The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It, Vol. 1, No. 18, March 11, 1897

Various

The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It, Vol. 1, No. 18, March 11, 1897 / A Weekly Magazine for Boys and Girls

SIMPLE LESSONS IN THE STUDY OF NATURE

By I.G. OAKLEY

This is a handy little book, which many a teacher who is looking for means to offer children genuine nature study may be thankful to get hold of.

Nature lessons, to be entitled to that name, must deal with what can be handled and scrutinized at leisure by the child, pulled apart, and even wasted. This can be done with the objects discussed in this book; they are under the feet of childhood—grass, feathers, a fallen leaf, a budding twig, or twisted shell; these things cannot be far out of the way, even within the stony limits of a city.

Nor are the lessons haphazard dashes at the nearest living thing; on the contrary, they are virtually fundamental, whether with respect to their relation to some of the classified sciences, or with reference to the development of thought and power of expression in the child himself.

The illustrations are few, and scarcely more than figures; it is not meant to be a pretty picture-book, yet is most clearly and beautifully printed and arranged, for its material is to be that out of which pictures are made. It will be found full of suggestions of practical value to teachers who are carrying the miscellaneous work of ungraded schools, and who have the unspeakable privilege of dealing with their pupils untrammelled by cast-iron methods and account-keeping examination records.

Sample copy, 50 Cents, post-paidWILLIAM BEVERLEY HARISON3 & 5 W. 18th St. · · · New York City

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History and Manuals of Vertical Writing

By JOHN JACKSON

John Jackson, the originator of this system of vertical writing, is the only teacher who has had the years of practice in teaching it that make these the standard manuals for teachers and students. The adoption of vertical writing abroad and in this country is largely due to his persistent work and the marvellous results of his teaching. His series of copy-books were the first to be used in this country, and are considered by experienced teachers, who are not to be misled by mere beauty of engravers work, to contain the only practical well-graded course of instruction leading from primary work to the rapid and now justly celebrated telegraph hand—for these books are the only ones containing copies in this rapid writing. The telegraph hand is the style used by the best telegraph operators in the country—and these writers are universally acknowledged to be the most rapid writers, and writers of a hand which of necessity must be most legible.

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The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It

Vol. 1  March 11, 1897.  No. 18

There is startling news from Crete.

Greece has openly defied the warning of the Powers, and has declared her intention of assisting the little island, and freeing her from the Turkish rule.

All Europe is ringing with the spirited reply sent by Greece to the demand that she should submit to the wishes of Europe, and give up her warlike intentions toward Turkey.

This reply was short and to the point. It was simply this:

"Greece accepts full responsibility for all her acts."

Her first act after sending this brave message was to fire on a Turkish vessel, and thus openly to declare war upon the Turks.

The Turkish vessel was carrying arms to the besieged garrison at Canea. As she moved from her anchorage in the harbor of Candia, she was hailed by a Greek warship, and ordered to return to her moorings.

The Turkish vessel, the Fuad, paid no attention to the order, and was continuing on her way, when a shot from the Greek ship brought her to a stand. Having no guns of her own with which to defend herself, the Fuad decided that the sensible thing was to obey; so she put about, and returned to her moorings.

The commander of the British fleet sent a formal protest to the Greeks against this action, and again ordered them to stop attacking the Turks.

No attention was paid to this request.

The Powers are, however, so afraid of war, that they are doing all that is possible to prevent Greece from taking any action that will make war inevitable.

Russia, Great Britain, France, and Italy have all sent warships to Crete, with orders to enforce peace between Greece and Turkey.

The combined fleets of these great nations have formed a cordon around the harbor of Canea, and have blockaded the port, to prevent the Greek squadron, under Prince George, from entering the harbor.

A cordon is a line of men, ships, or forts, so stationed as to prevent people from going into, or coming out of the place.

Having done this, the four great Powers proceeded to take possession of the island, and intend to try and hold it until some settlement is made between Greece and Turkey.

One hundred men from each of the four fleets have been landed at Canea, and, with the consent of the Turkish authorities, have raised their flags over the fortress of the city, as a sign that Crete is under their protection.

Greece, in the mean while, has sent word to the Powers that she intends to occupy Crete. She is sending troops there, and raising volunteers and filling out her reserve force, to be ready for war, if war comes.

This defiance on the part of Greece is worrying the rest of the Powers. She is too small and insignificant to attempt to brave the wrath of Europe alone, and there is an uneasy feeling that some one of the great nations must be secretly backing her.

