Microcosmography

[From Bliss's annotated copy of Earle's Microcosmography.]

A GALLANT

P. 57. (In the Bodleian, 2699, E. 21.) [This version is almost identical with that in the Durham MS. till the last few sentences.] The variations between the printed copy and Dr. Bright's MS. are so considerable, that the latter text is here given entire. "A Gallant is a heavy loader of himself, for he lays more upon his back than it is able to bear, and so at last breaks it. His first care is his clothes, and the next his body, and in the uniting of these two lyes his judgment. He is no singular man, for he is altogether in the fashion, and his very look and beard are squared to a figure conformable. His face and his boot are ruffled much alike, and he takes great delight in his walk to hear his spurs gingle. Though his life pass somewhat slidingly, yet he seems very carefull of the tyme, for he is always drawing his watch out of his pocket, and spends part of his hours in numbering them. His chiefest toil is how to spin out the day, and get a match for cards or the bowl alley, and his worst companion is himself, for then he is desperate and knows not what to do. The labour of doing nothing had made him long since weary of his life, if tobacco and drink did not out of charity employ him. He is furnished with jests, as some wanderer with sermons, some three for all companies, and when these are expired, his discourse survives in oaths and laughter. He addresses himself to ladies with the wagging of his lock, and complements like Euphues or the knights of the Sun; yet his phrase is the worst apparalled thing about him, for it is plain fustian.[ED] His thigh is always well apointed with a rapier, yet peaceable enough, and makes[EE] a wound in nothing but the scabard, yet[EF] rather than point the field, hee'l pull it out in the street. He is weaponed rather in the street, than the highway, for he fears not a thief, but a serjeant. His clothes and himself grow stale together, and the last act of his life is invisible, for he is buried commonly before he dies, in the jail or the[EG] country."

The following Character may serve as an illustrative commentary on part of Earle's character of an Attorney.

THE CHARACTER OF AN ATTORNEY

P. 211. (From a MS. in the Bodleian, Sheldon Papers), circa 1642. An MS. Notebook of Bliss's in my possession, containing some 50 pages filled with the titles of books of characters, has this one among them, in 17th century hand-writing (pasted on to the page). When this was acquired he does not say. "An Atturney is a Broker at Law for hee sels wordes and counsell at the second hand, studies but one language that hee may not bee thought double tonged, and when vpon necessitie hee reades Latin, 'tis with a quaking hast soe feare fully you wold thinke him a fellon at his miserere. Hee speakes nothing but reports, statutes and obligations, and 'tis to bee thought wooes soe too; Lady I hold of you in capite and was by the fates enacted yours in decimo of the Ringe; his prayers are solœcismes for peace, and yet for contention; hee beleeues in Littleton or the present Cheefe-Justice and against this fayth hee thinkes the Chancery Hœerticall, especially if he speake in a Rocket; his degrees are to proceed either a Court-keeper or an Under-shrieue and then a Judges nod qualifies him; hee may hold two or three Clyents the more; to conclude hee is a very noune adiectiue whom noe man dares trust to stand by himselfe, but requires a Counsellour to bee ioyned with him." – Deane.

TWO LETTERS OF EARLE'S[TANNER MS., vol. 48, No. 46.]Sarum̑ Sept. 25. 1662.

"My Lord

"I recyvd your Lordshipp's letter this day from my Lord of Sarum and give you my most humble and harty thankes for the great favour you intended me, as likewise for your good opinion of me! as well as your affection, that you thinke me capable of such a place in the Church. But my Lord I that understand my self better, though all things els worse, then any other frend, find those causes within me why I should not accept this offer, that I can no way answer, but must absolutely decline it. Your Lordshipp may remember when you were pleas'd to propose it to me before the last Bishop had it, what I said to you then, how unfitted I was for it in many respects. The same reasons hold good still and the rather, as I am now both elder and infirmer, and I am afraid more desperately so, then I beleevd my self to be at that time. When I come to London, as I hope to doe with in little more then a fortnight, I shall satisfy you more particularly, as I conceyve I have done already my Lord of Sarum̑, whose judgement as I should submitt to assoone as any mans, and sooner then my owne if it were different from mine. So I am more confirm'd in my owne opinion, when I find it conformable to his, being satisfyed with these reasons I had to refuse it. Seriously if I thought I could doe that service to the Church, which many hundreds could not doe better, I would preferre the doing it with trouble before any ease or convenience of my owne but in the condition that I am, and the many imperfections upon me, I do not speak it modestly, I cannot have such a thought. I am hartily sorry for the death of that Bishop,[EH] he was a man of excellent parts and though there was something to be desired in him, yett take him alltogether he was both able and likely to good service in that place which I pray God may loose nothing by his successor!

