History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol. 1

A century ago, the anxiety for a division of the Regiment which animated not a few thoughtful officers was inspired by the longing to create a promotion in the junior ranks, which would stimulate zeal, and remove the despair which was creeping over them. Not a few subalterns during the American War, who distinguished themselves, asked and obtained as their reward commissions in the Line. The elder officers might well become anxious, and look hungrily for any scheme which would deter their younger comrades from abandoning a service to which they did honour. And in this anxiety we may read an explanation of the almost undue delight which the creation of the Invalid Battalion, and eight additional service companies, with the consequent promotion, produced.

Not that in the Fourth Battalion there was not another minor reason for rejoicing. Its head-quarter staff had accompanied the Battalion almost from the commencement of the War; and there was no one at home to give the same attention to the recruiting, as would have been paid by the Battalion's own staff. The creation of two new service companies, to remain at Woolwich as a Depôt for the companies abroad, would, it was hoped, ensure more care in recruiting, and, as General Pattison wrote ironically, "my friends will not be put to the trouble of sending me any more drafts of picked men." The recruiting accounts for the various companies would also be expedited, for under the existing arrangement it too often happened, as the General wrote, that "the Agents have been prevented by more important affairs from bringing to any settlement the concerns of those, who are at 3000 miles' distance."

But there were more pleasing subjects of correspondence between Woolwich and the out-stations than recruiting or promotion. There was a genuine desire springing up in the hearts of the more thoughtful officers for a more scientific training, a desire which was daily acquiring strength, and whose mere existence ensured success; for those who sought it for others, endeavoured by their own exertions to secure it for themselves. At this time in the Regiment's history the feeling attained strength and certainty that to be a scientific corps was as high an aim as to win battles. Armed science was felt to be the aim of study. Something higher than mere gallantry, something more durable than brilliancy or dash, was felt to be necessary in officers of Artillery. Inventive genius was encouraged in the professional field; individual talent was coaxed and rewarded; and to the ordinary Regimental esprit, without which a military life would be a mere Valley of Dry Bones, was added scientific enthusiasm. There was, doubtless, much haziness as to ways and means; much uncertainty as to the details of the closer alliance which it was felt should exist between the corps and the scientific world; but there was enthusiasm, and a readiness to employ any aids already existing, which would certainly ensure success. The foundation of the Royal Military Repository; the establishment of such Government works as those at Waltham Abbey; the closer connection between the Royal Laboratory and the Regiment by the appointment of Captain Congreve as the Controller of the former, – all combined to give increased life and strength to the scientific tendencies which might otherwise have languished. The feeling which was to find strong and eloquent expression from distinguished, although unprofessional lips, nearly a century later, in the same Woolwich where it had been born, was certainly, albeit dimly, in existence then. With what a ring did the words now to be quoted echo in the old birthplace of the Regiment! How grandly did they give shape and consistency to the dreams which for a hundred years had been haunting those to whom their profession was dear!

"The two classes," said the eloquent speaker,36 "which will have an increasing – it may be a preponderating – influence on the fate of the human race for some time, will be the pupils of Aristotle and those of Alexander, – the men of science and the soldiers. In spite of all appearances and all declamations to the contrary, that is my firm conviction. They, and they alone, will be left to rule, because they alone – each in his own sphere – have learnt to obey. It is, therefore, most needful for the welfare of society that they should pull with, and not against, each other, – that they should understand each other, respect each other, take counsel with each other, supplement each other's defects, bring out each other's higher tendencies, counteract each other's lower ones. The scientific man has something to learn of you, which I doubt not that he will learn in good time. You, again, have something to learn of him, which you, I doubt not, will learn in good time likewise. Repeat – each of you according to his powers – the old friendship between Aristotle and Alexander; and so, from the sympathy and co-operation of you two, a class of thinkers and actors may yet arise, which can save this nation, and the other civilized nations of the world, from that of which I had rather not speak, and wish that I did not think, too often and too earnestly.