As usual, when anything goes wrong in Europe, Russia is blamed. Russia has so long been the naughty girl of Dame Europa's school, that the moment mischief is in the air Russia is suspected.

If she is in this new trouble, she will have hard work to escape punishment. She has been posing as the dear friend and protector of Turkey for the last few weeks, and has put stumbling-blocks in the way of the other Powers when they have attempted to force the Sultan of Turkey to do as they wished.

If she has suddenly veered round, and is now encouraging Greece against Turkey, her conduct will be hard to explain.

It will be interesting to watch what comes of this, for it seems that the Bismarck revelations, about which you can read in No. 4 of The Great Round World, have brought many strange things to light in European politics.

You will remember that it was found that Germany had a secret understanding with Russia, which quite undid her open agreement with Austria and Italy—the Triple Alliance, as it was called.

Now it appears that nearly all the European nations have been playing the same sly game.

It would seem that most of them have secret, underhand agreements to play false to their best friends, whenever it suits their purpose.

Every one is sure that Greece has some strong country at her back to make her so bold, and while all the diplomats are wondering which it can be, no one dares to ask any questions. There is so much treachery and deceit going on, that each ambassador is afraid that any inquiry on his part may lead to the discovery of things about his country that would better be kept in the dark.

This daring attitude of Greece may involve the whole of Europe in a vast war, and it may be passed quietly over, and Greece be allowed to snatch her prize from under Turkey's nose, and walk away unharmed with it, because none of the other nations dare to call "police!" for fear of being arrested themselves.

All sorts of rumors are flying around. One is that the Powers are not really angry with Greece, and that if the bold little country can take possession of Crete and hold it, the Powers will not let her be interfered with.

It is also said that Turkey does not want Crete very badly, and will let Greece take it and keep it, if she will only promise not to interfere with Macedonia, which is another ancient Greek province, inhabited by Christians, and now under the control of Turkey. Macedonia is on the borders of modern Greece.

Outwardly, the Powers are very fierce over the whole matter, and have warned Greece that if she does not withdraw her army from Crete in two days, they will make war upon her.

Greece is, however, taking her own way very quietly and decidedly.

While the four combined fleets of Europe are keeping Prince George at bay at Canea, fifteen hundred Greek soldiers under Colonel Vassos have been safely landed in Crete, at Platania about sixty miles from Canea.

This battalion, which is made up of artillery, engineers, and infantry, is called the "Corps of Occupation," and Greece went wild with joy when the report of its safe arrival reached Athens.

The commander of the corps, Colonel Vassos, is reported to have issued a proclamation to the Cretans, in which he says that the troubles in Crete have been deeply felt by their brother Greeks. The Cretans are but one nation with the Greeks, despite the fact that they are under a foreign rule, and Greece can no longer allow a people of her race and religion to be under the Turkish rule; she has therefore decided to occupy the island, and add it to the country ruled by the King of Greece.

The proclamation goes on to say that Colonel Vassos, in the name of the King of Greece, promises to protect the lives, honor, and property of the inhabitants, and to bring peace and law to them.

He then demanded of the Turks that they surrender, and give up the island.

While this was going on, the combined Powers, through their ambassadors in Greece, demanded that the Greek warships be withdrawn from Crete under pain of Europe's displeasure.

They promised that the Turkish reforms should be properly enforced in Crete, and that, in the conference which will follow as soon as the fear of war is passed, the Powers will consider the question of reuniting Greece and Crete.

There is a rumor that the Powers will get home rule for Crete, and that the Emperor William of Germany is trying his best to bring this last scheme about.

Matters are very far from settlement. Volunteers are rallying to the Greek flag in great numbers, and all Greece is echoing to the cries of excited patriotism.

The Greeks have won their first victory in Crete. They attacked a fort called Fort Aghia, captured it, and took four hundred prisoners. One hundred of these were Turkish soldiers, the rest were Moslems, who had taken refuge in the fort.

The details of this affair have not yet arrived, but it is supposed that the fort surrendered on the demand of Colonel Vassos.

Greece is also reported to have landed four thousand more troops in Crete.

Turkey is strengthening her forts along the Greek frontier, and has sent word to the Powers that they must restrain Greece, or she will be obliged to follow her own course.

No progress has been made toward the passage of the Treaty with Great Britain.

Their eyes once opened to the dangers that may underlie the fair words of the Treaty, the Senators are putting it under the microscope of discussion, and are anxious that it shall not leave their hands until it can be considered to be truly beneficial to the country.

