Полная версия
Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History
94
The later practice is well known. Any agreement with a bondman led to a forfeiture of the lord's rights. It may be seen at a glance that such could not have been the original doctrine. Otherwise why should the old books lay such stress on the mention of heirs?
95
Besides the case from the Note-book which I discuss in the text, Bracton, f. 199, is in point: 'Item esto quod villanus teneat per liberum servitium sibi tantum, nulla facta mentione de heredibus, si cum ejectus fuerit proferat assisam, et cum objecta fuerit exceptio villenagii, replicet quod libere teneat et petat assisam, non valebit replicatio, ex quo nulla mentio facta est de heredibus, quia liberum tenementum in hoc casu non mutat statum, si fuerit sub potestate domini constitutus. Ut in eodem itinere (in ultimo itinere Martini de Pateshull) in comitatu Essex, assisa noue disseisine, si Radulphus de Goggenhal.' The villain fails in his assize and there has been no manumission, still it seems admitted that in this case the villain has acquired liberum tenementum by the lord's act. How can this be except on the supposition that there is a covenant enforceable by the villain against the lord?
96
Bract. Note-book, pl. 1814: 'Nota quod filius villani recuperat per assisam noue disseisine terram quam pater suus tenuit in villenagio quia dominus villani illam dedit filio suo per cartam suam eciam sine manumissione.'
97
F.W. Maitland tells me, that Concanen's Report of Rowe v. Brenton describes bond conventioners in Cornwall.
98
Bracton, f. 6: 'Et in hoc legem habent contra dominos, quod stare possunt in judicio contra eos de vita et membris propter saevitiam dominorum, vel propter intollerabilem injuriam, ut si eos destruant, quod salvum non possit eis esse waynagium suum. [Hoc autem verum est de illis servis, qui tenent de antiquo dominico coronae, sed de aliis secus est, quia quandocunque placuerit domino, auferre poterit a villano suo waynagium suum et omnia bona sua.] Expedit enim reipublicae ne quis re sua male utatur.'
99
See my article in the L.Q.R., i. 195.
100
Bracton, f. 196-202.
101
Coram Rege, 15 Edw. I, m. 18: '… licet habeant alia averia per que distringi possent distringit eos per averia de carucis suis quod est contra statutum domini Regis.' (Record Office.)
102
Spence, Equitable Jurisdiction, i. 136.
103
The Mirror of Justices, p. 110, follows Britton in this matter. This curious book is altogether very interesting on the subject of villeinage, but as its information is of a very peculiar stamp, I have not attempted to use it currently on the same level with other authorities. I prefer discussing it by itself in App. III.
104
Bracton, f. 26 b, 200. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 141: 'Dicit quod tunc temporis scilicet in itinere iusticiariorum tenuit ipse quamdam terram in uillenagium quam emerat, et tunc cognouit quod terra illa fuit uillenagium, et precise defendit quod nunquam cognouit se esse uillanum.'
105
Britton, ii. 13; Y.B. 20/21 Edw. I, p. 41: 'Kar nent plus neit a dire, jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage de le Deen etc. ke neit a dire ke jeo tenk les tenements … a la volunte le Deen etc.'
106
Bracton, f. 168.
107
Ibid., f. 199 b.
108
Palgrave, Rotuli Curiae Regis, ii. 192.
109
Placitorum Abbrev. 25, 29; Note-book, pl. 88. (The father is called Ailfricus in the Plea Roll Divers terms 2 John, 2 d., at the Record Office.)
110
Bract. Note-book, pl. 88.
111
Case 70: 'Consideratum est quod terra illa est uilenagium ipsius Hugonis (corr. Johannis), et quod si Martinus uoluerit terram tenere faciat consuetudines quas pater suus fecit, sin autem capiat terram suam in manum suam.'
112
Marginal remark in the Note-book to pl. 70: 'Nota quod liber homo potest facere uillanas consuetudines racione tenementi uillani set propter hoc non erit uillanus, quia potest relinquere tenementum.' Comp. Mr. Maitland's note to the case.
113
Bracton, f. 199 b: 'Unde videtur per hoc, quod licet liber homo teneat villenagium per villanas consuetudines, contra voluntatem suam ejici non debet, dum tamen facere voluerit consuetudines quae pertinent ad villenagium, et quae praestantur ratione villenagii, et non ratione personae.'