"I may be a dreamer; and I may consider, in my turn, as wilder dreamers than myself, certain persons who fancy that their only business in life is to make money; – the scientific man's only business to show them how to make money; – and the soldier's only business to guard their money for them. Be that as it may, the finest type of civilized man which we are likely to see for some generations to come will be produced by a combination of the truly military with the truly scientific man. I say, I may be a dreamer; but you at least, as well as my scientific friends, will bear with me, for my dream is to your honour."

But to return to the operations of the Army in America. In the last chapter allusion was made to the successful attack made on Stony Point, on the Hudson, by the British troops from New York, in which General Pattison took a prominent part. Very shortly afterwards a dashing attempt was made by the Americans to retake it. The post was considered to be safe against any sudden surprise; but at midnight, on the 15th July, 1779, a bold and daring attempt was made to retake it, and it was carried by storm in less than twenty minutes. The number of the assailants was stated by themselves not to exceed six hundred, under Brigadier Wayne. The garrison was nearly equal in strength, and commanded by Colonel Johnson, of the 17th Regiment, an officer of considerable experience and reputation; yet the enemy, advancing in two or three columns from different points, was in a few minutes master of the place. The Commandant of New York, in his report of the occurrence to Lord Townshend, said: "It must, in justice, be allowed to General Wayne's credit, as well as to all acting under his orders, that no instance of inhumanity was shown to any of the unhappy captives. No one was unnecessarily put to the sword or wantonly wounded. Our loss in killed is not yet ascertained, but it is thought to be trifling, and the number of wounded amounts only to one Captain, four subalterns, and about eight-and-thirty men, of whom is one corporal of the Artillery. The rebels assert that they had only four men killed. Our loss in prisoners is a very serious one – almost the whole of the 17th Regiment, two companies of the 71st (Grenadiers), about sixty of the Loyal American Corps, and, I am particularly grieved to say, one Captain, one subaltern, four non-commissioned officers, thirty-nine privates, and one drummer of the Artillery. One subaltern (Lieutenant Roberts) made his escape by getting to the shore, and swimming near a mile to the 'Vulture' Sloop of War."37

As soon as they obtained possession of the work, the Americans turned the guns of the fort against the opposite post of Verplank's Point, occupied by the 33rd Regiment, Ferguson's Corps, and part of the Loyal American Battalion. Part of the rebel force, under General Macdougal, threatened an attack upon the east side, and repeatedly attempted to force the piquets, but without success, for Colonel Webster and the troops under his command behaved with great spirit. Reinforcements from the camp and from Philipsburg soon arrived; and the enemy, somewhat hastily, evacuated Stony Point, demolishing the works as much as possible, and carrying off all the brass guns and stores in a large armed galley, mounting one 32-pounder and eight 4-pounders, which they sent down the river for the purpose. Fortunately, the wind was against the vessel on her return; and Lieutenant Douglas, of the Artillery, who was in command of a detachment at Verplank's Point, opened fire on her with such success from an 18-pounder gun, that, after being hulled several times, she was run on shore to prevent her sinking, and then set on fire. Lieutenant Douglas, as was mentioned in the last chapter, and his detachment, were honoured by the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief for their good behaviour. "Endeavours were afterwards used to recover the cannon, but as they did not succeed it was presumed that the rebels with their usual industry found some means, under favour of the night, to convey them up the river. Upon the enemy evacuating Stony Point, we once more took possession of it, with the 42nd, 63rd, and 64th Regiments. Captain Ferguson is made Governor, and it is now fortifying with a close work, which it had not before. The Army is since fallen back again from Dobbs's Ferry to its former camp at Philipsburg."38

