Narrative of the Voyages and Services of the Nemesis from 1840 to 1843

It was a curious sight to look down the long, narrow, paved street, on each side of which were crowds of shaved heads, each trying to raise itself an inch or two higher, to catch a glimpse of the passing strangers. The steps and doorways were crowded, and also a few of the windows; but most of the shops being shut, and the houses having generally only one story, there were none of those groups of figures, men, women, and children, rising in stages, one above the other, such as are seen in Europe from the bottom of the house to the top, when anything remarkable is to be seen.

The greatest contrast, next to the immense collection of bald heads, and brown, roundish, ugly-looking features, consisted in the total absence of women, which, in any part of Europe, would have formed perhaps the most numerous and noisy part of the assemblage. There was no appearance whatever of rudeness or hostility; and when the people were warned out of the way, or pushed aside, and reminded, by a gentle touch of the whip, that they must move out of the way, they did so in apparent good humour.

The inner town appeared to be only separated from the suburb by the actual wall, there being little difference in the houses on one side or the other. Two or three additional soldiers turned out of the guard-house as we passed, and joined our escort, certainly a shabby-looking set.

Much was said of the so-called tea-gardens of Shanghai; but, on reaching them, great was our astonishment to find that they ought rather to be called tea-ponds. According to our notions, land and grass, and plants and flowers, are supposed to belong to gardens – even to tea-gardens; but, at Shanghai, it is quite the reverse, for water predominates.

Ornamental gardening in China, properly so called, is extremely uncommon. At Canton there is a very good garden belonging to a Hong merchant; but, generally speaking, the land is too precious, for the purpose of producing food, to permit the Chinese to devote much space even to fruits.

At the entrance to the tea-gardens our approach was greeted by the plaintive voice of an old woman, who professed to sing songs to the accompaniment of an instrument of a peculiar kind, covered with snakeskin. It had three strings fastened to a long handle, with a small drum at the end of it, and was played with a bow.

The gardens were more remarkable from their novelty than their beauty. The place consisted in reality of a sheet of nearly stagnant water, with paths or platforms, or little islands, intersecting it in various directions, upon which were built summer-houses, or pavilions of various shapes, in Chinese style, in which the good citizens of Shanghai assemble to drink tea (at any hour of the day), and smoke the pipe, which is a Chinaman's invariable companion, for recreation. There were also a few walks among heaps of stones, called artificial rocks, with seats scattered here and there; but in most respects the whole place greatly disappointed our expectations.

Among the most remarkable objects at Shanghai were the enormous ice-houses, both within and without the city, in which ice is stored for public use. This was a perfect luxury to our soldiers and sailors when the place was taken.

We spent the night in a deserted joss-house, close to the landing-place; and, during the evening and the following day, crowds of curious visitors came to look at us, and made themselves agreeable as well as they could. They seemed to be particularly pleased with the Company's new rupees with the queen's head upon them, and willingly gave half a dollar each for them; – being rather more than their value. Glass bottles were in great request, and the brandy was pronounced excellent.

One of the principal mandarins came down to pay us a visit, preceded by criers and runners; then came whippers-in, and a couple of executioners, with chains in their hands, as a sign of their calling; then came the great man, seated in a very gay sedan-chair; next followed a couple of dirty-looking fellows with gigantic fans; and two or three men mounted on ponies closed the procession. The people stood on either side the street, and gazed in silence. They had little curiosity about the movements of the great man, but a vast deal concerning every step or look of the strange-looking foreigners. The mandarin was extremely courteous and well-bred towards us, and we observed that he was treated with great deference, and no one except ourselves dared to sit in his presence.

