they do occur, but yet much More transitory. This is applicable to all the great wars in the last half of the present century. No thirty years' war is known now.

In consequence of the shorter flow of blood the wounds get time to heal, and the divided interests are allowed to grow together again. The levers of civilization are again in motion; commerce spreads over land and sea by steam, electricity, and other motive powers. The victories of Alexander and Napoleon are cast into the shade by the triumphal procession of the tiny postage stamp around the world. Trade and industry, art and science, efforts in the direction of universal morality and enlightenment, all branch out and weave around the nations a boundless web of common interests, which, though at certain intervals violently torn asunder by brute force, grows together again with increased strength and in broader compass; until one day, under the majesty of law, it will form an irresistible civilizing power.

This is what in reality is taking place. Men do not in general see it; and this, because they busy themselves so much with warlike notions, and trouble themselves so little about events of the character that I have dwelt upon in the foregoing pages.

The friends of peace ought to stimulate one another, especially when there is gloom over the great world, and no one knows whence the approaching calamity may spring. Once it was warded off from our land by a wise measure of one of our kings. I refer to Oscar I., when he saved us from being embroiled in the chances of war, by drawing up a declaration of neutrality in 1854, which was approved by the united powers, and earned for him the homage and gratitude of the Swedish Riksdag, in an address which lauded him as one of the wisest and noblest of kings.37

But there is little security that the same expedient will always lead to a like successful result, if people wait till war is at the door before setting to work.

In time of peace, and during the specially good relations which obtain between the two English-speaking nations, as well as between France and America, our fellow-workers on both sides the Atlantic are making use of the favourable opportunity for trying to get this good relation established by law.

It may well be asked why we, who are friendly with the whole world, should not be able to do the same, not only with respect to Siam, but also first and foremost with our near neighbours.

It was this thought which led to the Arbitration resolution in 1890, in the Storting and in the Riksdag.

At the first meeting of the Left (Liberals) of the Storting, Feb. 4th, the subject was discussed and gained unanimous adhesion. Whereupon followed the resolution in the Storting on the 21st, which was adopted by a large majority, March 5th, after the Minister of State (Stang) had delivered a long speech against the resolution in vain.

After this successful result, a similar resolution for Sweden was brought into the First Chamber by F.T. Borg, and in the Second by J. Andersson. The reports of the committees upon it ran diversely. The committee of the First Chamber opposed, and that of the Second Chamber approved, the resolution. On May 12th the question was thrown out in both Chambers.38

Mr. Borg spoke with dignity for his resolution in a long speech. This was answered by the chairman of the committee, with a reminder of the perverse condition of the world and of the human race. The resolution contained a "meaningless expression of opinion." It was a real danger for small nations to go to sleep, hoping and believing in a lasting peace. It was now just as in the olden times: those who loved peace and would preserve it "must prepare for war." The speaker had, as chairman of the committee, expressed sympathy with the resolution, but he added, "one does not get far with paper and words; and, according to my opinion, the honourable mover of the resolution will certainly show more love for peace if he, next year, on coming back with this peace business, will set about it with a proposition for some ironclads and artillery regiments or such like things, of more effectual service than the platonic love which he has expressed; and I venture to predict that both the committee and the Chamber will support him more powerfully than to-day."