The next event worthy of mention is that described by the Commandant of New York as "a most extraordinary attempt to take by assault the post of Paulis Hook, that has been occupied by the King's troops ever since they took possession of New York." This story has been told by American writers, but it will be equally interesting to English and American readers to have placed before them the official report of the occurrence, made by General Pattison to Lord Townshend. "Paulis Hook," wrote the gallant General, "is on the Jersey shore, opposite to this town, and considered as an appendage to it. I am sorry to say the enterprise, bold as it was, succeeded but too well, and little to the honour of the defendants. That your Lordship may judge of the strength of this post from its natural situation and from the works raised for its protection, I send the enclosed plan, which will show how far it ought to have been out of the reach of insult. The troops allotted to garrison it were the 4th Battalion of Skinner's Provincial Brigade, under the command of Colonel Buskirk, and a part of the Invalid Battalion. Major Sutherland, of the Invalid Battalion, was the Commandant. On the preceding day it was determined that Colonel Buskirk should march out a detachment that evening, with the design of surprising a party of 100 rebels near the English neighbourhood. As the garrison would thereby be much weakened, the Major applied to me for a reinforcement for that night of a Captain and forty men, which I complied with, and sent them from the Hessian Regiment of Knyphausen. At half-past three o'clock the next morning advice was brought to me that, – firing of musketry being heard at Paulis Hook, – it was probably attacked, but having (soon after the command was given me of this garrison) established with Major Sutherland the signal he was to make in case he should be attacked in such force as to require succour from hence, – namely, to fire two pieces of cannon and to hang out three lights, – and being informed that no cannon had been heard or lights seen, I concluded that Buskirk was on his return, and that some small party had been harassing his rear, the firing at that time having nearly ceased. However, I immediately sent over to know what was the real state of the post. Upon the return of the messenger, I was filled with astonishment at receiving a letter from Major Sutherland, saying that the enemy, having got through the abattis, had taken the right-hand and centre block-houses and the principal fort, but that the round redoubt, in which was himself, with a Captain and twenty-five Hessians, had been defended; that the left block-house was likewise safe; and that the enemy had retreated, carrying off with them the guards of the two block-houses, which (though almost impregnable, except by cannon) were shamefully abandoned, the detachment of Artillery from the fort, and such officers and soldiers as were in their barracks. He further added that he was under great apprehensions of Colonel Buskirk's corps being cut off. I, thereupon, without loss of time, sent over the flank companies of the Guards, with 100 men from the Brigade, and nearly the same number of Hessians, with a party of Artillery, under the command of the Field Officer of the day, Lieutenant-Colonel Cosmo Gordon. The light infantry were pushed forward about ten miles; and Colonel Buskirk, after the coup manqué, made his retreat good to Paulis Hook, without any loss, bringing four prisoners, – and the Guards likewise took a Captain and six prisoners on their march. What is nearly as extraordinary as the enterprise itself and the success of it is, that the enemy, though in full possession of the fort, did not spike a gun, destroy the ammunition, or do the least injury to any of the buildings. The strength of the garrison at the time it was assaulted was about 200; and, by the returns I have received, there were, killed, four sergeants, two corporals, and three privates; wounded, two sergeants; and, taken or missing, four subalterns, seven sergeants, five corporals, and ninety-seven privates. Lieutenant Cockburne, who was the Artillery officer on duty there, says that a soldier came to the hut where he slept, within thirty yards of the fort, to give him the alarm; that he instantly flew towards the fort, but found the enemy masters of it, whereupon he ran to the block-house, and thereby saved himself from being taken prisoner. The Commander-in-Chief was pleased to order a Board of two Brigadier-Generals and three Field Officers to assemble the day following, to inquire into the cause of the affront suffered at Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th August, 1779, and to report to him thereupon; and yesterday, having received the opinion of the Board, he gave orders for putting Major Sutherland in arrest, and for him to prepare to take his trial before a Court-martial, upon a charge of 'general misconduct as Commandant of Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th inst.'" Major Sutherland was ultimately acquitted.

The demand for Artillery officers became so great that the Cadets who were attached to the companies in America were commissioned as Second Lieutenants in the autumn of 1779, by Sir Henry Clinton, as Commander-in-Chief, "to entitle them to sit at Courts-martial and to command as officers." This step, combined with the removal of many officers, who were absent on sick leave, to the new invalid companies, their places being filled with effective officers, rendered the force in America more efficient than it had been at any previous period of the war.