My Lord I beseech your Lordship to present my most humble duty and thankes to my gracious Master, the thinking me worthy of such a preferment, and that frankness and kindness which you speak of in his expressing it, was worth to me a great deale more then any thing els he could give me. I pray for him daylie, and most hartily, as I doe likewise for your Lordship to whom I am a moste affectionate servant

My LordJo: Earles."[Addressed] "For the Right Reverend Father in GodGilbert Lord Bishopp of London these atWhitehall."FOOTNOTES:

[DZ] It is curious to find this Character in the Durham MS. Bliss, in his account of the editions, speaks of the 6th edition (1633) as having two additional Characters, one of them being "The Herald." The edition of 1630, also called "the 6th edition augmented," I possess. It contains seventy-six characters (numbered as seventy-seven by mistake), but neither of the two "additional ones." Bliss's knowledge of editions, as well as his acquisition of them was increased largely in the years that followed the publication of his book. When he had acquired the 1st edition he wrote pathetically in his annotated copy, "I have been more than fifty years looking for this book!" By that time too he knew that what he here calls the 2nd edition of 1629 was really the fifth. (See Arber's Reprint, where a table of the editions is given.)

[EA] "Fields." —Bright MS.

[EB] "Prices." —Bright MS.

[EC] This sentence by itself would make the Durham MS. a treasure.

[ED] "He is of great account with his mercer and in no man's books so much: who is so sure a friend to him that he will not lose him." —Durham MS.

[EE] "He is a great derider of schollers and censures their steeple hats for not being set on so good a blocke as his." —Durham MS.

[EF] "He will pull it out in the streets." —Durham MS.

[EG] "Counter." —Durham MS.

[EH] Bp. Gauden, of Worcester, died in the beg. of Sept., 1662.

[CLARENDON STATE PAPERS, No. 1465.]

MR. EARLES TO MR. HYDE.[EI]

"Well Sir! I will grumble no more, since you have vouchsaft to answer me at last, I was afraid you had thought you could not be enimy to the Court of Honour enough, except you renounc'd all civilitye. I could be verie angry with Mr. Vaughan for defrauding me of your punctuale letter, by not taking his leave of you, but he tells me, he was at your chamber in the Temple every day, and not finding you there, knew not where to seek you. Well I hope one day you will meet with some trustye messenger whose pockett may be capable of the great arcana[EJ] of your letter. I am not altogether without some intelligence how things passe, though by no such authenticall men as you are, yet such as G. Morley, who though he was not a man of such imployment, yet was one of less leasure then you for this fortnight, being to make a much longer speech then you, and in as good companye, for which I heare he is not thankd, as perchance nor you neyther. May you not trust with a carier, the telling me how he did, or how my Lord of Falkland does, since he is resolved I shall understand nothing of him by himselfe. I will not unthriftily spill my letters any more there, where they returne me no fruit. My father is your servant, for Sir Cph[EK] Widington, I hope he will compose this quarell without a suite. Is T. Triplett at London yett, or have you any great occasion to draw him up. These are all safe things to be convey'd by a porter to a carier, and by him to me, though my Lord Marshalls himself had feed them to intercept, or brake open your letters. Well when you are most idle, for I must confesse the thinking of me is not worth any time, wherein you may doe any thing els, say something to me. I that have leasure for us both, (as indeed what business here can fill a man's leasure that does not hunt nor drinke nor play at cardes) am content with so much patience from you as to read me when you will not write to

Your most humble servantJo. Earles."

[EL] "Bishopston."

"Bish. Dec. 9."

"Pray remember my service to Mrs. Hyde and Mr. Harding."

