The Church of Grasmere: A History

26

Levens Hall MSS.

27

Bright's Early Church History, p. 291. Bishop Browne's Theodore and Wilfrith, pp. 132 and 690.

28

It may possibly represent an old sub-kingdom of Northumbria, and is suggestive of Edwin's conquest of a district to the north-west called by the Britons Teyrnllwg. See Rhys's Celtic Britain (quoted in "Rydal," Westmorland Gazette, May 2nd, 1903). It contained large portions at least of that great church province which Wilfrid made over to Ripon Minster, which was for a short time the seat of a bishop. The creation of Richmond as a centre was a late Norman measure.

29

Whitaker's History of Richmondshire. Dr. Wilson (Victorian History of Cumberland) gives 1120 to 1130 as dates between which Henry I. marked out the county divisions as fiscal areas. In the latter year the new county of Westmarieland was placed under the jurisdiction of a separate sheriff.

30

For the connection between mother churches and chapelries or vicarages under them, see History of English Church, edited by Dean Stephens, vol. ii., p. 295. ["Walter Gray, Archbishop of York in 1233 consolidated 10 chapelries in the two parishes of Pocklington and Pickering into five vicarages, two and two. Each vicar had two chapels, and was endowed with a sum to support chaplains at both, while he also paid a small sum annually to the mother church in token of subjection."] From the rural deanery of Kendal there were paid the following dues, according to an old voucher, c. 1320: at Easter 12s. 0d. for Synodalia; at Michaelmas £4 16s 8d for Procurationes; besides £3 for Presumptiones, and £3 9s 6d in Peter's pence – a goodly tribute this for the Pope from our mountains lands! Whitaker's History of Richmondshire.

31

Selden's History of Tithes. Easterby's Law of Tithes, pp. 4, 8, and 13.

32

The early practice of burial in distant churches is inexplicable to this age. But it should be remembered that in early days man was a peripatetic animal, to whom the distance between Grasmere and Kendal, or Hawkshead and Dalton, would be slight; and that a corpse wrapped in a winding-sheet would be much lighter than one coffined.

33

Of the first, still paid, there is plenty of evidence. It was even allowed during the Commonwealth. In 1645 the Rydal Hall account-sheets show that arrears were paid to the Kendal parson out of the tithes "upon order for 5 yeares stypd out of Gresmire," amounting to £3 6s 8d or five marks. Next year is entered "Rent due to mr. M. out of Gresmire tithes" 13s 6d. The order came from the Puritan Committee at Kendal.

34

Creighton's Historical Essays.

35

At Cartmel in 1642 measures were taken "for the makinge upp of the twentie-fourte … that there may be four in everye churchwardens division as hath formerlie been used." Stockdale's Annales Caermoelensis.

36

There is a tradition that a route from Skelwith Bridge dropped sharply from the top of Red Bank to the old ford of the Rothay known as Bathwath (Rydal Hall MSS.), and that it had even been used for funerals. This seems unlikely, unless the use were a repetition of a custom that had prevailed before the present Red Bank road was made; and of superstitious adherence to old corpse-roads the Rev. J. C. Atkinson (Forty Years in a Moorland Parish) gives instances. There may indeed have been once a well-trodden path there. In former times a fulling-mill stood on the left bank of the Rothay, near to the ford, and within the freehold property of Bainrigg. The mill was owned by the Benson family in the fifteenth century, but Bainrigg had belonged before that time to a family of de Bainbrigg, who had at least one capital dwelling or mansion-house standing upon it. Now a road to this house or houses there must have been. The woodman recently found a track leading up from the site of the mill to the rocky height, which emerged upon the present Wishing-Gate road. On the line of this (which was engineered as a turnpike road only about 1770-80) the older way doubtless continued towards Grasmere, past How Top and through Town End. A huge stone standing on this line was known as the How Stone. Levi Hodgson who lived at How Top, and who described the route to Mr. W. H. Hills, remembered fragments of a cottage in the wood. If the Skelwith Bridge folk ever used it as a church path, they would meet their townsmen (who had come over White Moss) at How Top. Close by there is still a flat-topped boulder used for resting burdens upon.

37

This gate is shown in a map of 1846, as well as the stile which gave its name to the house then still standing, that was immediately opposite. Both disappeared at the widening of the lane from Stock Bridge to the church.

38

Ambleside Town and Chapel.