An interesting incident occurred at Shanghai, not long after the peace. Sir Henry Pottinger, on his return from Nankin, went up in a steamer to Shanghai, to make arrangements about the future place of residence for our consul, and also to settle about the ransom-money of the city. One morning, a boat came alongside the steamer, having on board a very respectable-looking man, in Chinese costume, who sent up his card as "M. l'Evêque de Nankin," at the same time requesting an interview with the plenipotentiary.67 This was readily acceded to. It now appeared that this gentleman was the head of the Roman-catholic missionaries of the province or district of Nankin; that he had been many years in China, suffering great tribulation, and in continual danger of his life; that the missionaries had suffered great hardships, and many of them had lost their lives. For a great length of time he had not been able to hold any communication with his fellow-labourers in any other part of China, and had been deprived of all tidings from any other country. He had lived in fear and trembling, but had personally escaped persecution by leading a very retired and unobtrusive life, and particularly by avoiding all interference in public matters. He had been afraid to make himself known, or to have any communication with Europeans, as long as the war lasted, as it would probably have caused him trouble. His flock was numerous, but scattered. He had supported himself entirely by his missionary labours, and had now joyfully seized the opportunity to request that letters might be conveyed for him to Macao. He had removed from Nankin, on the approach of our forces; and altogether there was much interest attached to his history.

There is a great abundance of game to be found in the neighbourhood of Shanghai, principally pheasants, and various kinds of wild fowl. But it greatly astonishes the Chinese that any man should take the trouble to shoot birds, or find any amusement in the sport, when he could easily get people to shoot them for him upon very slight payment.

The sum agreed to be paid for the ransom of Shanghai was said to be three hundred thousand dollars, which was considered in the light of a contribution, similar to the ransom-money of Canton. Whatever the amount may have been, it was reckoned as part of the money stipulated for by the treaty of Nankin.

A quantity of guns, arms, and military stores, were, as usual, found in the arsenal within the city, and also large stores of rice. Sixty-eight guns (exclusive of those in the batteries below the town) were captured at Shanghai. Seventeen of these were of copper, newly-cast, and very heavy, and, consequently, valuable for the prize fund. In a battery facing the river, fifty-six guns were found, of which seventeen were brass 6-pounders. Altogether at Shanghai one hundred and seventy-one guns were captured. But, reckoning the whole number of guns taken in these operations, both at Woosung and at Shanghai, and in the various batteries on the river's banks, they will be found to amount to the amazing number of three hundred and sixty pieces, exclusive of those destroyed in the junks. Of these seventy-six were of copper, some of them of great length and weight of metal, but of proportionably small bore. They looked very well outside, but the casting of many of them was defective, and not a few were made with a coating, or rather tube, of iron, about one and a half to two inches thick, along the bore, over which the copper was cast. At Shanghai also full nine tons of gunpowder were found, contained in three hundred and thirty tubs and jars. All the military stores were destroyed.

It was evident that great preparations had been made for the hoped-for defence of this important place; but, when the hour of trial came, and the news of the action at Woosung reached the city, the principal mandarins quitted it in despair, and all hope of defence was given up.

On the morning of the 20th (the day after the city was taken), Captain Bourchier and Commander Kellett were ordered to proceed in the Phlegethon, accompanied by the Medusa, together with the barge of the Cornwallis, carrying a few marines, and also a boat from the Columbine, to reconnoitre the river for a distance of thirty miles above the town. Two small field-works of five guns each were discovered upon the right bank of the river, and a considerable body of soldiers were discovered at some distance in the rear. Lieutenant Wise was sent, with the boats and marines of the Cornwallis, for the purpose of destroying the works, which was effected without any resistance.

The report of what had been seen and done this day was considered so important and interesting, that Sir William Parker determined to continue the examination in person next day, still further up the river. About fifty marines and seamen were embarked in the Nemesis, and the Admiral hoisted his flag in her, accompanied by Captain Bourchier, Honourable Captain Keppel, Captain Lock, and other officers; and about noon, on the 21st, they proceeded up the river, followed by the Phlegethon and Medusa.

