A Brief History of Forestry.

In 1909, the Royal Commission on Afforestation and Coast Erosion reported at length, proposing the reforestation by a special Commission of nine million acres of waste land at a rate of 75,000 or 150,000 acres a year to be acquired by purchase – an elaborate plan, which so far has remained without result.

The government, although various committees have recommended it, has remained also callous in respect to educational policy, except that, in 1904, the Commissioners of Woods and Forests instituted a school (one instructor) in the Forest of Dean for the education of woodsmen and foremen.

As illustrative of the government’s peculiar attitude to forest policy in general, we may note a curious anachronism, namely the act of 1894, which relieves railway companies from liability for damage from locomotive fires, if they can prove that they have exercised all care, although traction engines cannot offer this excuse.

The first attempt to secure educational facilities dates to 1884 when a chair of forestry was established in the Royal Engineering College at Cooper’s Hill, an institution designed to prepare for service in India purely. Through private subscriptions, another chair of forestry was instituted in 1887 at the University of Edinburgh, and several agricultural colleges, notably that of Cirencester, as well as the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, had made provisions for teaching the subject in a way, but outside of Cooper’s Hill no adequate education in forestry was obtainable in Great Britain, until 1905.

In 1905, the forest department in Cooper’s Hill was transferred to Oxford, the three years’ course – one year to be spent in the forests of Germany or other countries – being as before designed mainly for aspirants to the Indian forest service. Now, besides Oxford, some nine other institutions offer courses in forestry – the reason for this educational development being difficult to imagine.

The name of Sir William Schlich, a German forester, and for some time the head of the Indian forest department now in charge of this school, is most prominently connected with the reform movement.

Altogether forest management and silvicultural practice are still nearly unknown in England, and, until within a few years, the useful idea of working plans had not yet penetrated the minds of owners of estates. This apathy is, no doubt, in part due to the fact that the government is in the hands of the nobility, who prefer to keep their “shooting ranges”, and do not see even a financial advantage from turning them into forest as long as they can derive a rent of from 10 to 40 cents per acre for shooting privileges.

Private endeavor has been active through the two arboricultural societies, the Royal Scotch, founded in 1854, and the Royal English, beginning its labors in 1880. The transactions of these societies in annual or occasional volumes represented the current magazine literature on forestry since the monthly Journal of Forestry and Estates Management, which began its career in London in 1877, transferred to Edinburgh in 1884, ceased to exist in 1885.

At present, a very well conducted Quarterly Journal of Forestry, started in 1907 by the Royal English Arboricultural Society replacing its Transactions and that of the Irish Forestry Association, also the Journal of the Board of Agriculture, occasionally, supply the needs of the continuously improving chances for development on forestry lines. Until within a short time the English professional book literature has been extremely meager, although a considerable propagandist, arboricultural, and general magazine literature exists. Schlich’s Manual of Forestry, first in three volumes published from 1889 to 1895, now in its second to fourth edition, enlarged to five volumes, is the most comprehensive publication. Another author deserving mention is John Nisbet, known by his Studies in Forestry (1894), who also engrafted continental silvicultural notions into later editions of James Brown’s The Forester, an encyclopædic work of merit. Several German and French works have been translated into English, notably K. Gayer: Die Forstbenutzung; R. Hess: Der Forstschutz; H. Fürst: Waldschutz.

John Croumbie Brown’s sixteen volumes on forests and forestry in various countries may be mentioned among the propagandist literature. The Arboricultural Societies mentioned also make a brave effort to advance professional development of forestry in their publications.

INDIA

While so neglectful of her forest interests at home, Great Britain has developed in her possessions in the East Indies a far-seeing policy, and, under the lead of German influence, has established there one of the largest, if not most efficient, forest departments in the world.

Contrary to a frequently expressed idea that the conditions and problems of India are comparable to the conditions and problems of the United States, so that the example of Great Britain in India rather than that of any European country might serve us in the United States, the writer thinks that the very opposite is true. Not only are the natural conditions for the most part different, India being mainly tropical with an entirely different flora and different conditions of growth, but industrial, cultural, social and political conditions are also entirely different; all of which entails difference in methods of procedure. There are, to be sure, a few points of similarity: the large size of country under one government, and that in the hands of an English speaking race; the fact that the fire scourge, as with us, but from different reasons, is still the greatest problem; that there are arid regions and deserts (not over 10 per cent.), and irrigation problems and flood dangers to deal with; and finally the long delay in establishing a definite forest policy. Although this policy was inaugurated over 40 years ago, India has not yet, and will by the nature of things, not soon pass out of the first stage of development which we may confidently expect to pass through much more rapidly, due to the conditions in which we resemble Europe more closely.

