The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 08 of 12)

477

A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 166.

478

The Spectator, No. 316, March 3, 1712; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. lxvii.

479

Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1896), p. 56.

480

For examples of the blood-covenant see H. C. Trumbull, The Blood Covenant (London, 1887). The custom is particularly common in Africa.

481

Rev. J. H. Bernau, Missionary Labours in British Guiana (London, 1847), pp. 57 sq.; R Schomburgk, Reisen in Britisch-Guiana (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 497.

482

A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 27.

483

A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), pp. 180, 181 sq.

484

Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), p. 192.

485

The Kukis of north-eastern India believe that the ghost of an animal as well as of a man will haunt its slayer and drive him mad unless he performs a ceremony called ai. For example, a man who has killed a tiger must dress himself up as a woman, put flints into the tiger's mouth, and eat eggs himself, after which he makes a speech to the tiger and gives it three cuts over the head with a sword. During this performance the principal performer must keep perfectly grave. Should he accidentally laugh, he says, “The porcupine laughed,” referring to a real porcupine which he carries in his arms for the purpose. See Lieut. – Colonel J. Shakespeare, “The Kuki-Lushai Clans,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 380 sq.

486

J. Dumont D'Urville, Voyage autour du Monde et à la recherche de la Pérouse (Paris, 1832-1833), iii. 305.

487

Vincenzo Dorsa, La Tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore (Cosenza, 1884), p. 138.

488

F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382.

489

Some of the evidence has already been cited by me in Psyche's Task, pp. 56-58.

490

A. R. Wallace, Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, Second Edition (London, 1889), ch. xvii. pp. 346 sq.

491

R. Southey, History of Brazil, iii. (London, 1819) p. 722.

492

R. Southey, op. cit. iii. 204.

493

A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 45.

494

A. Reich und F. Stegelmann, “Bei den Indianern des Urubamba und des Envira,” Globus, lxxxiii. (1903) p. 137. On similar custom practised by the American Indians see further De la Borde, Relation de l'Origine, Mœurs, Coustumes, Religion, Guerres et Voyages des Caraibes Sauvages, p. 37 (forming part of the Recueil de divers Voyages faits en Afrique et en l'Amerique, Paris, 1684); J. F. Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains (Paris, 1724), ii. 444-446; A. N. Cabeça de Vaca, Relation et Naufrages (Paris, 1837), p. 109 (in Ternaux Compans' Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux pour servir à l'Histoire de la Découverte de l'Amérique); R. Southey, History of Brazil, i. (Second Edition, London, 1822), Supplemental Notes, p. xxxvi.; F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 380; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 289 sq.; H. A. Coudreau, La France Équinoxiale (Paris, 1887), ii. 173; Theodor Koch, “Die Anthropophagie der südamerikanischen Indianer,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xii. (1899) pp. 78-110; Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 152. Some Indians of Guiana rubbed their limbs with water in which the ashes of their dead were mingled. See A. Biet, Voyage de la France Equinoxiale en l'Isle de Cayenne (Paris, 1664), p. 392.

495

Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, x. 18; Valerius Maximus, iv. 6. 5.

496

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1911), p. 55.

497

See above, p. 154 sqq.

498

Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos, (London, 1861), pp. 256 sq.

499

E. Holub, Sieben Jahre in Süd Afrika (Vienna, 1881), ii. 361.

500

See above, p. 148.

501

J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, etc., of South African Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 133. The Barolong, a Bechuana tribe, observe a custom of this sort. See W. Joest, “Bei den Barolong,” Das Ausland, 16th June 1884, p. 464.

502

Col. Maclean, A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), p. 82.

503

Father Porte, “Les reminiscences d'un missionnaire du Basutoland,” Les Missions Catholiques, xxviii. (1896) p. 149.

504

Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), p. 70, compare p. 43.

505

Lieut. H. Pope-Hennessy, “Notes on the Jukos and other Tribes of the Middle Benue,” Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, p. (30); appended to Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxx. (1900).

506

Rev. H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, pp. 380-382.

507

Col. Maclean, A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), pp. 83 sq.

508

Du Tertre, Histoire generale des Isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique et autres dans l'Amerique (Paris, 1654), pp. 417 sq.; id., Histoire generale des Antilles (Paris, 1667-1671), ii. 377; Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Iles Antilles2 (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 556.

509

R. Brough Smith, Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne and London, 1878), i. p. xxix., ii. 313; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), pp. 367 sqq.

510

Rev. W. Ridley, Kamilaroi (Sydney, 1875), p. 160.

