The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND MEXICO

For a long time Tlascala had been regarded with much jealousy by the Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, and other nations of the plateau, both because of its great commercial prosperity, and of its successful resistance to the conquering kings of the valley. The Tlascaltecs seem at this period to have given up all hopes of gaining the sovereignty of the entire region – so long the object of their ambition – and to have confined their resources to strengthening their own position, and fortifying their frontiers. Almost all the neighboring states appear at this time to have been either allied to or conquered by the powers in the valley, and consequently the defensive measures adopted by the republic for the preservation of its independence fanned their smouldering envy into flame, so that they took every opportunity to provoke a quarrel between Tlascala and the kings of Anáhuac. They represented that the Tlascaltecs designed to possess themselves of the eastern maritime provinces; that they hindered the merchants of the other nations from trading in those regions, by making secret treaties with the inhabitants. Only too glad of an excuse to humble his ancient enemies, the Mexican monarch was easily prevailed upon to break up the Tlascaltec trade in the east, and this he did so effectually that for a number of years the people of the republic were deprived of the luxuries and even some of the necessaries they had previously enjoyed. At length, weary of these privations, yet not strong enough to better their condition by force, they dispatched an embassy to the Mexican king to inquire the cause of an enmity which they had done nothing to provoke. For answer, they were told contemptuously that the monarch of Mexico was lord of the entire world, and they must pay tribute to him or be prepared to take the consequences. To this they returned a haughty reply, saying that their nation had never payed tribute to any earthly king, and that before submitting to do so now they would shed more blood than their ancestors had shed at Poyauhtlan. They then once more turned all their attention to strengthening their position, and it was probably at this period, says Clavigero, that they built the six-mile wall on the east side of the city. They received considerable assistance from the numerous Zacatec, Chalca, and Otomí refugees, of whom the garrisons on the frontier were chiefly composed. But the privations which they suffered by reason of the stoppage of their intercourse with the surrounding peoples, constantly increased, and for over sixty years, says Torquemada, salt and other staples were unknown to the poorer classes, at least, though the nobles may have fared somewhat better.798 The date of these events is not certain, but they probably occurred during the reign of Axayacatl. From the time of the defiance recorded above until the accession of Montezuma II., there appear to have been no important hostilities between the Mexicans and Tlascaltecs, but no sooner had Montezuma ascended the throne of Mexico than he determined to make a grand effort to humble the stout little republic, and forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all his subjects and allies to assist in a general attack. At this time the four lords of Tlascala were Maxixcatzin, who ruled in the district of Ocotelulco; Xicotencatl, in Tizatlan; Teohuayacatzin, in Quiahuiztlan; and Tlehuexolotl, in Tepeticpac. Fifteen years afterwards these four princes received Cortés and his companions within their walls. The Huexotzincas and Cholultecs were the first to begin the war, which may be said to have lasted until the coming of the Spaniards. Failing to bribe the Otomí garrison of Hueyotlipan, on the Tezcucan frontier, to betray their trust, they invaded the Tlascaltec territory under the command of Tecayahuatzin of Huexotzinco, and advanced as far as Xiloxuchitla, within a league of the capital. Here they were met by Tizatlacatzin, a noble chief of Ocotelulco, who with a mere handful of warriors succeeded in checking their farther advance, though at the price of his own life.799 The Tlascaltecs hastened to avenge the death of their brave leader by laying waste the province of Huexotzinco. Shortly afterwards they again encountered the Huexotzincas on the heights of Matlalcueje, and pressed them so hard that Tecayahuatzin sent off in haste to Montezuma for re-inforcements. The Mexican monarch at once responded with a large force under the command of Tlacahuepantzin, his eldest son.800 After receiving re-inforcements at Quauhquelchula Tlacahuepantzin proceeded by way of Atlixco valley to effect a union with the Huexotzincas, but the Tlascaltecs, seeing that this must be prevented at all hazards, bore down upon him before he could join his allies with such fury that his army was scattered in all directions. In this battle Tlacahuepantzin was slain and a great spoil fell into the hands of the victors, who probably suffered severely also, as they now returned to their capital to recuperate. But it seems801 that they still managed to keep the Huexotzincas penned up on the heights of Matlalcueje, where they again attacked them with fresh forces the following year. But the delay had also given the Huexotzincas time to recuperate, and to strengthen their naturally advantageous position, so that the worst the Tlascaltecs could do was to ravage the country, and this they did with such effect that many of the Huexotzincas were eventually compelled to migrate to Mexico in quest of food. Tezozomoc makes this a more serious affair. When the Huexotzincas, he says, were hard pressed by the Tlascaltecs, the children and aged of the former people were invited to take refuge in Mexico while the Mexicans with their allies set out to assist the Huexotzincas. For twenty days Tlahuicol, the Tlascaltec general, fought bravely, retreating at the same time before the superior number of the enemy. Finally he was captured in a marsh, his army scattered, and the land restored to the Huexotzincas.802