The river gradually became narrower, but still carried from four to six fathoms water, and appeared to have an immense number of canals and water-courses connected with it. Many of these led directly towards the towns and villages, some of which could be just seen at a distance, others not far from the banks. The country looked rich, and was carefully laid out in rice-grounds, and otherwise well cultivated. It was not so picturesque as about Ningpo, but there was all the appearance of a thriving and industrious population. A heavy storm of thunder and lightning came on in the afternoon, and the three steamers were brought to anchor for the night a little above the two forts destroyed the day before.

On the following morning they again pursued their course up the river, and soon found that it divided itself into two branches of equal size, one flowing down from the eastward, and the other coming from the westward. They followed the latter, which gradually took a more northerly direction, but the water shoaled as they proceeded, until, at the distance of a few miles from where they started, there was only one fathom; and, as the Nemesis and Phlegethon could not safely ascend higher, the Admiral, with the other officers, removed on board the Medusa, which being smaller, drew a foot to eighteen inches less water. But they were not able to go up more than eight or nine miles further; for they were stopped by the increasing shallowness of the water at the entrance of a large lagoon. It was ascertained, however, from some boatmen, who stated that they had left Soo-chow-foo only the previous day, that there was a direct communication by water with that city, which could not be a great many miles distant. It could not be doubted, therefore, that this important city was easily accessible to our forces, should it be thought advisable to advance upon it.

Several large boats were coming down the river, laden with coal, said to be brought from the neighbourhood of Soo-chow-foo, where iron also is believed to abound. Indeed, coal of very fair quality is found in many parts of this province, and the Nemesis was using it for steam purposes at that very time.

The whole distance ascended above Shanghai was about forty-five miles, and it was matter of regret that time could not be spared to explore the other, or eastern branch of the river. Several large pagodas were seen at a distance, one in particular to the northward, probably pointing out the neighbourhood of a large town.

The same evening the three iron steamers returned to Shanghai, and anchored abreast of the town, where his Excellency, Sir Henry Pottinger, had just arrived from Hong-Kong, having touched at Amoy and at Chusan on his way up. It was also announced that strong reinforcements had arrived at Chusan, and might be expected to join our forces in the Yangtze-Kiang in a few days. The names of ships and regiments will be given together, in the order in which they moved up the river leading to Nankin. It will be sufficient here to mention, that no less than seventy-three vessels of war and transports set sail from Woosung together; besides which two others were left at that anchorage, in order to blockade the river leading to Shanghai. Several other vessels joined the expedition on its way up to Nankin, and afterwards.

CHAPTER XXXV

All intention of advancing upon the important cities of Hang-chow or Soo-chow-foo was now given up; large reinforcements had already arrived, and more were daily expected at Woosung; and it was resolved to advance immediately upon Nankin, the ancient capital of the empire. The navigation of the Yangtze river was almost entirely unknown, only a small portion of it having been surveyed by Captain Bethune in the Conway. To the Chinese themselves the ascent of large ships or junks, as far as Nankin, appeared quite impracticable, principally owing to the amazing strength of the currents, and the numerous sand-banks which render its channel intricate.

Sir William Parker, however, felt so much confidence in his own resources, and in the aid of his numerous steam-vessels, (several more of which had now arrived,) that he did not hesitate to undertake the bold measure of conducting a fleet of between seventy and eighty sail, including two line of battle ships, besides the large troop-ships, into the very heart of the empire, more than two hundred miles from the sea. The whole commerce of this vast Yangtze river would thus be cut off; the Grand Canal itself would be blockaded, and it was hoped that we should be able to intercept the large fleet of grain-junks, which, at this time of the year, carry up their cargoes to the imperial metropolis, and not only furnish its inhabitants with food, but also the imperial treasury with tribute. It appeared, however, from official documents afterwards found at Chin-keang-foo, the Tartar stronghold at the mouth of the Grand Canal, that the authorities had anticipated the possibility of their communications being interrupted, and had, therefore, hastened on this annual supply, and had collected a body of militia to act as an escort for it. It was ascertained that these grain-junks had all crossed the Yangtze river, from the southern to the northern branch of the canal, on the 26th of June – viz., a few days before our fleet left Woosung.