114
Cf. Blackstone's characteristic of copyholds: 'But it is the very condition of the tenure in question that the lands be holden only so long as the stipulated service is performed, quamdiu velint et possint facere debitum servitium et solvere debitas pensiones.' (Law Tracts, ii. 153.)
115
Bract, f. 200.
116
Bract. Note-book, pl. 1103: 'Et ideo consideratum est quod Willelmus conuictus est de uilenagio et si facere uoluerit predictas consuetudines teneat illam bouatam terre per easdem consuetudines, sin autem faciat Bartholomeus de terra et de ipso Willelmo uoluntatem suam ut de uillano suo et ei liberatur. Cf. Mr. Maitland's note.
117
I should like to draw attention to one more case which completes the picture from another side. Bract. Note-book, pl. 784: 'Symon de T. petit versus Adam de H. et Thomam P. quod faciant ei consuetudines et recta seruicia que ei facere debent de tenemento quod de eo tenent in uillenagio in T. Et ipsi ueniunt et cognoscunt quod uillani sunt. Et Symon concedit eis quod teneant tenementa sua faciendo inde seruicia quae pertinent ad uillenagium, ita tamen quod non dent plus in auxilium ad festum St. Mich. nec per annum quam duodecim denarios scilicet quilibet ipsorum et hoc nomine tallagii.'—The writ of customs and services was out of place between lord and villain. The usual course was distraint. The case is clearly one of privileged villainage, but it is well to note that although the services are in one respect certain, the persons remain unfree.
118
Bracton, f. 208 b.
119
Ibid., f. 200.
120
Bract. Note-book, pl. 63: 'Dicunt quod idem W. nullum habuit liberum tenementum quia ipse uillanus fuit et fecit omnimoda uilenagia quia non potuit filiam suam maritare nec bouem suum uendere. 1819: R. de M. posuit se in magnam assisam Dom. Reg. in comitatu de consuetudinibus et seruiciis que Th. B. petit uersus eum, unde idem Th. exigebat ab eodem R. quod redderet ei de uillenagio per annum 19 den. et aruram trium dierum et messuram trium dierum … et gersumam pro filia sua maritanda et unam gallinam ad Natale et tot oua ad Pascha et tallagium et quod sit prepositus suus. Set quia illa sunt servilia et ad uillenagium spectancia et non ad liberum tenementum, consideratum est quod magna assisa non iacet inter eos, set fiat inquisicio per xii,' etc. Cf. 794, 1005, 1225, 1661.
121
Bract. Note-book, 281: 'Et Prior dicit quod in parte bene recordantur set in parte parum dicunt quia iuratores dixerunt quod debuit dare xii. den. pro filia sua maritanda, et debuit plures alias consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt.'
122
Example—Bract. Note-book, pl. 1887. Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 38 (13 Ed. I): 'Quia predictus J. nullam probacionem producit neque sectam et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina … de patre predicti W. quem potuit produxisse ad probacionem, consideratum est quod predicti W. et R. liberi maneant.'
123
Bracton, f. 199. The jury came in only by consent of the parties.
124
Britton, i. 207; Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 37.
125
Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower, Essex, Augment. Off. Rolls, xiv. 38. (Curia—die Jovis proxima ante festum St. Bartholomaei Apostoli anno r. r. Ricardi II, 21mo.) 'Inquisicio … dicit … quod non est aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini, set dicunt quod est quidam Johannes Shillyng qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus. Et dicunt ultra quod quidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus.'
126
Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 32 (H. 19 Edw. II).
127
Ibid. 5 (13 Edw. I).
128
Fitzherbert, l. c.: 'E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices.'
129
Rotuli Parliam. ii. 192. Hargrave's argument in the Negro Somerset's case is very good on all these points. Howell, State Trials, xx. 38, 39.
130
Bracton, 201; Britton, i. 202 sq.
131
Bracton, f. 6, and on many other occasions.
132
Co. Lit. 137, b. Cf. King Henry I's writ in favour of the Monastery of Abingdon. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 96: 'Facias habere F. abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter herberiam curie mee.' Henry II puts it the other way, p. 220: 'Nisi sunt in dominio meo.'