An Original endorsed by Mr. Hyde. [EM]

[Addressed] To my most honor'd frend Mr. Edward Hyde at Sir Thomas Aylesburies house in Westminster in the Deans yard.

[Endorsed by Hyde] Mr. Earles 10ber. 1640.

LETTERS OF CLARENDON TO EARLE, A.D. 1647SIR EDWARD HYDE TO DR. JOHN EARLES

"Sir,

"Though I believe you have received two or three letters from me since you writ any, yet since your's of your new year's eve came to my hands since I writ last, I reckon it my turn to write againe; and shall either convert you to a more sedulous correspondence, or make you so much ashamed (which is a modesty lazy men are very inclinable to), that you shall give over writing at all. I always send you word of the date of those which I receive from you, so that you can only tell whether I have had that which you say was pretty long and troublesome; for I have not thought any one half long enough, nor troublesome; otherwise than (which on my conscience was not your sense) under the notion of the vile caracters, which is almost cipher without a key: besides that commonly the ink and paper do so throughly incorporate, that the letters are hardly discernable. It is possible the Scots may take their money, if the other will pay it; but if upon that consideration they leave the Kingdom, or suffer the King to leave them, I will no more pretend to divination. Let not those apprehensions startle you nor be troubled that they seem sometimes to make Propositions which you do not like; it being safe and profitable to them to offer anything which they foresee must be denied by their jealous brethren. Look upon their Covenant, their avowed gloss upon that Covenant published to the world, and tell me if any contradications in Philosophy be more diametrically opposite and impossible to be reconciled to the ends of the Independents than those extremes. I wish I were as sure that the King would not desert himself and his pious and honourable principles (of which, truly I have a great confidence) as that the Scots will stick to him, when they are fully convinced that he is not to be removed.

"Must I believe H. Cressy's[EN] resolution to be peremptory whilst he remains in such company? Truly I am exceedingly troubled for it.

"What scruples or scandals could work this odious alteration (for methinks, apostacy is too cholerick a word towards a friend) which you could not remove? It is a great loss to the Church, but a greater to his friends, dead and alive; for the dead suffer where their memory and reputation is objected to question and reproach.

"Is it a necessary consequence to the conscience, that if a man turn to that Church, he must take orders in it? Methinks there is a duty incumbent to the function, that might well terrify a man that feels not a very strong impulsion, though he were never so well satisfied in the religion itself.

"If we can not keep him a Minister of our Church, I wish he would continue a layman in their's, which would somewhat lessen the defection, and it may be, preserve a greater proportion of his innocence.

"I am very glad (for my own sake) that you have the happiness to be known to my Lord Newcastle. I commit the managing what concerns me, both in substance and circumstance, wholly to your direction and dexterity: I told you how far I was advanced by my Lord Withrington. I pray remember my service to Mr. Hobbs by the same token that Sydney Godolphin hath left to him by his Will, a legacy of £200, and desire him for old aquaintance sake, and for your intercession, to bestow one of his books upon me, which I have never seen since it was printed, and therefore know not how much it is the same, which I had the favour to read in English. I thank you for your wishing your self here. I am sure I would purchase you at any price I could pay or promise, if it were as fit for the prince, as it would be for me. In the mean time I pray God he thinks your company as good as they know it to be who cannot get it. But will the good Bishop of Salisbury never come to relieve you? What does he? Where is he? What do you answer to the other thousand questions I have asked you?

"God send you a good New Year that may yield you a decent plenty, till it may give you an honest peace, and me meat enough against hunger, and cloathes enough against cold.

"And then if the Stationers do not sue out a commission of Bankruptcy against me for their arrears for paper and ink, I shall not fear any other creditors, nor the exception in the first where I will not give my place for the best amongst the compounders, nor the worst (that is the greatest) amongst the committee: less the title of being.

Sir, yours, etc."

"Jersey, the 1st of January."

A Copy of Mr. Edgeman, 1646-1649.

SIR EDWARD HYDE TO DR. JOHN EARLES

"Well, admit you do spend three hours every day, that you may spend one with the prince, allow two hours to your dinner, and two hours in the projecting where to get one, you have still a fair time to yourself, and one half hour in a week, without question, to tell me that you are alive, and that in this dismal time of mutation, you are so far from change, that you continue even the same to me.