On the 23rd of June, our troops returned from Shanghai to Woosung, principally on board the steamers; but two companies of the 18th, and the Rifles, together with the horses of the artillery, marched back by land, the guns being brought down on board the vessels. The Nemesis, having conveyed her detachments of troops to their respective transports, volunteered to go and fetch off the other division, and also the horses, which had marched overland, and had been waiting for several hours at Woosung without the means of getting on board their ships. The men were embarked direct from the river's bank, and the horses were hoisted in with slings, and it was late at night before they were put on board their respective transports; in doing which one boat was unfortunately capsized.

The Belleisle, with the whole of the 98th on board, had just arrived from England, together with the Rattlesnake troop-ship, and the Vixen, heavily-armed steamer, Commander H. Boyes; and the Proserpine, Captain J. J. Hough, R.N. They were preceded by the Endymion, 44 guns, Captain Honourable F. W. Grey; the Dido, 20, Honourable H. Keppel; Calliope, 26, Captain A. S. Kuper, C.B.; Childers, 16, Commander Halsted; and numerous transports, having on board the 2nd and 6th regiments Madras Native Infantry; also the Bengal Volunteers, and reinforcements of artillery, together with the necessary proportion of camp followers.

Shortly afterwards two French ships of war also arrived at Woosung, for the purpose of watching our movements – the Erigone, 44, Captain Cecille, and the Favorite, 18, Captain Le Page. The latter attempted to follow the fleet up the river, and the Admiral was politely requested to allow the use of one of his steamers to assist her in getting up; but this, of course, could not be complied with, as our steamers were all indispensable, to enable the numerous fleet of transports to stem the current, and to tow them off whenever they chanced to get on shore.

Before our forces left Shanghai, the same mandarin who had before frequently presented himself at head-quarters68 again made his appearance as the bearer of a communication from the high authorities to Sir Henry Pottinger. But, as no document was shewn by which any individual could prove his having received full authority from the Emperor to treat for peace, no attention whatever was paid to these very equivocal overtures. At the same time, however, Sir Henry Pottinger published a very important and interesting proclamation, addressed to the Chinese people, and adopting something of the tone of Oriental language. It was, of course, published in Chinese. The opening sentences form a sort of quaint imitation of the celestial style, with the object, probably, of fixing the attention of the Chinese at the outset. For instance: "Under the canopy of heaven, and within the circumference of the earth, many are the different countries: of the multitude of these, not one is there that is not ruled by the Supreme Heavenly Father, nor are there any that are not brethren of one family. Being then of one family, very plain is it that they should hold friendly and brotherly intercourse together, and not boast themselves one above the other." After this exordium, it proceeds to lay open the grievances of the English, the extortions and double dealings of the local authorities at Canton, gradually increasing year after year; and then recapitulates the proceedings adopted by the English, their visit to the Peiho, the conferences and stipulations agreed to by Keshen, and rejected by the Imperial Cabinet, the treacherous attack of the Chinese, and other matters already fully explained. It then refers to the cruelties practised upon our countrymen when taken prisoners, either by being kidnapped, or in cases where they were shipwrecked. It further reminds the people that in ancient times foreigners were permitted to trade at various ports in China, to the manifest advantage of all parties, and that it was only by false statements and local intrigue that the Emperor was at length induced to confine the foreign trade solely to Canton, and to establish the monopoly of the thirteen Hongs. Finally, it is declared that hostilities will continue to be carried on, until some high officer shall be appointed by the Emperor, with full powers to negotiate and conclude arrangements, of which the three following points were to be the basis: – Compensation for losses and expenses; a friendly and becoming intercourse, on terms of equality, between officers of the two countries; and the cession of insular territory for commerce, and for the residence of merchants, and as a security and guarantee against future renewal of offensive acts.