It is certain that it will not be brought to any conclusion during this session of Congress.

Senator Sherman, who as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has charge of the bill, says that he will present it at the extra session of the Senate, which will be called on March 5th by the new President.

It is said that the Nicaragua Canal Bill has been the real means of preventing the Senate from arriving at any conclusion about the Treaty this session.

Senator Morgan has been working very hard to convince the Senate of the importance of settling the Canal question before the Treaty is ratified, and has at last succeeded.

He has been very clever about it. He announced to the Senate, some days ago, that in consequence of the amount of business that must be got through before the end of the session, he was willing to let his bill stand over till the extra session. He warned the Senate, at the same time, that when the extra session came, he should fight for his bill with all his strength, and do his best to have it made into a law.

This looked as though the Senator had made way for the Treaty, and did not really care so much about his bill being passed before the Treaty was ratified.

But that was not Mr. Morgan's idea at all.

He withdrew his bill because he did not want to have it hurried through, and voted on carelessly, and perhaps lost. He withdrew it the more willingly because he had a nice little scheme in his head, which would easily prevent the Treaty being passed before the extra session, when he would again be on hand with his bill.

His plan was this:

He would unearth the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, confront the Senate with that, and as it deals very directly with matters that concern both arbitration and the canal, Senator Morgan was sure that it would give the Senate enough food for discussion to last it through this session of Congress, without touching the Treaty again.

The Clayton-Bulwer treaty was made between Great Britain and the United States in 1850.

One part of the treaty stipulates that neither Great Britain nor the United States shall ever control the Nicaragua Canal, nor build forts along it.

When this treaty was made, Nicaragua had given the right to build the canal to an American company. This company did not belong to the government; it was a mere business undertaking by a business firm.

The company did not build the canal; the work required too much money, and the affair fell through.

At the present time it is the American Government that proposes to build the canal, and if the Government is to put in the enormous sums of money that will be needed, it is only right that the Government shall control it. Nicaragua is not wealthy enough to build the canal herself, and if we do not undertake it, some other country will, and it will certainly expect the control of the canal in return for the money invested.

Senator Morgan asked the Senate to consider the matter of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, and decide whether or no we are still bound by it, before the Arbitration Treaty be signed. He insists that if the Senate decides that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty is still binding, England must agree to release us from it before we can discuss another treaty, as it is too absurd to suppose that we will put our money into the canal and have no right to control it.

In the time that must be taken up in the consideration of this very important point. Senator Morgan will have time to get his bill properly considered, and with the new light that he has thrown on canal affairs through the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, he is more likely to get his bill passed.

There is news of a great victory for the Cubans, which is called one of the most brilliant successes of the war.

It was won by General Gomez.

He set out to lay siege to the town of Arroyo Blanco.

When he arrived before the town, he sent word to the mayor that he was about to open fire with his dynamite-gun, and he requested that all the women, children, and non-fighting men should be sent out of the city.

In accordance with the rules of civilized warfare, he sent a permit for these people to pass out of the town in safety.

He waited several hours for a reply. None being sent, he ordered his gunners to send one shot over the city.

This having been done, and still no answer coming from the Spanish commander, General Gomez sent a fresh messenger, asking the mayor, for the sake of humanity, to send the women and children out of the town as quickly as possible.

To this the officer in command sent the reply that Gomez could begin to fire as quickly as he pleased, for not a soul in Arroyo Blanco should be allowed to leave the town; he intended to keep the women and children within the walls, to suffer whatever fate was in store for him.

The women and children pleaded to be allowed to leave, but the Spanish officer was determined to keep them, and they were obliged to stay.

On receiving this cruel answer, Gomez opened fire, using his dreadful dynamite-gun. For several days he laid siege to the town, without gaining any advantage.

The Spaniards tried to get help from the main army by signalling with the heliograph. This is an instrument by which rays of light are thrown from a mirror, and flashed from one point to another. It is much used in war.

The Cubans, however, prevented the heliograph from being used, and hoped that they had the Spaniards cut off from their friends.

By some means the news of the siege reached the main army, and three thousand troops were sent to the relief of Arroyo Blanco.

No sooner did Gomez see the first of the Spanish soldiers appearing over the hills, than he laid a plan to win a brilliant victory.

Pretending to be alarmed at the arrival of the Spanish troops, he withdrew his men from the siege of the town, and appeared to be retreating.

Delighted with their success, the Spanish pursued the Cubans, who led them into a valley between two hills.