39

It is not easy to discover what was the early practice of the church concerning the administration of the sacrament, or the number of times it was received yearly by the laity. As early as 750, laymen who failed to communicate at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, were not esteemed christians; they were expected to make offerings four times a year. A later rule, which was stringent, seems to have been once a year, though a more frequent attendance – specially at Easter and Christmas, was urged. See Abbot Gasquet's Parish Life in Medieval England, Wall's Old English Parishes, p. 90, and Wordsworth's Medieval Services in England. The sacrament was called housel, and the bread houselling-bread. Henry VII's queen, Elizabeth of York, appears to have communicated three times a year, at the festivals of Easter, All Saints, and Christmas (Canon Simmon's Notes to the Lay Folks' Mass Book, p. 239). Queen Victoria no doubt clung to an old custom when she communicated no oftener than three or four times a year. (See Life.)

40

The population must have been greater when the Kendal trade in cloth was at its height. There were 1300 "houseling people" reported for the parish of Windermere in 1549 (Commission quoted in Mr. Brydson's Sidelights on Mediæval Windermere, p. 95), and there is no reason to suppose that Grasmere was far behind. At the same time the numbers to collect at one celebration would be considerably lessened if the Easter communion were spread over several occasions, as was the case in the late seventeenth century at Clayworth, Notts, where celebrations were held on Palm Sunday, Good Friday, as well as Easter Day. All parishioners – to judge from the rector's careful record – must at this season have communicated; but at the celebrations of Whitweek and Christmas (for there was none at Michaelmas) the numbers were much lower. (Rector's Book of Clayworth).

41

We have no evidence of this to show for Grasmere Church. But in 1622 "Sir" Richard Pearson, curate of Troutbeck, was empowered by the rector of Windermere to publicly revoke the sentence of excommunication under which one Adam Birkhead lay. An edict was issued from the registry of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire as late as 1715, citing a form of penance to be gone through by George Birkett, who before the congregation of Troutbeck, and in "penitential habit," was to confess his grievous sin of incest with his deceased wife's sister. An additional note, however, empowered Mr. Barton, rector of Windermere, and Mr. Grisedale, curate, to use their discretion as to the manner of confession, and to allow the sinner, if properly penitent, to make it "in his Ordinary apparell" (Browne MSS.). It may have been the dislike of public penance, with its peculiar habit, that caused the churchwardens of Grasmere so often, and so incorrectly, to return a clean bill of morality in their Presentments.

42

Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire (Rev. J. Raine). The privilege of probate was withdrawn finally from ecclesiastical courts by Act of 1857 (Dr. Cox's History of Parish Registers).

43

Public Record Office Court Roll 207/122.

44

Browne MSS.

45

Rydal Hall MSS.

46

Rydal Hall MSS.

47

Public Record Office Court Roll 207/111.

48

Church inquisition post mortem, Henry VI., No. 36.

49

See Coulton's Chaucer and his England, where miracle-plays and dances are added to the list.

50

Calendar Patent Rolls, 4 Richard II., p. 1.

51

Browne MSS.

52

Rydal Hall MSS.

53

Rydal Hall MSS.

54

Annales Caermoelensis.

55

From Mr. George Browne, one of the Twenty-four.

56

At Holme Cultram, Cumberland, a like body – chosen, however, by the people themselves – were responsible for the care of the bridges and common wood, besides providing for the upkeep of the sea-dyke. See "The Sixteen Men of Holme Cultram," Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, N.S., 3. The Eighteen of Aston, Oxfordshire, were found in 1583 to have control over the common field and meadow, with the yearly allotments made within them. See "Survival of Archaic Communities," Prof. F. W. Maitland (Law Quarterly Review, vol. 9). Prof. Maitland regards the existence of this body as an exceptional case, and thinks it dangerous to assume it to have been a survival of ancient times. Mr. G. G. Coulton in Chaucer and his England considers that the Black Death of 1348-9 and the consequent diminution of the clergy may have thrown the people on their own resources, and caused the lay control over parish finances which appears to have dated (he says) from the fifteenth century.

57

Calendar of Papal Registers, vol. ii., p. 294.

58

Tax. Eccle. P. Nicholai, iv.

59

Lancashire Pipe Rolls, Mr. W. Farrer.

60

Lancashire Inquests, etc., ed. by Mr. Farrer.

61

Calendar Patent Rolls, 8 Edw. III. and 14 Edw. III., pt. 3, mem. 11.

62

Calendar Patent Rolls, 8 Edw. III. There was a question of a marriage between his daughter Mary and the king's brother.

63

Calendar Patent Rolls, 8 Edw. III.

64

Calendar Patent Rolls, 13 Edw. III.

65

Calendar Patent Rolls.

66

Calendar Patent Rolls, 17 Edw. III.

67

Calendar Patent Rolls, 17 Edw. III.

68

Calendar of Close Rolls.

69

Calendar Patent Rolls and Close Rolls, 22 Edw. III.