ADVENTURES OF TLAHUICOL

When Montezuma heard of the defeat of his troops by the Tlascaltecs and the death of his son he was furious, and in a public speech declared that he had hitherto permitted the republic to exist as a supply of captives for sacrifice and for the exercise of his armies803 but that now he was determined to utterly annihilate the presumptuous and obstinate little state now and forever. The people surrounding Tlascala were ordered to renew the attack on all sides in conjunction with the Aztec troops. But the Tlascaltecs were, as usual, well prepared, and with the aid of the Otomí frontier population, they gained a glorious victory, and rich spoils. At the festivities which ensued in Tlascala, the leaders of the Otomí auxiliaries were rewarded with the title of tecuhtli, while the defeated Mexican captains were, by Montezuma's orders, deprived of their rank and privileges.804 Thus the brave Tlascaltecs preserved their independence in spite of the united efforts of their enemies until the coming of Cortés, when it was their assistance and implacable animosity to the Mexicans that made it possible for a handful of adventurers to conquer a world.

WAR BETWEEN TEZCUCO AND TLASCALA

The above-recorded events occurred about 1505. During the same year, the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs fell out. In an engagement which ensued the former put their enemies to flight and pursued them into Cholula, where they killed a few citizens and did some trifling damage to the temples. Anxious to carry this version of the quarrel to Montezuma before the Cholultecs could tell him another story, they at once despatched an embassy to the emperor. But the messengers mistook their rôle, and in their anxiety to extol the valor of their countrymen they lead Montezuma to believe that the Cholultecs had been utterly annihilated and their city destroyed. The emperor was much disturbed at this news, because he had always been accustomed to regard it as a holy city, secure from destruction. Upon inquiry, however, he learned the true facts, and at once sent a powerful army to punish the Huexotzincas for the deception they had practiced upon him. The Huexotzincas marched out to meet the imperial troops, but an explanation ensued, and the lying ambassadors having been properly punished, Montezuma was pacified.805 In 1507 the Huexotzincas, as we have seen,806 became embroiled with the Mexicans once more, on account of their burning the lighthouse at Acachinanco – an offense for which they were severely chastised by Montezuma's troops.

A war between Tezcuco and Tlascala, which took place a very few years before the conquest, is the latest recorded event in which the people of the plateau were concerned, prior to the coming of the Spaniards. On this occasion Nezahualpilli was urged by Montezuma to join him in making war upon the Tlascaltecs, for the purpose of obtaining victims for sacrifice. It seems that the Mexican monarch was jealous of the greatness of his Tezcucan rival, and planned this war for his destruction.807 Nezahualpilli, however, suspecting no harm from his colleague, set out with his army towards Tlascala, and camped in the ravine of Tlalpepexic. Montezuma had in the meantime sent word to the Tlascaltecs of the threatened invasion, informing them at the same time that though he was bound, as a matter of form, to accompany Nezahualpilli, his troops would not aid him but rather favor the Tlascaltecs. The latter accordingly formed an ambuscade in the ravine of Tlalpepexic, and in the morning, just as the Tezcucans, warned by certain evil omens of the impending danger, were breaking camp in great haste, they fell upon them furiously, and routed them with great slaughter.