133
A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville occurs in a Cor. Rege case of 10 Henry III, which was pointed out to me by F. Maitland. See App. IV. Mr. York Powell suggests that the limitation may have originated in the fact, that in early times a man could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part of it. There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave that had been bought with one's private money. Hence the necessity of selling a slave in order to emancipate him. The conjecture seems a very probable one, but the question remains, how such ancient practice could have left a trace in the feudal period. The explanation in the text may possibly account for the tenacity of the notion.
134
Note-book, pl. 31, 343.
135
Bracton, f. 194, 195. Bracton's text has been rendered almost unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors, and Sir Travers Twiss' translation is as wrong and misleading as usual. I will just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby, 222 (Bodleian Libr.), which is the best of all the MSS. I have seen: 'Quia esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis, per talem emptionem non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat dominum. In re empta in primis solui debet pretium, postea sequitur traditio rei: soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo, set nulla subsequitur traditio, sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius. Si tenementum adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum eiciat, si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium, et villanus replicet de manumissione et emptione, heres triplicare poterit, quod imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio, et ita talis semper remanebit sub potestate heredis.'
136
Note-book, pl. 1749: 'Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios, quod iudicium non est uerum.'
137
Bracton, 209; cf. 7 and 200. Britton, ii. 13.
138
Bracton, 209: 'Villenagium privilegiatum … tenetur de Rege a Conquestu Angliae.' Cf. Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 128.
139
Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 704: 'Tallagium dominiorum et escaetarum et custodiarum.'
140
Bract. Note-book, 1237 (the prior of St. Swithin denies a manor to be ancient demesne): '… per cc annos ante conquestum Anglie [terre] date fuerunt priori et conventui et ab aliis quam regibus.'
141
Y.B. Trin. 49 Edw. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraver. 4): '… touts les demesnes qui fuerent en la maine Seint E. sont aunciens demesne, mesque ils fuerent aliens a estraunge mains quant le liver de Domesday se fist, come il avient del manor de Totenham qui fut en autre maine a temps de Domesday fait, come en le dit livers fait mencion, que il fuit adonques al Counte de Cestre.'
142
Very curious pleadings occurred in 1323. Y.B. 15 Edw. II, p. 455: 'Ber(wick) Ils dient en l'Exchequer que serra (corr. terra) R. serra ecrit sur le margin en cas ou cest ancien demene en Domesday, mes ceo fust escript sur le dyme foille apres sur un title terra R., mesine (corr. mes une or mesqe?) R. fuit escript sur le margin de chescun foille apres, e tout ceo la est anciene demene a ceo quil nient (corr. dient), mes ascunes gens entendent que les terres qui furent les demenes le Roy St. Edward sont auncien demene, e autres dient fors les terres que le Conquerour conquist, que furent en la seissin St. Edward le jour quil mourust sont anciene demene.' Although a difference of opinion is mentioned it is not material, for this reason, that the entry as Terra Regis, at least T.R.E., is absolutely required to prove a manor ancient demesne. I give the entry on the Plea Roll in App. V.
143
I think only distress can be implied by the remark of Bereford J. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 19: 'Quant vous vendrez a loustel, fetes de vostre archevileyn ceo qe vous vodrez.' The words are strange and possibly corrupt.
144
Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 153: 'They cannot alienate tenements otherwise than by surrender into the lord's hand.' Bracton, 209.
145
In a most curious description of the customs of villain sokemen of Stoneleigh, Warwick, in the Register of Stoneleigh Abbey, I find the following entries: 'Item sokemanni predicti filias suas non possunt maritare sine licencia domini prout patet anno viij Regis E. filii Regis E. per rotulum curie in quo continetur quod Matildis de Canle in plena curia fecit finem cum domino pro ij sol. quia maritauit filiam suam Thome de Horwelle sine licencia domini.... Item anno Regis H. lvj continetur in rotulo curie quod Willelmus Michel fuit in misericordia quia maritauit filiam suam sine licencia domini et similiter decenarii fuerunt in misericordia quia hoc concelauerunt.' As to the Stoneleigh Register, see App. VI. Another instance of merchet in an ancient demesne manor is afforded by the Ledecumbe (Letcombe) Regis Court Rolls of 1272. Chapter House, County Bags, Berks. No. 3, m. 12: 'Johannes le Jeune se redemit ad maritandum et fecit finem xij sol.... Johannes Atwel redemit filiam suam anno predicto' (Record Office).