The greater part of India, namely 62 per cent. of the 1,773,000 square miles, is under British administration, and is peopled by a subject race of nearly 240 million, without a voice in their government, which is carried on by a small handful of the conquerors (about 100,000 Englishmen are living in India), while the balance, around 700,000 square miles with 53 million people, is divided among a large number of more or less independent native States, very different in their civilization from ours.

Industrially, the difference will appear from the statement that about 70 per cent. of the population is engaged in agricultural pursuits, hence there is no active wood market as with us, except for domestic purposes, and, as the woods, like those of most tropical forest, are mainly cabinet woods, even the export trade is insignificant, amounting to hardly 3 million dollars, while minor forest products (lac, cutch and gambier, myrobalan, caoutchouc, etc.) represent about 12 million dollars.

Climatically, as is to be expected, on such a large territory, great variation exists, which is increased by differences in altitude from the sea level to the tops of the Himalayas. The climate is, of course, largely tropical, with a rainfall which varies from the heaviest known, of 600 inches, to almost none at all.

Nevertheless, in spite of these differences from our conditions, much may be learned from Indian experience in the matter of organization, both to follow and to avoid, and the fact that this can be done without the need of a foreign language will be attractive to most Americans.

The British, like other nations, gained a foothold in India for trading purposes during the 17th century. This they extended during the 18th century, especially after they had attained the ascendancy by Clive’s subjection, in 1757, of the great Mogul, one of the most powerful native princes. By conquest and amicable arrangement, the territory of British influence was gradually increased through the agency of the East India Company, until, in 1858, the British government in India was formally established by royal proclamation; and, in 1877, it was declared an empire.

As stated, native princes still control, under British influence and restrictions, over one-third of the country, or a territory of nearly 700,000 square miles, divided into 13 feudatory states. The total area under direct British control and government is 1,087,000 square miles, of which 25 per cent. (280,000 square miles) is probably forested and waste, some 232,000 square miles or nearly 150 million acres of which are so far declared government property.

The British territory is divided into three presidencies (Madras, Bombay and Bengal) and nine provinces, each with a separate government under a governor, or commissioner, with a council, and all subject to control by the resident governor-general or viceroy and his council, and he in turn is responsible to the Secretary of State at home.

There is, however, little centralization of government functions, the provincial governments being to a large degree at least semi-autonomous, like the states in the United States, and considerable variation exists in the conduct of affairs. The difficulties in introducing something like a uniform forest policy were, indeed, not small, and much credit is due to the wisdom and tact of the three German foresters, who in succession filled the difficult position of head of the Imperial Forest Department and organized the service – Brandis, Schlich and Ribbentrop.

1. Forest Conditions

In the tropics, rainfall conditions more than any other factor determine forest conditions. The rains of India depend on extraordinary sea winds, or “monsoons,” and their distribution is regulated by the topography of land and relative position of any district with regard to the mountains and the vapor-laden air currents. Thus excessive rainfall characterizes the coast line along the Arabian Sea to about latitude 20 degrees N., and still more along the coast of Lower Burma, and to a lesser extent also the delta of the Ganges and the southern slopes of the Himalayas. A moderately humid climate, if gauged by annual rainfall, prevails over the plateau occupying the larger part of the peninsula and the lower Ganges valley, while a rainfall of less than 15 inches occurs over the arid regions of the lower Indus.

The rainfall, so unevenly distributed territorially, is, moreover, as unevenly distributed through the year. In most districts the principal rains are experienced in summer, the rainy season being followed by a long dry season. But on the Eastern coast the summer rains are slight, and the principal rainy season is delayed into October and November, while in Northern India and the Himalayas, also winter rains occur, irregular and of short duration.

Even where a relatively large rainfall prevails, the climate is dry on account of the high temperature, hence some 30,000,000 acres of the cultivated acreage (which comprises 225,000,000 acres in all) depend on irrigation, over half of this irrigated area lying in the tropical zone.

Roughly speaking, at least four climatic zones with many sub-types, may be recognized: the truly tropic, intensely hot and wet (over 75 inch rainfall), prevailing on the plains and tablelands of the lower half of the peninsula; the hot and dry (below 15 inch rainfall) climate of the Northwestern Indus plain and plateau; the moderately warm and dry to humid (30-75 inch rainfall) climate of the Ganges plain and central plateau; and the temperate to alpine, humid climate of the Himalaya mountains, with snow and ice in winter, and moderate heat in summer.