From the eastern plateau we turn now to the kingdom of Michoacan, which lay to the west of Anáhuac. The boundaries of this flourishing state, as they existed at the time of the Conquest, may be easily defined. On the north and north-east the rivers Tololotlan, Pantla, and Coahuayana separated Michoacan from Tonala and Colima; on the west the shores of the Pacific stretched south to Zacatollan; the winding course of the river Mexcala marked the southern frontier; and on the east lay the Mexican provinces of Cohuixco and Matlaltzinco. The face of the country enclosed within these limits presents a series of undulating plains, intersected by numerous mountain chains of varying height. The climate is temperate, the land fertile, well wooded and watered, and was celebrated, even in pre-Spanish times, for its mines of gold and silver.

EARLY TARASCO ANNALS

It is a singular fact that the Tarascos, the representative people of Michoacan, though they were certainly equal, if not superior, to their Aztec neighbors in civilization, wealth, and power, have left no record of their history anterior to the thirteenth century, while even the little that is known of their later history is told chiefly by Aztec chroniclers. The origin of the Tarascos808 is consequently an unsolved problem. Their civilization seems to have been of the Nahua type, though their language was totally distinct from the Aztec, the representative Nahua tongue.809 It is a prevalent opinion that Michoacan formed part of the Toltec empire, and that though from its position it was the first to suffer from the invading tribes, yet it was not affected by the causes which overthrew the empire to such an extent as the valley of Anáhuac; thus this theory would make the Tarascos the very best representatives of the oldest Nahua culture.810 Orozco mentions the Tecos as being among the earliest inhabitants of Michoacan; the subsequent possessors, he says, took the country from this people about the time that the Toltecs settled in Tollan.811 Tello speaks of the Culhuas coming from Aztlan, the home of the Nahuatlacas, and settling in Sonora, Jalisco, and as far south as Etzatlan and Tonala. Gil, commenting on this, expresses a belief that there was a succession of early migrations into this western and north-western region. Thus the Culhuas came from the west and extended along the coast to Zacatollan. They were followed by the Coras, who settled in Acaponeta Valley and as far as Zentipac. Then came the Thorames, who conquered the previous settlers and drove them to Nayarit. Afterwards various Aztec tribes arrived from the north. The first immigrants appear to have been the most civilized, and occupied Tuitlan Valley, founding the city of that name. The next comers erected the Teul temple. Last of all came a ruder people, who destroyed the young culture in places.812 But these accounts of the earliest occupation of Michoacan are very meagre and unsatisfactory. The authorities nearly all tell the story of the Aztecs in their migration from the Seven Caves to the valley of Anáhuac, passing through this region and encamping on the shores of Lake Patzcuaro, where they quarrel, in the manner already related,813 and separate, one portion proceeding to Anáhuac, and the other, bearing the name Tarascos, remaining and settling the country.814 As I have already remarked, however, no faith can be placed in this story. The total dissimilarity in language shows the Tarascos to have been a people entirely distinct from the Mexicans. It must not, however, be thought from this that there was any relationship between the Toltec and Tarasco languages. We have already seen that many nations adopted Nahua institutions, who did not speak Nahua dialects.

Herrera states that Michoacan was occupied, during its later years, by four peoples, each having a different origin and language, namely, Chichimecs, Mexicans, Otomís, and Tarascos.815 Of these, says Brasseur, the Chichimecs were savage tribes who lived on the north-east frontier. Though they would not conform to the rules of civilized life, yet they recognized the sovereignty of the Tarasco princes, and lent them their aid in time of war. Their language was the Pame, which is spoken at the present day by the tribes living in the mountains of Tzichu, north-east of Guanajuato. The Mexican population was composed of those Nahuas who had separated from their companions on the march, or who had from various causes been forced to flee from Anáhuac. The Otomís were the primitive nations who dwelt in the valleys west of Anáhuac, including the Mazahuas on the north, and the Matlaltzincas on the south-west.816

An anonymous manuscript written for Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, formerly belonging to the Peter Force collection, in Washington, and quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, contains nearly all that is known of the early history of Michoacan.

CHICHIMEC OCCUPATION

At the period when the Chichimecs first made their appearance in Anáhuac and the surrounding regions, Michoacan was settled and its people were civilized. At that time the country was divided into a great number of little states, and the people of the principal of these called themselves Betamas and Ezcomachas. The most powerful of all the chiefs was the king of the isles of Patzcuaro, who bore the title of El Henditare, 'lord above all,' and had subjected a number of the surrounding peoples, including some Chichimec tribes, to his authority.