146
Henry II's charter to Stoneleigh Abbey: 'Quieta de schiris et hundredis, et murdro et danegeldo, et placitis et querelis, et geldis et auxiliis, et omni consuetudine et exactione' (Dugdale, Monasticon, v. 447).
147
Close Roll, 12 Henry III., m. 11, d: 'Monstrauerunt domino Regi homines de Esindene et de Beyford, quod occasione misericordiae c. librarum, in quam totus Comitatus Hertfordie incidit coram iusticiariis ultimo itinerantibus … hidagium quoddam assedit vicecomes super eos ad auxilium faciendum ceteris de comitatu ad misericordiam illam acquietandam et inde eos distringit. Quia vero predicti homines nec alii de dominicis domini Regis sectam faciunt ad comitatum et ea racione non tenentur ad misericordiam ceterorum de comitatu illo acquietandam auxilium facere aut inde participes esse, mandatum est vicecomiti Hertfordie quod homines predictos in hidagio et demanda pacem habere permittat' (Record Office). Placita de Quo Warranto, 777, 778: 'Non quieti de communi amerciamento nisi tantum in Stonle.'
148
Viner, Abr. v. Anc. Dem. C2, 1; cf. E, 20. Madox, Hist. of Exch., i. 418, note l: 'Quieti de auxilio vicecomitis et baillivorum suorum.'
149
Cor. Rege, Mich. 5 E. II, m. 77: '(Juratores dicunt quod homines de Wycle) in itinere respondent per quatuor et prepositum sicut cetere ville de corpore comitatus.' This against their claim to hold in ancient demesne.
150
Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. B. 1, 4, 6.
151
Madox, Exch., i. 412, 698.
152
Stubbs, ii. 566, 567 (Libr. ed.); Madox, Exch., i. 751.
153
Cor. R. M. 5 E. II, m. 77: 'Quando communitas comitatus talliatur … predicti homines taxantur sicut ceteri villani ejusdem comitatus' (against the ancient demesne claim).
154
Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstauerunt, 6 (H. 32 E. III): '… quant le roi taile les burghs a taunt come ils paia a taile pur tant il nous distreint.' Th.: 'Entend qe les feoffes le roy auront taile?' quasi diceret non, 'car cest un regalte qui proprement attient al roy et a nul auter.' Clam.: 'Tout aura il tail il serra leue en due maner sil auront breve hors del chauncerie al viconte, sc. quod habere facias racionable taile.' The men of King's Ripton, Hunts., who were constantly wrangling about their rights with the Abbot of Ramsey, the lord of the manor, maintained that they had never been tallaged nisi tantummodo ad opus Regis, and their claim was corroborated by an inspection of the Exchequer Rolls (Madox, Exch., i. 757, n). Before granting a writ of tallage to the Abbot of Stoneleigh in 1253, Henry III had an inquisition made as to the precedents. It was found that 'Nunquam predictum manerium de Stonle talliatum fuit postquam Johannes Rex predictum manerium dedit predicti Abbati et Conventui' (Stoneleigh Reg., f. 25).
155
The Law-books say so distinctly. Britton, ii. 13: 'Et pur ceo qe teus sokemans sount nos gaynours de nos terres, ne voloms mie qe teles gentz seint a nule part somouns de travailer en jurez ne en enquestes, for qe en maners a queus il appendent.' Cf. Fleta, p. 4.
156
Natura Brevium, f. 3 b (ed. Pynson).
157
Y.B. H. 49 E. III, pl. 12 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 42, quotes pl. 7 instead of 12 by mistake): Belk(nap), 'Verite est qe le terre est demandable par le briefe de droit patent en le court le seigniour apres la confirmacion (sc. par chartre) par ce qe le brief de droit serra commence en le court le seignior, mes apres la confirmacion il ne serra demande en auncien demesne par brief de droit close secundum consuetudinem,' etc.
158
Bracton actually calls the plea of ancient demesne an exception of villainage, f. 200: 'Si autem in sokagio villano, sicut de dominico domini Regis, licet servitia certa sunt, obstabit ei exceptio villenagii, quia talis sokmannus liberum tenementum non habet quia tenet nomine alieno.' Cf. Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 32.
159
Bract. Note-book, pl. 652: 'Non debent extra manerium illud placitare quia non possunt [ponere] se in magnam assisam nec defendunt se per duellum.' On the cases when an assize could be taken as to tenements in ancient demesne, see the opinion printed in Horwood's Introduction to Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. xviii.