"I am not willing to tell you, that though you owe me no letters, you have three or four of mine unanswered, but I must tell you the last packet from Paris brought me none from you though I found by some I received, that mine thither had not miscarried; so you were not without provocation.

"Indeed you are to blame to trust me so much with myself in this terrible conflict; with which most men are so unworthily appalled: for truly your advice and approbation is of singular comfort and encouragement to me. And now I pray tell me what is that 'Charitas Patriae' which all moral and divine authors have so much magnified. That I must not concur in the acts of impiety and injustice of my country, though never so generally practised, or do a thing in itself wicked to save or preserve my country from any suffering, is I doubt not very clear. But is that Charitas Patriæ utterly to be abolished and extinguished, for its practise of that impiety and injustice? Should I wish their irreligion destroyed by an army of Turks, or their licence subdued by a power that would make them slaves? Was it well said of Alcibiades, that he is truly a lover of his country, not that refuseth to invade the country he hath wrongfully lost but desires so much to be in it, as by any means he can he will attempt to recover it? Was not Jocasta more Christian to her Son Polynices; Petendo patriam perdis; ut fiat tua, vis esse nullam.

"I pray, say somewhat to me of this argument; that I may really know how far I may comply with passion and provocation; and whether as no infirmity or impiety in my prince can warrant or excuse my declension of allegiance towards him, there be not some candour and kindness to remain towards a man's country, though infected with the most raging rebellion."

God preserve you!

8th of January 1646.

A rough Draught, corrected, and endorsed by himself.

SIR EDWARD HYDE TO DR. JOHN EARLES

"Sir,

"I told you long since that when I came to speak of that unhappy battle of Newbury, I would enlarge upon the memory of our dear friend that perished there: to which I concieve myself obliged, not more by the rights of friendship than of history, which ought to transmit the virtue of excellent persons to posterity: and therefore I am careful to do justice to every man that hath fallen in the quarrel, on which side soever, as you will find by what I have said of Mr. Hambden himself.

"I am now past that point, and being quickened by your most elegant and ([EO]political) commemoration of him and from hints there, thinking it necessary to say somewhat for his vindication in such particulars as may possibly have made impression in good men, it may be I have insisted longer upon the argument than may be agreeable to the rules to be observed in such a work, though it be not much longer than Livy is in recollecting the virtues of one of the Scipio's after his death. I wish it were with you that you might read it, for if you thought it unproportionable for the place where it is I could be willingly diverted to make it a piece by itself, and inlarge it into the whole size of his life; and that way it would sooner be communicated to the world. And you know Tacitus published the life of Julius Agricola before either his annals or his history.

"I am contented you should laugh at me for a fop in talking of Livy and Tacitus; when all I can hope for is to side Hollingshead, and Stow, or (because he is a poor knight too, and worse than either of them) Sir Richard Baker. But if I had not hooked them in this way, how should I have been able to tell you, that I have this year read over Livy and Tacitus; which will never be found by the language and less by the Latin. We have had no boat out of Normandy these ten days, so that we have heard nothing from the Isle of Wight since the Kings first message thence. God send us good news that we may again (in what condition soever) enjoy one another; which will be a very great satisfaction to; your most affectionate humble servant."

"Jersey this 14 Dec. St. vet."

A Copy, endorsed by himself.

There are two very long letters of Feb. 12th and March 16th, 1647 – too long to quote in full – from which I have thought it worth while to make extracts.

Concerning the subject of the Charitas Patriæ, "I cannot" he says, "rejoice at foreign powers being at peace" that there might be "forces vacant for the reduction of England," – but he appeals to Earle for "advice and direction; upon whose judgment, discretion, and conscience I do so much depend that I do really suspect my own when I find it at all differ from yours." He speaks too of Earle's company being so comforting to his fellow-exiles. Jersey Feb. 12th.