A little to the north of the lake was the independent town and territory of Naranjan, which was governed by a chief named Ziranziran Camaro. It is in the neighborhood of this town that we first meet with the wild Chichimec Wanacaces,817 led by their chief Iri Ticatame, who bore by virtue of his office the image of their god Curicaneri. All we know of the original home of this people is that, according to their own account, they came from a distant land called Bayameo. They were a wandering race of daring hunters, and seem to have had no particular object in coming to Michoacan other than to find good hunting-grounds. Upon arriving at the borders of the forest of Wiriu Quarampejo, within sight of the city of Naranjan, they halted and built a great altar to their gods as a token that they had found the kind of country they wanted and intended to settle there. The presence of the strangers created a great deal of alarm among the original inhabitants, and this was increased when Iri Ticatame sent word to Ziranziran Camaro that his people must bring fuel to the altar of Curicaneri. Such an insolent demand showed unmistakably that their intentions were not peaceful; and the priests, who in Michoacan had the greatest influence in secular as well as ecclesiastical affairs, at once began to propitiate the gods with sacrifice and prayer, without seeming to think for a moment of the expediency of even parleying with the invaders. But Ziranziran Camaro was more prudent, and calling his hot-headed ministers before him he pointed out to them the hopelessness and folly of engaging in a war with the Wanacaces. The invaders, he argued, would never have dared to make such a demand unless they had been confident of their power to enforce it; it was better to conciliate them than to risk the consequences of an open rupture; finally he proposed that a noble lady, one of his own relations, should be given as a wife to Iri Ticatame. His advice was taken; the people of Naranjan hastened to carry provisions and clothing to the strangers; the lady was conducted to the wild chief's hut; and the barbarians were appeased.

Of this marriage was born a son named Sicuiracha, who was destined to play an important part in the history of his country. When he was old enough to leave his mother he was entrusted to the care of the priests, to be instructed in all those things which it was necessary for a youth of his country to know. One of his principal duties was to kill game in the forests and bring it to the altars for sacrifice. It happened one day when he was hunting to supply a special feast with offerings, that the quarry escaped to the fields of Quierecuaro, but being mortally wounded it died there, and was found by some women who were gathering maize for the same festival. Now, it seems that to wound game without killing it instantly was thought to forebode evil to the hunter, so that when the news of the discovery was carried to the lord of Naranjan, he at once foresaw the downfall of the Wanacaces, and lost no time before taking council with his priests and nobles upon the subject. It was not long before these things reached the ear of Iri Ticatame, and he appears to have shared in the superstition, for he resolved to change his place of abode without delay. Having announced his intention to his tribe, he departed with his family and the image of Curicaneri to a place named Quereqto, which does not seem to have been far distant; his wife also took her god, Wasoricuare, wrapped up in a rich cloth, to her new home.818 Soon afterwards he moved again to Zichajucuero, three leagues from the city of Tzintzuntzan, where he erected a temple and altars.

In the meantime Sicuiracha had grown up and had become a brave warrior and skillful hunter; but his father was now old, while his followers had lost their ancient fierceness and energy by long repose. The people of Naranjan had never forgotten the humiliation they had suffered when the Wanacaces first arrived. Now the time seemed ripe for vengeance.

IRI TICATAME AND ORESTA

At that time a very powerful prince named Oresta was reigning at Cumachen. An embassy, laden with costly presents, was sent to him from Naranjan, requesting his assistance to drive the Wanacaces out of the country. Oresta had as much reason as any to fear the interlopers, and he readily entered into the scheme. The united forces then marched rapidly and secretly against the place where Iri Ticatame was dwelling, intending to surprise him before he could call upon his warriors. On the borders of the lake they met his wife, who, comprehending the situation at a glance, attempted to run and warn her husband. But they caught her and reproached her with wishing to betray her own people, and prevent them from taking a just vengeance on their enemies. She was a better wife than patriot, however; and eluding the grasp of those who detained her, she fled to warn Iri Ticatame. She arrived too late; the allied troops reached the town before her, and at once began the assault. The venerable chief of the Wanacaces, attacked and surrounded in his own house, defended himself valiantly for some time, but at last overpowered by numbers, he fell dead upon a heap of slain. His wife came up just at this moment, and in spite of all that could be done to prevent her, the devoted woman cast herself upon the body of the fierce old chief and refused to be removed or comforted. The victors then set fire to the place and retired, carrying with them the idol Curicaneri.