With the year 1780 commenced what may be called the Southern epoch of the War of Independence, whose opening scene was successful for the British arms, being the capture by Sir Henry Clinton of Charlestown, South Carolina. Previous to removing so large a portion of the New York garrison to assist in his offensive operations, Sir Henry determined to evacuate Rhode Island, bringing the troops – British and Hessians – with Artillery and stores, to New York. Private intimation was given to Lieut. – Colonel Innes, who commanded the Artillery on the island, and he was thus able to make the necessary preparations for the removal of stores, ammunition, and horses. With such care and assiduity did he perform the duty, that when the troops reached New York on the 27th October, 1779, the whole of his guns, stores, and horses – with the exception of twenty – came with them. The armament of Rhode Island, which was thus added to the defences of New York, consisted of 20 field-guns, 9 howitzers, 17 mortars, and 72 iron guns of various calibres. From want of vessels to convey it, over 1300 tons of hay were left on the island, a commodity which could ill be spared. The enemy made no attempt to molest the troops, either during their embarkation or their retreat.

Notwithstanding the increase just mentioned to the armament of New York, the Commandant was unable with the guns at his command to arm the new fortifications which he had been making. There is a memorandum in the Record Office of the purchase by him of ten 12-pounder iron Swedish guns for the new fortified lines near Fort Knyphausen, from the North to the East River. These guns were exposed to a careful proof, and were bought at the rate of 16l. per ton.

It was immediately after the departure of Sir Henry Clinton's force for Charlestown that the intense frost occurred, mentioned in the last chapter as having closed the navigation of New York, and deprived it of its insular advantages. It had the effect of satisfactorily testing the loyalty of the inhabitants, and of adding another proof of General Pattison's ability and energy. In a report made by him to Sir Henry Clinton, dated the 21st February, 1780, he sketches the plan he had resolved on in case of attack; and as it is an interesting contribution to the History of the War, part of it is now given: – "As General Knyphausen and General Tryon were pleased to approve of my disposition of part of the garrison and militia troops for the internal defence and security of the city and its vicinity, I take the liberty of enclosing a copy of it. If the enemy had crossed over at Harlem, or on the North River anywhere to the south of the line of McGowan's Pass, the 42nd Regiment, the Brigade of Losberg, and the two Anspach Battalions, were to have advanced to positions which General Knyphausen had fixed upon, from Colonel Clerke's house to the circular Redoubt on the East River, and several light field-pieces were fixed upon sleighs, ready to march to wherever they might be wanted. In the Foundry Redoubt I placed a 24-pounder and two 6-pounders, with a 13-inch mortar, as commanding a long reach of the North River; and in the new Star Fort near it were added three small mortars.

"The cannon upon the Fort and batteries were kept loaded; the guard at your Excellency's quarters, as well as all the others along the North River, from the time of the ice being passable, were doubled every evening; and a night piquet of a Captain and fifty men put on board the 'Earl Cornwallis,' Ordnance transport, which was so placed at the Hay Magazine Wharf that her guns bore up and down the river. An armed galley which lay near had also every evening an officer and twenty-five seamen on board… I had almost forgot to mention a little Corps formed from the Baggage and Store Guards left in town, which might be useful, if collected together. I therefore put them under the orders of Major Small, and they made – with those he had of the 84th Regiment – upwards of 200 men. I am sorry to have trespassed so much upon your Excellency's time by giving this long detail, but think it my duty, Sir, to inform you of the several steps and precautions which have been taken for discharging the important trust your Excellency was pleased to honour me with… I persuade myself that the recent proofs of loyalty among so numerous a body of His Majesty's subjects in this town cannot fail to be acceptable to your Excellency, and I shall be happy if the endeavours I have used to give vigour and exertion to it are so fortunate as to be honoured with your approbation. All the Captains of the City Militia, in order to render it as useful as possible, have agreed to and subscribed certain regulations (of which I enclose a copy), for punishing delinquents and for keeping in repair and in good condition all their arms, &c.; and in order to their being instructed in the use of them, they are to be out every Saturday in the afternoon, and the Associated Volunteer Companies every Sunday. I would therefore presume to hope, Sir, if your Excellency shall please to approve of their continuing embodied, that in a short time so respectable a force as 4000 men in arms, with some knowledge in the use of them, may be capable of giving such protection to this city, as may make a garrison of less strength sufficient in general for the defence of it."39