511

A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), pp. 467, 468.

512

J. Chalmers and W. W. Gill, Work and Adventure in New Guinea (London, 1885), pp. 130, 265, 308; J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 308; Rev. J. Sibree, The Great African Island (London, 1880), p. 241. Other or the same peoples sometimes drink the juices of the decaying bodies of their kinsfolk, doubtless for a similar reason. See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vi. (Cambridge, 1906) p. 159; J. Chalmers and W. Gill, op. cit. pp. 27, 265; Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 139; J. G. F. Riedel, op. cit. p. 267; A. Bastian, Indonesien, ii. (Berlin, 1885) p. 95; id., Die Völker des Ostlichen Asien, v. (Jena, 1869) p. 91; P. J. Veth, Borneo's Westerafdeeling (Zaltbommel, 1854-1856), ii. 270; J. Jacobs, Eenigen Tijd onder de Baliers (Batavia, 1883), p. 53.

513

Rev. J. L. Wilson, Western Africa (London, 1856), p. 394.

514

Mgr. Le Roy, “Les Pygmées,” Les Missions Catholiques, xxix. (1897) p. 210.

515

“Mourning for the Dead among the Digger Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, iii. (1874) p. 530.

516

E. H. Man, Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, p. 66.

517

Jerome Becker, La Vie en Afrique (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii. 366.

518

Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 153.

519

T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'Exploration au Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance (Paris, 1842), pp. 349 sq.

520

Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 204 sq. Men of other totem clans also partake of their totems sacramentally at these Intichiuma ceremonies (Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 202-206). As to the Intichiuma ceremonies, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 85 sqq. Another Central Australian mode of communicating qualities by external application is seen in the custom of beating boys on the calves of their legs with the leg-bone of an eagle-hawk; strength is supposed to pass thereby from the bone into the boy's leg. See Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 472; Report on the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia, Part iv. (London and Melbourne, 1896), p. 180.

521

Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 171-173; J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880), ii. 364-367; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899), pp. 43 sq. (Veröffentlichungen aus dem königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde).

522

Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), pp. 12 sq.

523

Dudley Kidd, op. cit. pp. 20 sq.

524

On the custom of eating a god, see also a paper by Felix Liebrecht, “Der aufgegessene Gott,” Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 436-439; and especially W. R. Smith, article “Sacrifice,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, vol. xxi. pp. 137 sq. On wine as the blood of a god, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 248 sqq.

525

Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 16. 41.

526

This does not refer to the Californian peninsula, which is an arid and treeless wilderness of rock and sand.

527

Father Geronimo Boscana, “Chinigchinich; a historical account of the origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary establishment of St. Juan Capistrano, Alta California,” appended to Alfred Robinson's Life in California (New York, 1846), pp. 291 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 168. The mission station of San Juan Capistrano is described by R. H. Dana (Two Years before the Mast, chaps. xviii. and xxiv.). A favourable picture of the missions is drawn by H. von Langsdorf (Reise um die Welt, Frankfort, 1812, ii. pp. 134 sqq.), by Duflos de Mofras (“Fragment d'un Voyage en Californie,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), ii. Série, xix. (1843) pp. 9-13), and by a writer (H. H.) in The Century Magazine, May, 1883, pp. 2-18. But the severe discipline of the Spanish monks is noticed by other travellers. We are told that the Indians laboured during the day in the fields to support their Spanish masters, were driven to church twice or thrice a day to hear service in a language which they did not understand, and at night were shut up in crowded and comfortless barracks, without windows and without beds. When the monks desired to make new proselytes, or rather to capture new slaves, they called in the aid of the soldiery, who attacked the Indian villages by night, lassoed the fugitives, and dragged them back at their horses' tails to slavery in the missions. See O. von Kotzebue, Reise um die Welt (Weimar, 1830), ii. 42 sqq.; F. W. Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait (London, 1831), ii. chap. i.; A. Schabelski, “Voyage aux colonies russes de l'Amérique,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), ii. Série, iv. (1835) pp. 216-218. A poet has described with prosaic accuracy the pastoral crook by which these good shepherds brought back their strayed lambs to the spiritual fold: —

“Six horses sprang across the level ground

As six dragoons in open order dashed;

Above their heads the lassos circled round,

In every eye a pious fervour flashed;

They charged the camp, and in one moment more

They lassoed six and reconverted four.”

(Bret Harte, Friar Pedro's Ride.)

In the verses inscribed The Angelus, heard at the Mission Dolores, 1868, and beginning

“Bells of the Past, whose long-forgotten music

Still fills the wide expanse,”

the same poet shews that he is not insensible to the poetical side of those old Spanish missions, which have long passed away.