Ignorant of the misfortune which had fallen upon his house, Sicuiracha was hunting in a forest at some distance from the doomed town when the news was brought to him. He at once hastened to the spot, but arrived only to find his mother weeping upon the body of his father, amid the blazing buildings. Filled with rage at the sight, and thirsting for vengeance, he wasted no time in useless mourning, but calling together the few warriors who had escaped the massacre, he started in pursuit of the enemy. His force was so small that this seemed an act of madness; but fortune favors the brave. Elated with their victory, or as the old chronicle has it, prompted by the god they had stolen, the allied troops had given themselves up to drunkenness, and in this state the avengers found them. The idol stood neglected at the foot of an oak; seizing this, the Wanacaces rushed furiously upon their fallen foes. A great number were massacred, and the rest were carried in triumph to Wayameo, where Sicuiracha dwelt. For some time they were kept in the condition of slaves, but eventually they were released upon the understanding that their chiefs should recognize the supremacy of Sicuiracha, who now formally took the title of king. The new monarch rapidly increased his territory by conquering and annexing the numerous petty states that lay around it; he built several temples, notably one to Curicaneri, whom he regarded as the author of his greatness; increased the number of priests, and erected dwellings for them about the temples; enforced religious observances; and established his capital at Wayameo, where, after a long and glorious reign, he died, leaving the kingdom to his two sons, Pawacume and Wapeani.

THE TARASCOS ON LAKE PATZCUARO

Shortly after the accession of these princes, events occurred in the flourishing region lying north of Wayameo, on the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro, which affected the condition of the entire country, and eventually added greatly to the power of the Wanacace kings. The capital of this region was Tzintzuntzan. The chronicle I have hitherto followed gives no account of the origin of this city; but other authors, who in their turn make no mention of the events above recorded, furnish a story of its foundation, which I will relate here, before continuing the more consecutive narrative.

After the separation of the Tarascos from their Aztec brethren, says Beaumont, the former, resolving to settle, began at once to till the ground and sow the seeds that they had brought with them. They then proceeded to elect a king from among their bravest warriors. So highly was this quality of courage esteemed by them that even the later kings, who succeeded to the throne by inheritance, were not allowed to wear certain jewels and ornaments until they had earned the right to do so by capturing a prisoner in battle with their own hands. Under the administration of such energetic men the people progressed rapidly, both in wealth and power; commerce was encouraged and the arts and sciences flourished. But they especially excelled in feather-work, for which the splendid plumage of the birds of the country furnished abundant material.819 This curious art is said to have been suggested by the phenomenon which led to the founding of their capital. When the Tarascos first halted on the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro, they placed their principal idol in a pleasant spot that the god might repose, when, behold, a multitude of birds of gorgeous plumage congregated in the air and formed a brilliant shade or canopy above the sacred image. This was at once hailed as a divine indication that they should found their city here, and at the same time it suggested the feather mosaics for which they afterwards became so famous. In commemoration of this miraculous manifestation of the divine will the city was named Tzintzuntzan, 'place of celestial birds.'820

Little or nothing is known of the history of Tzintzuntzan from this time until it is again brought into notice by the events to which I have alluded as occurring shortly after Sicuiracha was succeeded by his sons on the throne at Wayameo. Granados, it is true, states that nineteen kings ruled over the Tarascos from the time of their settlement down to the conquest, but he gives no account of any of them, while Beaumont complains that he is able to find records of three only, namely, Characu, 'the boy king,' Zwanga,821 and the son of the latter, Tangaxoan,822 better known by the name of Caltzontzin, 'he who is always shod,' to distinguish him from those other rulers who, being vassals of the Aztec monarch, appeared bare-footed before their suzerain.823 At what period the boy king lived it is impossible to tell, but as the other two certainly reigned at a later date than our story has yet reached, they may all be referred to hereafter.