70

Rymer's Foedera, Dic. of Nat. Biography. "Proof that Ingelram Earl of Bedford was son of Ingelram brother of William, who was son of William de Coucy, Christiana's son, is contained in Inq. p.m., 50 Edw. III. (1) No. 18." Mr. W. Farrer.

71

Calendar Patent Rolls, 5 Rich. II., 9 Rich. II., and 2 Hen. IV., part iv.

72

Inq. p.m. MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71.

73

Inq. p.m., 14 Hen. VI., No. 36.

74

Calendar Patent Rolls, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and Inq. p.m., 12 Edw. IV., No. 47.

75

Calendar Patent Rolls, 22 Hen. VI.

76

Inq. p.m., 22 Hen. VI., No. 19.

77

Victorian History of Cumberland.

78

Inq. ad quod damnum, 38/6.

79

Calendar Patent Rolls, 30 Edw. I.

80

Calendar Patent Rolls.

81

Calendar Patent Rolls, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1.

82

Calendar Patent Rolls.

83

Sizergh Castle MSS.

84

MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78.

85

Calendar of Papal Registers, vol. v., p. 1-4.

86

Dr. Cox, Parish Registers of England, p. 251.

87

In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to the church of Warton in Kendale, Calendar Patent Rolls.

88

MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2.

89

Calendar Patent Roll, 20 Edw. III.

90

Calendar Patent Roll, 20 Edw. III.

91

Canon Raine's Notes to Testamenta Eboracensia, Sur. So., vol. 30, p. 68.

92

Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877.

93

"List of Rydall-Writings." D.F.

94

Lay Subsidy Roll, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III.

96

Levens Hall MS.

97

Rydal Hall MS.

98

"List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee.

99

Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai.

100

Chester Diocesan Register.

101

List of Rydall Writings. D.F.

102

Coram Rege Roll, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218.

103

Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings."

104

Chester Diocesan Registry.

105

Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire. Surtees Society.

106

Wall's Old English Parish.

107

Victorian History of Cumberland.

108

He may have been one of the brothers of William, head of the family, who died in 1660. See "The Orfeurs of High Close," Transactions Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. iii.

109

It is necessary to be explicit on this point, for, on the authority of the writer's MS., a statement that the church of Grasmere was broken into by the Parliamentary forces appeared twice in print in 1910, without any reference being given to the actual source of information, or its ambiguity.

110

Shaw, in his Church under the Commonwealth, says that the scheme was already working in Northumberland and Durham at the close of 1645, and that it seems to have been put in force in Westmorland early in 1646. This letter explains the delay.

111

MSS. Tanner, 60, fol. 527, Bodleian Library, Oxford.

112

The secret messengers who passed with despatches between the king and his army endured great perils and sometimes lost their lives.

113

Communicated by Mr. J. A. Martindale.

114

Dr. Magrath's Flemings in Oxford.

115

Shaw's Church under the Commonwealth.

116

Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.

117

Book of Quarter Sessions Indictments, Kendal Corporation.

118

Fox's Journals. He says that he had "large meetings" in Westmorland.

119

Rydal Hall MSS.

120

Book of Indictments, Kendal Corporation.

121

See Cumberland and Westmorland Society's Transactions, vol. vi., N.S.

122

Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.

123

Rydal Hall MSS.

124

Gothic Architecture in England, Francis Bond, p. 191.

125

This is almost a certainty. A drawing made by a friend of Mrs. Fletcher, of Lancrigg, showed two like windows on the south side; but it is unfortunately lost.

126

S. Holborne: Architecture of European Religions.

127

See Fullers and Freeholders: Trans. of Cumberland and Westmorland Ant. So., N.S.

128

Edward Forrest, of Ambleside, when providing, in 1637, for his younger son (then under age) as a landholder, adds "and it is my mind and will that my said son Richard shall sitt next his elder brother Edward in the same forme, and likewise to haue another seate for a woman in the other forme, or seate accustomed for women." This was in Ambleside Chapel, but the custom was general.

129

For the custom of Easter offerings, see Canon Simmons' Notes to The Lay Folks' Mass Book, pp. 239-241.

130

Boke off Recorde of Kirkbie Kendal.

131

English Church Furniture, Cox and Harvey.

132

An unusual catechism, printed in the Rev. E. J. Nurse's History, may be seen in the parish church of Windermere.

133

So important was this scheme of decoration considered, that in the reign of Charles II. the Archbishop of Canterbury gave a commission to his "well-beloved in Christ," a craftsman who belonged to the "Art and mysterie of Paynterstayners of London" to carry it out in all those churches of his province where it was found wanting. —English Church Furniture.

135

Mediæval Services in England. Chr. Wordsworth. Tradition from Edward Wilson.