In the letter of March 16th, speaking of possible deterioration of character – of "innocence destroyed," of "wiping out the old loved prints," he adds that the "shame of communicating his thoughts" to Earle [in case of his (the writer's) falling away] will, he hopes, keep him from any "alteration." In the same letter there is another reference to what Earle had written about Lord Falkland – no such work I understand survives – "I would desire you at your leisure to send me that discourse of your own which you read to me in the end of your Contemplations upon the Proverbs in memory of my Lord Falkland: of whom, in its place, I intend to speak largely – "so far from being an indecorum (it will be) no less the business of history than the truth of things."

Anthony Wood's opinion [Bliss's reference to Wood is very brief] of Earle may be added to Clarendon's testimonies: "This Dr. Earl was a [EP]very genteel man, a contemner of the world, religious, and most worthy of the office of a Bishop." He is elsewhere styled by him "learned and godly," – but the epithet "genteel" gives an extra touch that we should be loth to lose. In reference to his Latin Translation of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity he adds: "He was only the fit man to make the learned of all nations happy." Of the Hortus Mertonensis he tells us that it was one "of several copies of his ingenuity and poetry that were greedily gathered up" at the University.

I have said in the Preface that nothing is known to Earle's disparagement. It is true that Ludlow says[EQ]: "Dr. Earle told me that by abolishing episcopacy we took away all the encouragement to learning; for that men would not send their sons to the University had they not some hopes that they would attain preferment." And he is very severe on "this sordid principle and consideration." That it was not the recommendation of learning to Earle is abundantly proved by the Microcosmography – but he might well think the University ought not to lose the advantage of any material inducements such as might appeal to ordinary men.

Earle, moreover, was a humourist, and may have amused himself with arguments which seemed good enough for his audience. Lord Macaulay must not be supposed indifferent to learning because he told his nephew to "get a good degree at College and become a Fellow —for then he would have almonds and raisins for the rest of his life for nothing!"

My interleaved copy of Bliss has on the fly-leaf the words "the castrated title and leaf are preserved, with the addition of a proof title page with Dr. Bliss's name omitted." The copy is announced in a catalogue slip pasted in at the end of the book as containing[ER] MS. notes by Joseph Haslewood and Dr. Bliss. The words above the title – Ex dono editoris (altered to impressoris) – have the initials J. H. below them. There are also three advertisements of Bliss's book, "published this day," two of them on coloured paper pasted in the beginning; the third is supplemented by a notice from the Monthly Review, Feb. 1812, which runs as follows: – "We recommend the perusal of this work to every class of readers, since it is in truth a store house of wit and wisdom … The old fashioned dress in which these acute strictures on human life appear, while it takes little or nothing from their intelligibility, adds much to their force and liveliness. The lovers of proverbial wit, for many of these characters are strings of judicious adages, are therefore greatly obliged to Mr. Bliss for his pleasing republication of so pregnant a volume. The notes are instructive without prolixity: the index is extremely useful, for it is really astonishing[ES] how large a quantity of good matter is scattered up and down the present duodecimo (the advt. calls it octavo), and the appendix contains an ample store of black-letter information, and will introduce almost every reader to some new acquaintances, who have singularity at least, if nothing else to recommend them. The Life of the Bishop, and the list of his works are particularly interesting."

All readers of Cowper will remember what a weight of authority the criticism of the Monthly Review carried with it, and the pathetic appeal of the Author to the Editor – "but oh!, dear Mr. Griffith, let me pass for a genius at Olney."[ET]

The notes and illustrations which Dr. Bliss did not make use of in his edition are as follows.[EU]

Two are on the serving-man, 'In querpo.'

"I am borne sweet ladyTo a poore fortune that will keep myselfAnd Footman, as you see, to bear my swordIn Cuerpo after me."– Mayne's City Match, a Comedy, 4to, 1658.

"You shall see him in the morning in the gallery – first, at noon in the Bullion, in the evening in Quirpo." – Massinger's Fatal Dowry.

"Dr. Johnson explains querpo, which he says is corrupted from cuerpo (Spanish), as a dress close to the body. Dryden uses it."

On the same character he has a quotation from Religio Regis, 12mo, 1715: King James in his advice to his son Henry, Prince of Wales, says "hawking is not to be condemned, but nevertheless, give me leave to say, it is more uncertain than the others (hunting), and subject to mischances."