In keeping with this great diversity of climate, both as to temperature and humidity, there is a great variation in the character and development of the forest cover. At least six types can be recognized, namely the evergreen forest, found along the West coast, in Burma, Andaman Islands, and the sub-Himalaya zone, which is composed of broadleaved species with a dense undergrowth of small trees and tangled lianas (vines), but few shrubs, as is characteristic of most tropical forest; the deciduous forest, mainly in the interior of Central India, with Sal, Teak and Ironwood as characteristic trees; the arid region forest, found in the Punjab, in Raiputana, and in Sindh, of varying composition, from the open shrub forests of the latter province, composed of acacias, tamarisk and mesquite, to the denser, more diversified, dry, low tree forest of the former; the alpine coniferous forest of the Himalayas and of the mountains of Afghanistan, Belutchistan, and Burma, composed of pine, deodar, juniper, with oak, walnut, boxwood, approaching our own forest types. In addition, there may be segregated the coast forest, of small extent, composed of trees which, like the mangrove, will bear salt water; the overflow forest along rivers; and river forests in the desert regions, of which latter large areas exist.

The natural differences in the forest cover are emphasized by the action of man, who for many centuries has waged war against the forest, clearing it permanently or temporarily for agricultural purposes, or else merely burning it over to improve grazing facilities, or for purposes of the chase.

Statistics, except of government properties, are somewhat doubtful. Apparently, the forested area of the whole of India comprises somewhat over 40 per cent. of the land area. The government forests, settled and unsettled, represent at present about 24 per cent. of the area under British rule (149 million acres), not over 20 per cent. being under cultivation, leaving about 56 per cent. either natural desert, waste, or grazing lands.

The great forests of India are in Burma; extensive woods clothe the foothills of the Himalayas and are scattered in smaller bodies throughout the more humid portions of the country, while the dry northwestern territories are practically treeless wastes. Large areas of densely settled districts are so completely void of forest that millions of people regularly burn cow dung as fuel, while equally large districts are still impenetrable, wild woods, where, for want of market, it hardly pays to cut even the best of timbers.

The great mass of forests in India are stocked with hardwoods, which in these tropical countries are largely evergreen, or nearly so, although the large areas of dry forest are deciduous by seasons; only a small portion of the forest area is covered by conifers, both pine and cedar, these pine forests being generally restricted to higher altitudes in the Himalayas. The hardwoods, most of which in India truly deserve this name, belong to a great variety of plant families, some of the most important being the Leguminosæ, Verbenaceæ, Dipterocarpeæ, Combretaceæ, Rubiaceæ, Ebenaceæ, Euphorbiaceæ, Myrtaceæ, and others, and a relatively small portion represented by Cupuliferæ and other families familiar to us. The most important, valuable species are Teak, Sal, and Deodar.

In the greater part of India the hardwood forest consists not of a few species, as with us, but is made up, like most tropical forest, of a great variety of trees unlike in their habit, their growth, and their product; and, if our hardwoods offer on this account considerable difficulties to profitable exploitation, the case is far more complicated in India, several thousand species entering into the composition. In addition to the large variety of timber trees there is a multitude of shrubs, twining and climbing plants, and in many forest districts also a growth of giant grasses (bamboos), attaining a height of 30 to 120 feet, which is ready to take possession of clearings. These bamboos, valuable as they are in many ways, prevent often for years the growth of any seedling trees, and thus form a serious obstacle to the regeneration of valuable timber. The growth of timber is generally quite rapid, although to attain commercial size, Teak requires usually a rotation of 150 years. But in spite of their rapid growth and the large areas now in forest capable of reforestation, India is not likely – at least within reasonable time – to raise more timber than it needs. In most parts of India, the use of ordinary soft woods, such as pine, seems very restricted, for only durable woods, those resisting both fungi and insects (of which the white ants are specially destructive), can be employed in the more permanent structures, and are therefore acceptable in all Indian markets.

At present, Teak is the most important hardwood timber, while the Deodar (a true cedar) is the most extensively used conifer. Teak occurs in all moist regions of India except the Himalayas, grows usually mixed with other kinds, single, or in clumps, is girdled two or three years before felling, is generally logged in a primitive way, commonly hewn in the woods and shipped – usually floated – as timber, round or hewn, and rarely sawn to size.

In 1905-6, the cut in the State forest area was 240,000,000 cubic feet, timber (25 %) and fuel, of which 20 per cent. was given to grantees or those holding rights of user free of charge, and less than 2 per cent. was exported. In addition, over 200 million bamboos and nearly two million dollars worth of by-products, such as lac, caoutchouc, cutch, gambier, myrobalans, were secured.

2. Property Conditions

Prior to the British occupation, the native rulers, or rajahs, laid claim to a certain proportion of the produce from all cultivators of the soil. They also reserved absolute right to the forests, and to all unseated or waste lands, although usually the people were allowed to supply their needs from these. The English government, by right of conquest, fell heir to these rights as well as to the properties, but, without care in asserting its rights, the unimpeded use of unguarded forest property led to the assertion of rights of user by the people, and such were also sometimes granted by the government. “Joint village” communities in some parts, i.e., settlements which occupy contiguous areas, claimed and occupied large areas of forest and waste as commons, and in general the original property rights of the government became uncertain.