528

G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 21. Compare id., pp. 26, 61.

529

Herodotus, ii. 42. The custom has been already referred to above, p. 41.

530

Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums,2 i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909), p. 73 § 180. Compare Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 1 sqq.

531

Above, p. 36.

532

Above, p. 170; vol. i. p. 285.

533

The Italmens of Kamtchatka, at the close of the fishing season, used to make the figure of a wolf out of grass. This figure they carefully kept the whole year, believing that it wedded with their maidens and prevented them from giving birth to twins; for twins were esteemed a great misfortune. See G. W. Steller, Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774), pp. 327 sq. According to Chr. Hartknoch (Dissertat. histor. de variis rebus Prussicis, p. 163; Alt- und neues Preussen, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1684, p. 161) the image of the old Prussian god Curcho was annually renewed. But see W. Mannhardt, Die Korndämonen (Berlin, 1868), p. 27.

534

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. pp. 70 sq.

535

T. J. Hutchinson, Impressions of Western Africa (London, 1858), pp. 196 sq. The writer does not expressly state that a serpent is killed annually, but his statement implies it.

536

Dr. Tautain, “Notes sur les croyances et pratiques religieuses des Banmanas,” Revue d'Ethnographie, iii. (1885) p. 397. Compare Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 543 sq.

537

Varro in Priscian, x. 32, vol. i. p. 524, ed. Keil; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 14. Pliny's statement is to be corrected by Varro's.

538

When I wrote The Golden Bough originally I said that in these three cases “the animal slain probably is, or once was, a totem.” But this seems to me less probable now than it did then. In regard to the Californian custom in particular, there appears to be no good evidence that within the area now occupied by the United States totemism was practised by any tribes to the west of the Rocky Mountains. See H. Hale, United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 199; George Gibbs, in Contributions to North American Ethnology (Washington, 1877), i. 184; S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), p. 5; A. S. Gatschet, The Klamath Indians of South-western Oregon (Washington, 1890), vol. i. p. cvi. “California and Oregon seem never to have had any gentes or phratries” (A. S. Gatschet in a letter to me, dated November 5th, 1888). Beyond the very doubtful case cited in the text, I know of no evidence that totemism exists in Fernando Po.

539

Frank H. Cushing, “My Adventures in Zuñi,” The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, May 1883, pp. 45 sq.

540

Mr. Cushing, indeed, while he admits that the ancestors of the Zuni may have believed in transmigration, says, “Their belief, to-day, however, relative to the future life is spiritualistic.” But the expressions in the text seem to leave no room for doubting that the transmigration into turtles is a living article of Zuni faith.

541

H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 86. On the totem clans of the Moquis, see J. G. Bourke, Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona (London, 1884), pp. 116 sq., 334 sqq.

542

For this information I am indebted to the kindness of the late Captain J. G. Bourke, 3rd Cavalry, U.S. Army, author of the work mentioned in the preceding note. In his letter Captain Bourke gave a list of fourteen totem clans of Zuni, which he received on the 20th of May 1881 from Pedro Dino (?), Governor of Zuni.

543

It should be observed, however, that Mr. Cushing omits to say whether or not the persons who performed the ceremony described by him had the turtle for their totem. If they had not, the ceremony need not have had anything to do with totemism.

544

See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 301-318.

545

Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, “The Zuñi Indians,” Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 148-162.

546

B. Scheube, “Der Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,” Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft b. S. und S. Ostasiens (Yokohama), Heft xxii. p. 45.

547

We are told that the Aino have gods for almost every conceivable object, and that the word kamui “has various shades of meaning, which vary if used before or after another word, and according to the object to which it is applied.” “When the term kamui is applied to good objects, it expresses the quality of usefulness, beneficence, or of being exalted or divine. When applied to supposed evil gods, it indicates that which is most to be feared and dreaded. When applied to devils, reptiles, and evil diseases, it signifies what is most hateful, abominable, and repulsive. When applied as a prefix to animals, fish or fowl, it represents the greatest or fiercest, or the most useful for food or clothing. When applied to persons, it is sometimes expressive of goodness, but more often is a mere title of respect and reverence.” See the Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu of Japan (London, 1892), pp. 245-251; id., The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901), pp. 581 sq. Thus the Aino kamui appears to mean nearly the same as the Dacotan wakan, as to which see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 225, note.