In a subsequent letter to Lord George Germaine, General Pattison writes as follows: – "I will entreat your Lordship's permission to recite further proof, since the Militia were embodied, of their readiness and goodwill to aid and assist the public service – a piece of justice I owe them. About ten weeks ago the commanding Engineer applied for a daily working party from this garrison of 500 men for completing the hither line of defence, agreeable to the orders that were left with him by Sir Henry Clinton, from the North to the East River. As that number could not be given without making the duty of the troops too severe, I sent a requisition to the Associated and Militia Companies to furnish a daily quota of 300 men for the purpose of raising one of the new projected Redoubts. They most readily acquiesced, and after thirty days' labour finished the work in a very complete manner, and with as much cheerfulness as they began it —taking neither pay nor provisions; – and having thus raised a monument to their own credit, I called it the Citizens' Redoubt, which the Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to confirm. A more recent instance of their good disposition to answer one of the useful ends of their being put into military array was shown upon the late move which General Knyphausen made into the Jerseys. It was then thought necessary to take over such a force as reduced my garrison to 700 men. The ordinary guards could not with any safety or propriety be lessened below 400. I was therefore under the necessity of calling upon the Militia to act upon that occasion. They most willingly complied, and furnished 150 men with officers in proportion for many days together, which, though attended with loss by quitting their several avocations, was productive of no murmur or discontented expressions, and I had often the pleasure to see citizens of large property standing sentinels over public stores and magazines."

These extracts are interesting to the ordinary reader, as descriptive of New York during the British occupation; and especially interesting to the Artilleryman as evincing the great tact with which General Pattison must have governed the city. The services of the inhabitants were not merely acknowledged warmly by Sir Henry Clinton, but also by the King.

Let the reader now turn for a moment to the military operation which had been the main cause of the reduction of the New York garrison – the Siege of Charlestown, in South Carolina.

The Artillery on this expedition was commanded by Major Traille, or Traile, an officer who has already been mentioned, and who died, as a Major-General, in 1795. The fleet, with the transports, reached Tybee on the 1st February, 1780, after a succession of storms; – on the 9th they sailed for North Ediste; and having reached it on the following day, the Grenadiers and Light Infantry landed on John's Island, and on the 27th the whole army crossed without opposition to James's Island. One of the transports, conveying guns and stores, with a detachment of Artillery under Captain Collins, foundered at sea during a gale, but fortunately the crew and the troops were picked up by a privateer. The stores, which were considerable, including 1000 barrels of powder, had to be replaced from New York without delay.

As far as can be ascertained from the records, the guns used in the siege were 24-pounders and 18-pounders; but a number of 6-pounders and 3-pounders accompanied the force, to be employed in the subsequent field operations. It was the 1st April before Sir Henry Clinton commenced to erect his battery, which he did at a distance of 800 yards from the town: and by the 19th April the second parallel "had been carried to 150 yards from the main works, and the (English) batteries had acquired a manifest superiority over those of the besieged."40

The services of the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot had been eminently useful. On the 9th April he had availed himself of a fair wind and flowing tide, and had passed Fort Moultrie – a strong fortification on Sullivan's Island – which was intended to defend the entrance to the bar. This step took the Americans by surprise. As Lee writes, the uniformly credited opinion that the American naval force could successfully stop the enemy from passing the bar – inasmuch as their ships would have to be lightened, taking out their guns and other incumbrances – was at the moment of trial found fallacious. "It was discovered that the American frigates could not approach near enough to oppose the passage of the bar with any kind of success; and we necessarily abandoned without a struggle this point of defence so much relied on."41 The summons to surrender immediately followed; and the answer was that "duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity." General Lincoln was in command of the garrison – an able and courageous officer, and one who possesses additional interest in the eyes of Royal Artillerymen from the fact that he was subsequently exchanged for their brave brother officer, General Phillips, of whom more will have to be said in this chapter.