The necessity of bringing order into this question led to various so-called settlements, by which the rights were defined, properties de-limited, and payment in kind changed into cash payments.

After attempts to regulate these matters by local rules, the first general Indian Forest Act, passed in 1865, modified by the Forest Act of 1878, laid down the basis upon which the rights of forest property were to be settled. These acts divide the forests into three classes, namely, those in which the right of the State is absolute; those in which the State has property rights, but which are burdened with prescriptive or granted rights of user; and those which are private property, but on which the State reserves the right to cut certain kinds of trees for government use, Teak, Sandalwood, and in some parts Deodar, these being considered “royal trees.” The forest act being throughout applicable only at the choice and under the construction of the provincial governments, modified acts, applicable to different parts of the Empire, and different in details, were passed from time to time, and many different local rules were issued by the provincial governments, but all agree in fixing one definite policy, namely declaration or demarcation of government forests, after inquiry into all existing rights, and division of the declared government forests into three classes, reserves or permanent state forests, protected forests, and unclassed, the latter two still open to change in ownership, and adjustment in rights of user, etc.

The absolute and relative areas of government property, therefore, are continuously changing. In 1900 the reserve forests comprised 81,400 square miles, or 8.6 % of the total territory controlled by the British government; the protected forest 8800 square miles, and the demarcated but unclassified area, 117,000 square miles. These figures had, in 1904, changed to 91,567 for permanent reserves (58 million acres), 9865 for protected, and 131,269 for unclassed, showing the rapid change now taking place in the status of classification.

The name of B. H. Baden-Powell, at one time conservator of the Punjab and Acting Inspector-General of Forests during 1872-4, is closely connected with placing this forest legislation on a sound basis. The object of this legislation was mainly to settle the question of ownership and rights, hence reserved forests are not necessarily set aside for forest purposes like the forest reservations in the United States, although ultimately this will probably be their condition.

Rights of user were under this legislation regulated or commuted. In some parts, even on the reserved forest areas, there are still retained rights to cut taungyas, i.e., to make partial clearings for temporary agricultural use, under the restriction of not destroying teak trees over 18 inches in diameter, and with the right of the cultivators to supply their domestic needs, under obligation to cut out fire traces, burning the brush, and instituting similar protective measures.

The title to the forest property having been secured, its permanent demarcation and a survey of the same were the next steps; the first having gradually been nearly accomplished, the latter being still far in arrears.

The area of private and communal forests is not precisely known, but, including waste land and lands of uncertain conditions, there are at least 500,000 square miles so owned, including those of feudatory rulers within the provinces. Of these, some 500 square miles or more of forest are leased to the government and under its control; and in some cases forest administrations are instituted by the rajahs themselves.

In the Act of 1878, there was a clause calling for protection of private forest property against trespass and encroachment, but this remained a dead letter. By later legislation the government is entitled to exercise control over private forests and lands, if it appears necessary for the public weal, or if the treatment which such forests have received from their owners affect the public welfare or safety injuriously; but in such cases the owner can require the government to expropriate the land in question.

The forest act also provided that the government may assign to village communities from the reserved forest area so-called village forests, and make rules for their protection, use and management. How far this policy has been applied does not appear.

There are still areas the ownership of which is not settled, and rights which are still in doubt, the work of the so-called forest settlements still going on, several thousand square miles being annually changed in status, and several thousand dollars annually spent to quiet rights of user.

3. Development of Forest Policy

Through the long history of India that preceded the arrival of the Mohammedans in the 10th to 12th centuries, it appears that the forest area was only slowly encroached upon by the Hindoo civilization. Even when the invaders, nomads by habit, drove many of the native race into the jungle to eke out a precarious existence, owing to the remarkable recuperative powers of a tropical nature the impression made was not permanent. Although much forest growth was then destroyed, cleared or mutilated, changes took place only slowly.

It has been claimed, that in consequence of the destruction, which was incident to the nomadic life of the Mohammedans and the shifting agriculture of the aborigines, climatic changes were produced, but the proof for this assertion has remained questionable.

When in the 18th century the British entered India in rivalry with the French and other European nations, it was, of course, only for purposes of exploitation, and for a long time after the British had attained the ascendancy and had subjected most of the territory now ruled by them, not much concern was had about the forests; they furnished but small values, excepting in one particular, namely supplies of Teak for naval purposes. In the beginning of the 19th century the Government became concerned regarding these supplies, which under the rough exploitation threatened to become exhausted.

The first step towards securing some conservative management dates back to 1806, when Captain Watson was sent to India as Conservator of Forests, to look after the interests of the East India Company in this direction. His inability to compromise with those who had secured timber privileges led to his removal and an abandonment of the office, in 1823. Ineffective, sporadic efforts at administration by the provincial governments then followed.