This proclamation was issued the day before the fleet set sail from Woosung for Nankin. It is a curious coincidence that, a few days before this, an edict, or proclamation, was issued by the Emperor, in which he also recapitulated the leading events of the war, and tried to make it appear that the whole difficulties had arisen solely from the crusade which his Majesty had directed to be carried on against the "Opium poison." He blames Commissioner Lin for his bad management; and with regard to the six million dollars ransom for Canton, his celestial Majesty declares that it was a very small matter, and that he did not grudge it at all. But when the rebellious foreigners left Canton, and then advanced to recapture Chusan, and to take Ningpo and other cities, then says his Majesty, with unaffected bitterness of spirit, "I severely blame myself, and hate myself for being unequal to my duties; I cannot rescue my subjects; and repose by day or night is difficult for me." At the same time, he is slow to believe that the strength of the barbarian ships is really so great as represented, and strongly hints that his people are cowards; and while, on the one hand, he promises rewards to the valiant, he orders that those who run away shall be instantly executed without mercy. Carefully losing sight of every other grievance or source of difficulties, his Majesty reiterates his prohibition against opium, and urges the most strenuous exertions to sweep the worthless barbarians clean away into the depths of the wide ocean.

In fact, it now became very manifest that the Emperor was seriously alarmed; and, although his spirit breathed a bitter hostility, it could not be doubted that his Majesty ardently longed for peace.

Sir Henry's proclamation soon afterwards called forth a reply from Niew-kien, the Viceroy of the two Kiang provinces, to which the seat of war was now removed. It was one of those curious little essays in which the Chinese delight, made up of a few common-place truisms dressed in the peculiar phraseology of the East. He cunningly recommends the plenipotentiary to draw up a full statement of all grievances, to be transmitted through him (the Viceroy) to the Emperor, which would of course bear upon its very face the appearance of asking for favours, instead of dictating terms. He farther reminds his Excellency, that although the Chinese have suffered much, still the English must have lost many brave men also, and by coming from so great a distance must have likewise incurred great expense; that it would be much better for both parties to put an end to the war at once, and vows the most perfect sincerity before all the gods. At the same time, he confesses his great alarm at seeing all the people fly from their habitations, and the country given up to the plundering of the native robbers. Indeed, Miew-Kien, in another report addressed to the Emperor, expressed the greatest possible apprehension lest the people should be frightened away, either by severe measures on his own part, or by the approach of the enemy, and thus the whole country be given up to the excesses of the lawless native plunderers, who would take the opportunity to rob, and commit all kinds of mischief.

The Chinese appear to have rested all their hopes for the defence of the Yangtze river, and the approach to Nankin, entirely upon the strength of their works at Woosung, and had consequently made little or no preparations for resistance higher up. It had, indeed, been recommended by one of the Tartar generals that a portion of the river below Nankin should be staked across, and junks laden with stones sunk to impede the navigation, and likewise that fire-vessels should be prepared. But this advice was overruled by Niew-Kien, the Viceroy, upon the ground of its inutility; and it was urged that the extreme rapidity of the current, and the sunken rocks and sands in parts most difficult of navigation, would be the best defences, and that any attempts to stake the river would not only be expensive and useless, but would greatly alarm the people. Fire-rafts were only ordered to be got ready, when there was no time whatever even to commence them, the enemy being already close to the city of Chin-keang-foo.

From documents which subsequently fell into our possessions it was also ascertained that the apprehension of our advance upon Pekin by way of the river Peiho was so great, that a body of troops, already ordered to march to Soo-chow-foo, were recalled, and directed to proceed immediately to Tientsin, in order to defend the approaches to the metropolis.

During the latter part of June, the weather was very squally and unsettled, and therefore not very well adapted for the advance of a fleet of more than seventy sail, up a river, the navigation of which was almost entirely unknown. The channels were now buoyed off, and beacon-vessels were also placed at one or two of the most important parts; and Commanders Kellett and Collinson, accompanied by the masters of the ships of war were sent in advance on the 29th, to sound and to make preparations for the passage of the fleet, and particularly for the purpose of surveying the river above the point where Captain Bethune's researches terminated.