136

Rydal Hall MSS.

137

The churchyard wall at Milburn, Westmorland, is still divided for purposes of repair amongst certain inhabitants and property-owners, who speak of their share as dolts (Old Norse deild, a share, from deila, to divide). Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 9, p. 297.

138

The family employed carvers about this time for their houses and elaborate mantelpieces.

139

This was removed from Baisbrowne, and is now at Water Park, Coniston.

140

Old church plate of the Diocese of Carlisle.

141

See Fullers and Freeholders.

142

Is it possible that this custom may be referred to the ancient one of the Anglo-Saxon race which thrice in the year enforced the attendance of the markmen, unbidden, at a great religious rite, for which the sacrifices were provided at the cost of the whole district? See Kemble's Saxons in England.

143

About 1634 George Methwen, curate of Bamburgh, was summoned before the Court of High Commission for drunkenness and other misdemeanors, in the evidence this appears: "At Easter gone twelve monethes at Easter last, examinate (the witness) did receive the Holie Communion, and Methwen, when he did distribute the wine, did holde the same in his owne hand and would not deliver it into examinate's handes for to drinke, as he thinketh he ought to have done; for examinate in regard to his holdinge on it in that manner, could scarcelie taste of the wine. Methwen did serve some others at that time in the like manner, whoe tooke offence thereat." —History of Northumberland.

144

7 Ed. VI., 1553. See Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vols. 6 and 14.

145

Church Bells of Cockermouth. Translations, vol. 14, p. 295.

146

Bells of England, J. J. Raven, p. 190.

147

"Church Bells of Brigham," Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 14, p. 283. It seems strange that there was no reliable bell-founder in Kendal, where, in the seventeenth century, there was a goodly number of workers in metal. (See Boke off Recorde.) Of these the Washingtons were apparently the most accredited workmen. A Richard of the name "besydes Kendal" at the Dissolution, bought the house of the Friars in Penrith, with its bell. (Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 6, p. 435.) The Richard of the next century was busy with arms during the Civil Wars, and worked for Rydal Hall. Mr. R. Godfrey ("Westmorland Bells," Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 6, p. 84) considers that the Crosthwaite bell, dated 1695, was cast by Christopher Hodson in Kendal. In the preceding century one of this name (spelt Hodgson) appears among the freemen of the city, while a John and a Robert stand in the later list of freemen armourers and hardwaremen, though the mark for "foreigner" stands after their names.

148

Yorkshire Arch. Journal, vols. 16, 17, and 18.

149

For the Knott family, see "A Westmorland Township," Westmorland Gazette, May 7th, 1810.

150

Raven's Bells of England, pp. 212-16.

151

W. Wilson's "Former Social Life in Cumberland and Westmorland," Transactions, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, 1886.

152

The tower and all the body of the church was rough-cast in 1910 at a cost of £200 5s. 1d. – Ed.

153

See Middleton's Guide.

154

This table is now in use at a Mission room in Ulverston parish.

155

December 18th, 1687: "There hath been three very great Windes lately viz. Nov. 10, 87. at night, Dec. 3, 87. at night, and yester-night and all this day which was ye worst, & which hath blowne down ye great Ewe-tree in Gresmere Church Yard, the very tall Firr Tree at Ambleside, & many trees in Rydal Demesne, etc. It was accompanied with much snow." – Sir D. F.'s Account Book.

157

See "Flemings in Oxford."

158

West's Antiquities of Furness.

159

The outlay connected with Henry's appointment was considerable. His expenses in Carlisle with his brother Daniel amounted to £2. 7s. 6d.; also after ordination "For ye Bread and Wine at ye Communion in Carlile-Cathedral" 2s. 6d., and 1s. given at the offertory. At Chester, besides expenses and fees, he paid the Bishop of Chester's secretary £5. 5s. Next, on February 13th, comes the item "Delivered my Son Henry to pay tomorrow at Kendal for his Tenths for Gresmer due at Xtmas last, ye sum of" £2. 17s. 01⁄2 d. Again on May 30th, "Paid at London unto Mr. James Bird for ye first payment of my Son Henry Fleming's First-Fruites for ye Parsonage of Gresmere, ye Sum of" £6. 8s. 7d. On November 18th, the same amount was paid as second instalment; the third on October 9th, 1687, £6. 11s. 1d.; and a final of £7. 1s. on July 31st, 1688. The total, £26. 19s. 3d., is a little over the amount paid by the Rector of Clayworth as first-fruits in 1672. Money was, however, now coming in, and Parson Brathwaite would seem to have furnished the new rector with a round sum of £20 at intervals, beginning in May, 1685; two such being paid in 1687. What the arrangement was in regard to the curate's stipend is not clear.