Pax mundi

Nevertheless all great causes of war are not thereby eradicated from Europe.

In the forenamed article by the Russian jurist, Kamarowski, light is thrown upon this circumstance with scientific clearness.

He says respecting Germany, that this country has essentially realized its national unity, and thereby reached a justifiable object; but at the same time has been guilty of two serious violations of the principles of international right.

"It carried on the war against France with an inflexible and altogether unnecessary severity, and it tore from that State Elsass-Lothringen."

The attempt is certainly made to justify this by the fact that both these provinces formerly belonged to Germany, and that it was an absolute necessity for Germany to acquire a military guarantee against a fresh attack on the part of France.

Kamarowski shows both these grounds to be untenable. If nations should continually look back to the past, and strive to renew the old conditions, they never could found a more durable or righteous state of things in the present.

What ought to be decisive is, that in these unhappy provinces the sympathy of the great part of the population is completely on the side of France.

The possession of Strasburg and Metz has not only failed to give Germany the anticipated security; it has, on the other hand, compelled the Germans to live since 1871 in perpetual unrest; to keep on foot an immense army, and to expend their last resources in building fortresses. Besides, this possession cripples German activity in both internal and external political questions. The situation of France is equally unenviable; constantly kept in suspense, and with the feeling of having been unjustly treated, and longing for revenge. Is it possible, with this deadly hatred between two of Europe's most civilized states, to think of a lasting peace?

And what can the Governments of these nations do with respect to this evil, unless they set themselves to eradicate it?

Kamarowski proposes three different solutions of the question of Elsass-Lothringen. A European congress might arrange the destiny of these provinces, by dividing them, for example, so that Elsass should remain united to Germany, and Lothringen to France; or by forming them into two or more cantons united to Switzerland; or lastly, by letting them become an independent State with a self-chosen mode of government, but with the sine quâ non that they shall be neutralized, and placed under the guarantee of combined Europe.

It would be almost immaterial to Europe which of these three expedients were chosen; therefore the choice might be left to the inhabitants of Elsass-Lothringen themselves; and the opportunity might be given them of expressing themselves by a plebiscite, uncontrolled by any influence from either the French or German side.

This naturally affects Danish South Jutland in an equal degree, which Germany wrenched from Denmark by a gross breach of international law. That the writer does not adduce this instance may be simply because he does not regard it as involving any danger of war.

Kamarowski finds this to be much more pronounced with regard to the Eastern Question.

This is more threatening than that of Elsass-Lothringen. Ever since the close of the last century the Turkish Empire has, on account of its internal condition, been doomed to fall to pieces, and its final dissolution is only a question of time. It is difficult to say what is to be done with the remains.

The only reasonable and righteous settlement is to allow the Christian peoples who were in the past subjected by the Turks, and who compose the great majority of the population in European Turkey, to form independent States. Manifold causes have hitherto prevented the organization of the political life of these nations, shorn of political maturity in consequence of protracted thraldom, mutual jealousy, and influences of the great powers, who under all manner of excuses have played their own game at the cost of these people, pretending to protect them, while they sought to make them into their subjects. Russia has doubtless, even if unintentionally, in the greatest degree helped to set these nations free, and to produce the present position by which Servia and Roumania have been changed, from being subject to Turkey, into independent States; and Bulgaria, instead of being a Turkish province, has now a less subject position as regards Turkey. "It is," says the writer, "not altogether without reason that the Russians accuse their Southern Sclav brethren of ingratitude"; but he admits that Russia ought partly to blame herself. She has, for instance, at times shown a decided inclination to force her forms of thought and policy upon them, and to get the whole of their inner national life placed under her authority. This action of Russia is blameworthy, both because it violates the independence which belongs of right to every State, and because it is foolishly opposed to Russia's own well-known interests. By such a policy she can only betray her Sclav mission, create more than one new Poland for herself, and artificially shift her political power from north to south, thereby weakening her national strength.