160
Stoneleigh Reg., f. 76 sqq: 'Item in placito terre possunt partes si voluerint ponere jus terre sue in duello campionum vel per magnam assisam, prout patet in recordo rotuli de anno xlv Regis Henrici inter Walterum H. et Johannem del Hul etc. et inter Galfridum Crulefeld et Willelmum Elisaundre anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici,' etc.
161
Bract. Note-book, 1973: 'Nota quod si manerium quod solet esse de dominico domini Regis datum fuerit alicui et postea semel capta fuerit assisa noue uel mortis de consuetudine, iterum capiantur assise propter consuetudinem.'
162
Britton, ii, 142.
163
If the lord brings an action against the tenant, ancient demesne is no plea, Viner, Abr., Anc. Dem. G. 4. This was not quite clear however, because ancient demesne is a good plea whenever recovery in the action would make the land frank fee.
164
Y.B., M. 41 Edw. III, 22: 'Chold: Si le seigniour disseisie son tenaunt il est en eleccion del tenant de user accion en le court le seigniour ou en le court le roy' (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 9). Liber assis. 41 Edw. III, pl. 7, f. 253: 'Wichingham: Si le tenant en auncien demesne fuit disseisi par le seignior en auncien demesne il est a volunte le tenant de porter lassise al comen ley ou en auncien demesne mes e contra si le seignior soit disseisi par le tenant, il ne puit aillours aver son recoverie que en le court le roy.'
165
Stoneleigh Register: 'Item anno regni Regis Eduardi filii Regis Henrici vij Ricardus Peyto tulit breue de recto versus abbatem de Stonle et alios de tenementis in Fynham in curia de Stonle.' There are several instances in the Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Hunts. See App. V.
166
Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Preceptum est vicecomiti quod preciperet ballivis manerii Dom. Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in Curia Dom. Regis de H. loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breue Dom. Regis inter,' etc.: 652 is to the same point. I must say, however, that I do not agree with Mr. Maitland's explanation, vol. ii. p. 501, n. 4: 'John Fitz Geoffrey (the defendant pleading ancient demesne) cannot answer without the King. Tenet nomine alieno. Bract. f. 200. The privileges of tenants in ancient demesne are the King's privileges.' John Fitz Geoffrey is the King's firmarius, and the other defendants vouch him to warranty. After having pleaded to the jurisdiction of the Court he puts in a second plea, 'salvo predicto responso,' namely, that the tenement claimed is encumbered by other and greater services than paying 15 s. to hold freely. This is clearly the farmer's point of view, and as such, he cannot answer without the king. I lay stress on the point because a person pleading ancient demesne, although not holding nomine proprio in strict law, is compelled to answer without the King in the manorial court and by the manorial writ.
167
I need not say that the 'little writ' did not lie against the King himself. No writs did. Cp. Fleta, p. 4.
168
Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, 325 (Rolls Ser.).
169
I shall have to speak of the constitution and usages of the court in another chapter.
170
Actions on statutes could not be pleaded in ancient demesne because, it was explained, the tenantry not being represented in parliament, were no parties in framing the statute; Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. E. 19. Another explanation is given in Y.B., H. 8 Edw. II, p. 265.
171
As a matter of course, any question as to whether a manor was ancient demesne, and whether a particular tenement was within the jurisdiction of it, could be decided only in the high courts.
172
Viner, Abr., I. 21.
173
Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29: 'Caunt: Si le jugement soit une foitz revers, la court auncien demesne ad perdu conusance de ce ple a touts jours.'
174
Stoneleigh Reg.: 'Item si contingat quod error sit in iudiciis eorum et pars ex eorum errore gravetur contra consuetudines, pars gravata habebit breve Regis, ad faciendum venire recordum et processum inter partes factos coram justiciariis domini Regis de Banco; qui justiciarii inspecto recordo et processu quod erratum est in processu iusto iudicio emendabunt et ipsos sokemannos propter errorem et falsum iudicium secundum quantitatem delicti ad multam condempnabunt.'
175
Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Et illi de curia qui veniunt quesiti, si unquam tale factum fuit judicium in prefata curia, et quod ostendant exemplum, et nichil inde ostendere possunt, nec exemplum nec aliud.'