548

W. Martin Wood, “The Hairy Men of Yesso,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., iv. (1866) p. 36.

549

J. J. Rein, Japan (Leipsic, 1881-1886), i. 446.

550

H. von Siebold, Ethnologische Studien über die Aino auf der Insel Yesso (Berlin, 1881), p. 26.

551

Miss Isabella L. Bird, Unbeaten Tracks in Japan (new edition, 1885), p. 275.

552

W. Martin Wood, l. c.

553

Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, p. 471.

554

Miss I. L. Bird, op. cit. p. 269.

555

B. Scheube, Die Ainos, p. 4 (reprinted from Mittheilungen d. deutsch. Gesell. b. S. und S. Ostasiens, Yokohama).

556

B. Scheube, “Baerencultus,” etc., p. 45; W. Joest, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1882, p. 188.

557

W. Martin Wood, l. c.

558

Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901), pp. 476 sq. As to the inao see below, p. 186, note.

559

Miss I. L. Bird, op. cit. p. 277.

560

B. Scheube, Die Ainos, p. 15; H. von Siebold, op. cit. p. 26; W. Martin Wood, l. c.; J. J. Rein, Japan, i. 447; Von Brandt, “The Ainos and Japanese,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, iii. (1874) p. 134; Miss Bird, op. cit. pp. 275, 276; Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 495 sq.

561

B. Scheube, Die Ainos, pp. 15, 16; Von Brandt, l. c.; Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 352-354, 504 sq.

562

B. Scheube, Die Ainos, p. 16.

563

Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 8-10. E. Reclus (Nouvelle Géographie Universelle, vii. 755) mentions a (Japanese?) legend which attributes the hairiness of the Ainos to the suckling of their first ancestor by a bear. But in the absence of other evidence this is no proof of totemism.

564

B. Scheube, “Der Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,” p. 45; Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 483-485. Mr. Batchelor formerly doubted or denied that the Aino women suckle the bear cubs (The Ainu of Japan, p. 173); but since then he has repeatedly seen them do it. Once, while he was preaching, a cub was being passed round among all the young women present and suckled by each in turn.

565

J. J. Rein, Japan (Leipsic, 1881-1886), i. 447.

566

B. Scheube, “Der Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,” p. 45; Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 485 sq.

567

Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 486-496. The killing of the bear is described somewhat differently by Miss I. L. Bird (Unbeaten Tracks in Japan, New Edition, 1885, pp. 276 sq.), but she did not witness the ceremony. She tells us that at Usu, on Volcano Bay, when the bear is being killed, the Aino shout, “We kill you, O bear! Come back soon into an Aino.” According to Dr. Siebold, a very respectable authority, the bear's own heart is frequently offered to the dead beast to assure him that he is still in life (Ethnologische Studien über die Aino auf der Insel Yesso, p. 26). This, however, is denied by Dr. Scheube, who says that the heart is eaten (“Baerencultus,” p. 50 note). The custom may vary in different places.

568

B. Scheube, “Der Baerencultus und die Baerenfeste der Ainos,” Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft b. S. und S. Ostasiens (Yokohama), Heft xxii. pp. 46 sqq.

569

B. Scheube, “Baerencultus,” etc., p. 46; id., Die Ainos, p. 15; Miss I. L. Bird, op. cit. pp. 273 sq. As to these whittled wands (inao), which are so conspicuous about the Aino huts, see the Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore, pp. 89-95. He remarks (p. 92): “I have often insisted both in my lectures and also in my writings that the Ainu do not worship their inao, but that they make them as offerings to the deities, and set them up as signs showing reverence towards them. This, I must now remark, is true but in part, for while some of the ordinary or less important kinds are not worshipped, there are several others which are. Those not worshipped may almost always be regarded as offerings and charms pure and simple, while those which are worshipped must generally be regarded as messengers sent to the higher deities.” On the whole Mr. Batchelor would describe the inao as fetishes of various degrees of power. See further P. Labbé, Un bagne Russe, l'Isle de Sakhaline (Paris, 1903), pp. 194 sq., who compares the use of these whittled sticks to the use of holy candles among Roman Catholics. In Borneo the search for camphor is attended by many superstitions; among other things, when the searchers have found a tree which promises to yield much camphor “they plant near their hut a stake, whereof the outer surface has been cut into curled shavings and tufts down the sides and at the top” (W. H. Furness, Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters, Philadelphia, 1902, p. 168). According to some ancient authorities, the old Italians worshipped peeled sticks as gods or as the images of gods; however, the statement seems no better than an etymological guess to explain the word delubrum. See Festus, s. v. “Delubrum,” p. 73, ed. C. O. Müller; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 225.