Kamarowski further describes the selfish schemes of England and Austria in the Balkan peninsula.

These plans are even more distasteful to the Christian population than Russia's, because it stands in the closest relation to that country both as to race and a common religion. England and Austria seek to entice this people by the prospect of freer institutions and greater economic well-being but they can only drag them into their net at the cost of their national and moral independence. And the jealousy between these powers, Russia on the one hand and Austria and England on the other, each wanting to get the advantage, or to possess itself of the remains of the dying realm, is a standing menace to the peace of Europe. This danger would disappear if people could be satisfied to let these nations belong to themselves.

Now that Austria has carried out the injunction laid upon her by the Berlin Congress – for the present to undertake the management and administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina – she ought to withdraw from these provinces, whose population should be allowed to decide their own fate by universal suffrage, whether this would result in the union of Bosnia with Servia, and of Herzegovina with Montenegro, or whether the situation should be arranged in some other way. All that Austria has any ground for requiring is, the free navigation of the Danube and the straits (Bosphorus and Dardanelles), and therewith her true interests in this region would be abundantly satisfied.

The Christian States which, alongside of Turkey, have spread over the Balkan peninsula, are Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montenegro and Bulgaria. The last named still stands in subjection to Turkey, but has the same right to full independence as the neighbour States. It is evidently their vocation to divide amongst themselves the remains of Turkey in Europe, for their population in an overwhelming proportion consists of Southern Sclavs and Greeks. But unhappily they seem to have little conception of this their task, because they live in a constant state of jealousy and bickering. These States are all only just in the embryo. They have not yet by a long way attained their natural boundaries. A large number of Greeks and Bulgarians are still under the direct government of Turkey. It would be labour lost to attempt to guess how many small States will form themselves out of the ruins of Turkey, or what political form they will take. The author remarks that it would be best for them to arrange themselves into one or more confederations with self-government for each single State composing this alliance.

Europe, in harmony with international justice, should see to it: (1) that the peoples of the Balkan peninsula should not become the prey of any foreign power; (2) that they should not be allowed to trespass upon each other's domains; (3) that their development should as far as possible proceed in a peaceful and law-abiding way; (4) that they should divide the inheritance of Turkey in a thoroughly just manner, so that the political boundaries should be marked out in harmony with the wishes and interests of the inhabitants; (5) that they themselves do not invade the domains of other States, and that they recognise all the maxims of international justice.

A European congress, co-operating in such an arrangement of the conditions of the Balkan peninsula, would contribute in no small degree to remove the causes of war in Europe, and would do effective work in the cause of freedom and civilization. Greece would acquire all the islands of the Archipelago, together with Candia and Cyprus. Macedonia would, according to the conditions of its nationalities, be divided between Greece and Bulgaria. The natural boundary of the latter would be the Danube on the one side and the Archipelago on the other. Constantinople would remain the capital of a Bulgarian kingdom, or of a Southern Sclav federation; or again, a free city with a small independent territory.28 The fortifications on both sides the Bosphorus and Dardanelles should be destroyed, and both these straits be thrown open to the navigation of all nations.

After being obliterated from the list of European nations, Turkey would peacefully continue its existence in Asia.

But not even so are all the causes of war removed from our continent. Many are to be found in the relations between Russia and England especially two, says Kamarowski.

One is the opposition between the dissimilar forms of government in these countries. England is the advocate of liberal social institutions all over the continent, but Russia poses as the mainstay of unlimited sovereign power and of conservative principles. Yet doubtless Russia will sooner or later, with a firmness and consistency hitherto lacking, strike into the path of political reform, and then this contrast will be assimilated.

The other consists in the opposing interests of the two powers upon the Eastern Question. But if this question is solved as the author proposes, by the whole Balkan peninsula being permitted to form itself into independent States under the guarantee of united Europe, this cause of strife would also be removed. Russia need no longer threaten India. Russia's true well-being can never consist in spreading herself over the deserts and wastes of Asia, or in the endless compulsory subjection of hostile races under her. She will doubtless in time perceive this.