This was the trap into which Gomez had planned to lure his enemy.

When the Spaniards had reached a place that seemed favorable to his wishes, Gomez gave the signal—Cubans poured down the hillsides, from behind every rock and bush, surrounded the Spaniards, and completely defeated them, the Spaniards suffering a severe loss, many of them being killed, wounded, or taken prisoner.

It is said that this victory has so alarmed Weyler that he has sent to Havana for more troops, and declares that he cannot stand against Gomez without more soldiers to help him.

The people of Havana do not like this. Weyler has many more soldiers than Gomez, and the citizens do not want to be left at the mercy of the insurgent bands that are in the neighborhood of the city.

A great deal of interest is being taken in the investigation, by the New York Legislature, into the subject of Trusts.

A Trust is the combination of a number of persons who are interested in the manufacture of a certain article.

These persons join together, and agree to pay certain prices for making the goods they deal in, and to ask a certain price for the article when they sell it again.

They put all their money together, and become one company. Each member of the Trust has to bind himself to do what the members think best, and though there may be several hundred factories in one Trust, all obey the one set of rules, just as if they were but one body.

In this way the Trust has a great deal of money at its command, and can buy the finest machinery to make its goods, and, because of the enormous quantities needed to supply all the members of the Trust, can obtain the material needed for the manufacture at the lowest possible price.

Through the means a Trust has for producing goods, it can make and manufacture at a much smaller cost than a single manufacturer, and can control the amount of the output of the goods, so that too great a supply shall not be made at one time, and the markets be so flooded that the price falls and it no longer pays to make them.

The idea of a number of persons clubbing together and helping each other with their money and brains, and working together to produce an article at the least possible cost, is of course a very excellent one.

It would seem as though these methods would help to make the articles that we daily need much cheaper to us, and that the cost of living would be less.

But unfortunately it is not always so.

While Trusts could and should work for the benefit of the people, they are too often used as a means to harm them.

When Trusts get so large that they include nearly all the manufacturers of a special article, they are not only able to produce the article at the least possible cost, but to say for how much it shall be sold.

A Trust is formed that the manufacturers may make a better article at a lower cost—at least, that is what the Trusts say; but the danger is that they may obtain entire control of the market, create a monopoly, and having the public at their mercy, make the prices as high as they please.

A monopoly is the sole power of dealing in any class of goods.

If there were no Trusts controlling the market, no one manufacturer would dare to put his price too high, because another one would instantly step in with lower prices, and take his trade away from him.

This would create what is called competition, because the first manufacturer would not want to lose his trade, and would lower his prices below the second manufacturer. Others would join in, and would continue to cut prices, until the selling price of the article would be brought down to the lowest possible rate at which it can be put on the market.

The public would get the benefit of this competition, and would find the cost of living less.

This competition is the soul of business, because it obliges manufacturers to better the quality of their goods and machinery in order to sell at all; but Trusts do not care to do this, and therefore desire to put a stop to it entirely.

Each Trust has its system of controlling the store-keepers who deal directly with the public, and it makes them agree to sell at such prices as it thinks best.

In this way the prices are kept up, no matter how much they ought to have been lowered through cheap manufacture, or plentiful supply of the material needed to be manufactured.

The money that is made by the cheaper conditions goes into the pockets of the members of the Trust, and they often become enormously rich, through the higher price which they thus force the people to pay.

All the necessary articles of food in daily use are controlled by Trusts.

There is a Sugar Trust, which dictates the exact number of cents a pound you must pay for your sugar. A Coffee Trust, which fixes the price of coffee. It is the Coal Trust which keeps the price of coal so high in winter. There is a Gas Trust, a Salt Trust, a Wall-Paper Trust, and indeed a Trust for almost every necessary and useful article.

You notice probably that the most of the Trusts are producers of articles that we are obliged to use.

If the Coal Barons, as they are called, asked ten dollars a ton for coal, we would still be obliged to use it. We could not go without fires.

If a Meat Trust said our meat was to cost a dollar a pound, we would still have to buy it. Our sugar is another article which we cannot do without, and for which we are obliged to pay whatever price the dealers choose to ask.

Do you see now wherein Trusts are dangerous to us?

The Democrats last fall declared that if their candidate was elected President of the United States, they would make laws whereby the Government should be able to control and regulate Trusts.

The Legislature in Albany, wishing to prevent these combinations from gaining so much power that they become a menace to the public, has appointed a committee to investigate the workings of Trusts.