Historical facts have already marked out the domain of both realms and the boundaries of their influence. The greater part of Southern Asia is more or less subjected to England. The whole of Northern and Central Asia belongs to Russia. Russia and England have a common mission in Asia – to promote the Christian civilization of the world; and in this direction each has her special call.

Also in the relations between Russia and Germany are found indeed inflammable materials; but with wise action on both sides they may be got rid of.

Russia has, more than any other power, promoted the unity and powerful position of Germany. Except during the strife between the Empress Elizabeth and Frederic II., constant friendly relations have obtained between Russia and Prussia; so, under Frederick II. and Catherine II., and during Prussia's struggle against Napoleon I. while the friendship between Alexander II. and William I. made possible the wars of 1866 and 1870-71. The House of Hohenzollern, which has never been any friend of popular freedom, felt drawn to Russia upon the ground of its devotion to conservative modes of thought and its absolutism.

But since Prussia has realized her goal – that of being the leading power in Germany – the relations with Russia have become more and more strained.

One of the chief causes has been the disputes caused by economic questions, and that of the customs in particular.

In addition to this is the general misunderstanding fomented by the press. The political press, says Kamarowski, ought to serve the cause of peace to-day more than ever. Unhappily it by no means does. With few exceptions it helps to fan and feed national hatred, and to stir up enmity between the European States. Most of the principal organs have a narrower horizon than this. Some of these papers and periodicals are worked only as business undertakings, to make the greatest possible profit to the shareholders; the best of them defend with gross one-sidedness the interests of their own country; seldom do they disclose any insight into great, purely humanitarian interests. The political press is, therefore, for the most part a constant source of reciprocal suspicion and hatred, which hinders the States of Europe from entering into the condition of peace they all inwardly so long for. Dip at random into a heap of most of the great papers, and you will find the strangest ideas respecting international justice; rank self-assertion in judgment, and purely barbarous sentiments respecting subjugating and destroying so-called hereditary enemies.

Lastly, there is a cause of tension between Russia and Germany in their opposing attitude with regard to the Sclav question; and if a satisfactory solution is not found for this question in a peaceable way, a crowd of complications will arise, into which Russia will inevitably be drawn.

We have first the Polish question. In our day Russia is entering, through the power of circumstances, more and more into her historic vocation of giving freedom and unity to the Sclavs. But this undertaking stands in direct opposition to the policy which was expressed in the partition of Poland.

Russia's future rôle may be to favour a confederation of all the Sclav peoples. Her true mission cannot be to subdue or trample down any Sclav nationality, but much rather to emancipate them all. Emancipate from what? From the yoke of Turkey and of Germany. So far as the former is concerned, a great part of the work has been already carried out. With regard to the Germans, Russia cannot think of the restoration of the disputed and long obliterated boundaries of the Sclav races, which were lost in the struggle with the Germans; but she may assist the organization of the bodies politic of the Sclav races, and co-operate in revivifying those branches of the nation which are not altogether dead.

The author desires, therefore, that Poland should be restored by Russia's own act. Yet Poland must not demand her boundaries as they were before 1772 (that is, the possession of Lithuania). Once admitted into a Sclav confederation, she would cease to be a menace to any one, but would serve as a bulwark between Russia and Germany.

The solution of the Sclav question might, according to the author's idea, bring with it the dismemberment of the Austrian Empire. The German part would go to Germany, and Trieste and South Tyrol fall to Italy. Austria's Sclav provinces would be acknowledged as independent, and either unite themselves with the Sclav federation on the Balkan peninsula, or form a separate State. The situation in Bohemia would be the most difficult to arrange, since in part it is a German-speaking country; but as a Sclav land, it ought under no circumstances to be entirely given over to the Germans. Hungary also would obtain its independence, but must, on its own part, recognise the freedom of Croatia. The inhabitants of the various portions of the Austrian Empire would themselves have to decide their fate, and in the interests of all, a European congress should be summoned, to maintain the general peace, and to prevent one nationality from subjecting or swallowing up another.

But while Professor Kamarowski here and elsewhere in his treatise speaks of congresses, he does not mean thereby the meetings of diplomatists to which that name now applies.

Congresses ought, he says, to be actual international organs, whose object is not to serve the fluctuating and conflicting interests of policy, but the strict principles of justice. They must be permanent institutions, and being so, help on international reforms, such as a gradual disarmament and a codification of international law; that is, a correct digest of the various regulations and principles of international law, forming a common law for all civilized nations.

In the last named direction there is in the field already The Association for the Reform and Codification of International Law, founded at Brussels, Oct. 10th, 1873, and in an important degree consisting of the most eminent jurists of the nations. This association, which meets annually for the discussion of international law in various parts of Europe, deals also with the scholarly inquiry into the continually growing material, springing from the many international congresses, which so often now, with various objects, meet first in one part then in another of the civilized world. As examples of some of the most recent of these may be named: The post and telegraph conferences; the conference on maritime law in Washington, representing twenty-one separate States, with the purpose of working out a universal system of signals for preventing collisions; the African conference at Brussels, with representatives of most of the European powers for considering the best way of civilizing Africa, getting rid of the slave trade, and limiting the exportation of alcohol;29 the railway meeting at Lugano, for introducing a uniform time table and scale of freight, on all railways of the European continent; the Madrid conference, for international protection of industrial property, and above all the Labour Congress held at Berlin by William II.'s invitation.

Whilst in this way the nations' own desire and the needs of the case grow and branch into great common interests, the friends of peace unceasingly set before themselves this distinct goal, "Right before might."

To paint the historic background of the activity of the friends of peace would be almost synonymous with bringing forward all that is uniting, important and lasting in the history of the nations. It would be a "saga" on the welfare of the human race through all time. Such a task I do not undertake. I give only a short indication of what, in our own time, organized peace-work is.

Its activity was almost a result of the wars of Napoleon, which were terminated by the Peace of Paris, November, 1815. These wars had deeply stirred the minds of many, both in the old and new world, and directed their thoughts to the apathy of the Christian Churches in not proclaiming, with unmistakable emphasis, that war is irreconcilable with the teaching of Christ.

This view was represented in America by Dr. W. Ellery Channing, and Dr. Noah Worcester, who as early as 1814 stirred up the friends of peace to organize themselves into united work.

A Peace Society was formed in New York in August, 1815; and in November of the same year the Ohio Peace Society. The Massachusetts Peace Association (Boston) started in January, 1816, and a similar society was begun in Rhode and Maine in 1817. These, with that of South Carolina, united in 1828, and formed the American Peace Society, an association which is still in active operation. Also in Philadelphia an association was formed, which was succeeded in 1868 by the Universal Peace Union.

In 1814 a zealous philanthropist, Mr. William Allen, a member of the Society of Friends, invited a number of persons to his house in London to form a peace association. They did not at once agree upon the best method, and the proposal was deferred for a time. But after the conclusion of peace was signed in 1816, Mr. Allen, with the assistance of his friend Mr. Joseph Tregelles Price, also a member of the Society of Friends, called his friends together again, and succeeded in bringing into existence the English peace association, under the name of the Peace Society.

The source from which the association sprang is to be found in the Society of Friends (Quakers), that sect which has always been a faithful proclaimer of the peace principles of Christianity. But the founders were not all of this society. Some were members of the Church of England and of other religious persuasions.

As the foundation of its effort, the association advanced the great principle that war is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and to the true interests of mankind. It has always been open to persons of all persuasions. One of its first stipulations was, that "the society shall consist of all ranks of society who will unite in forwarding peace on earth and goodwill amongst men." The association has always been international. From its commencement it proclaimed its desire to bring other nations as far as possible within the reach of its operations. Some of the first acts of the founders were to translate its most important writings into French, German, Spanish and Italian.

Immediately after, in 1816, Mr. J.T. Price, the most zealous amongst the founders, undertook a journey to France to gain adhesion and co-operation amongst Christians and philanthropists in that country. Many hindrances lay in the way of forming an association in that country which should have peace only for its object. These difficulties were overcome by founding a Society of Christian Morals (La Société de morale Chrétienne), whose aim was to bring the teaching of Christianity to bear upon the social question. This society continued for more than a quarter of a century and numbered amongst its members many illustrious Frenchmen. Its first president was the Duke of Rochefoucauld-Liancourt; its vice-president was the Marquis of the same name, the son of the above. Amongst the members were Benjamin Constant, the Duke of Broglie, de Lamartine, Guizot, Carnot, and Duchatel. The promotion of peace was one of the objects of the Society.

A branch of it was formed in Geneva, under the leadership of Count Sellon, and the English parent society stood in close and lively connection with both these associations. It had for many years in its service an active man, Stephen Rigaud, who travelled through France, Belgium, Germany and Holland, held meetings, distributed tracts, and formed committees and associations in furtherance of peace.

Between the years 1848 and 1851 a still greater aggressive peace movement was set on foot upon the European continent, by means of congresses held at Brussels, Paris and Frankfort, and by the attendance of many hundred delegates from all the countries of Europe.

This effort for peace was entered upon by the Secretary, Mr. Henry Richard. At least twenty times he visited the Continent, speaking for peace and arbitration in many, if not most, of the largest cities – Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Pesth, Dresden, Leipsic, Munich, Frankfort, Brussels, Antwerp, Bremen, Cologne, the Hague, Amsterdam, Genoa, Rome, Florence, Venice, Milan, Turin, etc.

These efforts bore good fruit. The friends of peace began to stir. Peace societies were formed, devoted attachments were made, and personal intercourse created between the adherents of peace principles in various lands.

This was especially the case in France, where la Ligue Internationale de la Paix was founded by M. Frédéric Passy. In 1872 the name of the league was changed to the Société Française des Amis de la Paix. This name it retained until its amalgamation with the Comité de Paris de la Fédération Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix, founded by Mr. Hodgson Pratt in 1883. The new society, formed of the union of the two, bears the name of the Société Française de l'Arbitrage entre Nations.

The Ligue Internationale de la Paix el de la Liberté was founded at Geneva by M. Charles Lemonnier as far back as 1867. Under the powerful leadership of this aged captain of peace the league has, by its activity in promoting the idea of the "United States of Europe," constantly sought to work in a practical way for its object, – peace and freedom.

The same year, too, were founded the Ligue du Désarmement and the Union de la Paix, at Havre.

But the most remarkable occurrence in this domain was the spontaneous interchange of addresses and greetings between workmen in France and Germany, which led to the formation, in Biebrich on the Rhine, of an Association of German and French workingmen.

As a result of a visit from Mr. Richard three years later, there was founded at the Hague, Sept. 8th, 1870, "The Dutch Peace Society," by Mr. Van Eck and others. Later in the same year ten similar associations sprang up in the Hague, Amsterdam, Zwolle, Groningen and other places. One of these, the "Women's Peace Society," in Amsterdam, under the leadership of Miss Bergendahl, deserves to be named, on account of its advanced character. In 1871 this union took the name of the "Peace Society's National Union for Holland," and in 1878 of the "Peace League of the Netherlands." Its present name is the "Universal Peace Association for the Netherlands" (Algemeen Nederlandsch Vredesbond). For seventeen years Mr. Geo. Belinfante as the indefatigable secretary of this Union. He died in 1888, and was succeeded by M.C. Bake, of the Hague.