The American Missionary. Volume 43, No. 12, December, 1889

The National Council, representing the Congregational churches of the whole nation, lately in session at Worcester, by a unanimous vote recommended that the churches and friends of the work of this Association raise for it for current expenditures for the year now commenced the sum of $500,000. Is this magnificent sum too much to ask for the year now auspiciously begun? Happily for your committee, we are saved the necessity of elaborate or studied examination of the needs of the work that has been done by the papers read and to be printed and addresses delivered from the platform during the meetings up to this time. You are thus informed more fully than we could hope to inform you what these needs are and their urgency. But we may say that of the 8,000,000 Negroes in the South it is estimated only 2,000,000 can read and write. Add to these the millions of poor whites in the mountains and the red men of the West and the Chinese in our land, and we are fully justified in asserting that the work of this Association equals in magnitude any work of the church, and involves issues of Christianity, and patriotism touched by no other work of our age. It is estimated by the officers of the Association that through its schools and colleges and the teachers furnished by them, who are instructing the children in the South more or less every year, perhaps 175,000 are being reached and instructed. Assuming that as many are reached by other missionary and benevolent societies, we see the tremendous need that can not be ignored. This burden is laid peculiarly and urgently on this society and its contributing friends. Can we meet this duty with less than $500,000 for the current year? Your committee say, No. Perhaps you will be ready to acquiesce. But let us see what this means. It means that every living donor who contributed last year must increase his contribution 50 per cent., or the number of donors must be largely increased. A large amount was received last year from estates and legacies, namely, $114,020.41. This resource is a variable quantity. The Association can not depend on any increase from this source. Its confidence must be in the living, who can give if they will.

Your Committee deem it proper to call more particular attention to the magnificent gift of Daniel Hand to the Association. It is quite likely that some may suppose, and some may have measured their gifts last year in the belief, that the income of this fund was applicable to pay current expenses of the Association. But this is not so. The Daniel Hand Fund is appropriated to special work, which, although connected generally with the work of the Association, is yet not a part of that ordinary work for which this fund we recommend to be raised is to be expended. Hence all friends of the Association must make and measure their gifts to it understanding that the sum we propose must be raised without any aid from the income from that million dollars constituting one of the grandest gifts of our time. Shall this $500,000 for the current work of the Association for 1889 be furnished to it? This is God's work. The churches here represented and the friends of the Association have the money. It can not be put to any nobler Christian use; the needs demand it, and we recommend that $500,000 be raised for the Association for its current work for the year now begun.

REPORT ON SECRETARY STRIEBY'S PAPER

BY REV. G.B. WILLCOX, D.D., CHAIRMAN

The paper by Dr. Strieby impresses your committee as an admirably comprehensive and discriminating statement of the policy and work of the Association. As to the reconstruction of our educational and missionary societies, to the suggestion of which much of the paper calls attention, and from which he dissents, we should do well to make haste slowly. Some time in the future it may become practicable. But we discover no finger of Providence pointing toward it at present.

If the thought were to reduce our societies to which these interests are intrusted to two, calling for but two annual collections where we now have three or four, it needs no prophet to foresee the effect of that on the amounts collected. If the suggestion is of the reconstruction, not of the societies, but only of the work—if it proposes that our educational and missionary enterprises be so divided that no one society shall to any extent conduct both—it has certainly an attractive look.

But is it more than a look? The educational institutions of several of our societies were born out of the inmost life of those organizations and lie on their bosom for nourishment to-day. To ask the American Board, for example, to turn over its colleges and schools to some other society, for that, of course, is involved in the plan suggested—would be like asking one of our Christian mothers to send her babe to the foundlings' home. Some of us are old enough to remember that the venerable and now sainted Dr. Anderson was at first vehemently opposed to the schools planted by the missionaries in India. It was confounding things that differ. The work of a missionary society was not to manage schools. The schools were discontinued. But the Board soon discovered that it was doing its work with but one hand. The schools came back and came to stay. Now we conservatives are rather jealous of our progressive brethren calling for a reconstruction of the American Board. We know not whereto this thing may grow.

If the colleges and schools of the American Missionary Association were secular, if they had no vital oneness of life with its churches, there might be room for the plan suggested. But they are as thoroughly Christian in their aim as the churches. The churches are as indispensably educational as the schools. As Dr. Strieby remarks, the teacher is often the pastor. The pastor finds a great part of his flock in the school. The teachers teach in his Sunday-school. The prayer-meeting depends on them for its success. The unseen shuttles of mutual sympathy, flying back and forth incessantly, are weaving the two together, and working out the one pattern of the Divine life in souls, that covers both. The plan proposed would, at least to the eye, disentangle all complications. It would lay out the work in the Year-Book with clean-cut precision. But vital things are not always improved by vivisection. It would doubtless simplify our apprehension of the organs of a man to lay the lungs on one side of the table, the heart on another, the liver on a third, and the brains on a fourth. But how far it would enhance the vitality and usefulness of the man is another question. There is an organism which is often, and without harm, in that fashion distributed. But it is a mannikin—not a man.

The one most formidable evil among our colored countrymen is their deplorable ignorance of the connection between religion and morality—or rather the fact that religion, on its outward side, is morality. The sable deacon who, when confronted with a list of his sins as dark as his countenance, replied triumphantly; "Well, bredren, I'se broke ebery commandment ob de ten—but bress de Lord, I'se nebber los' my 'ligion," was no monster of iniquity. He was only saturated and sodden with the delusion which submerges Pagan, Mohammedan, and Papist alike, and throws no little of its froth over Protestant, too often, that duties toward God and toward man are not blended, or even dove-tailed together. But they are weights in opposite scales. Be only devout in your penances or your hallelujahs, and your life among men is of little account. Now, that notion can not be corrected in such a people as that one with which we have to do in the South by an occasional Sunday sermon. In the day-school it must be reiterated morning, noon, and night in various applications, line upon line and precept upon precept. And so, on the other hand, teachers, as well as scholars, must be reminded by pastors, with a little Puritan iron in their blood, of their Christian, as well as educational obligations. One member of your committee who has had practical experience in the Southern work reports that some teachers, occasionally even now, need to be reminded of the Christian service that the Association, as well as the Master, expects from them. But divide these different functions, put the churches and Sunday-schools under other auspices, and, self-evidently, that temptation would be so much the worse. We must have groped out of the morning twilight toward the millennial day much further than we have before any such plan can be reduced to fact.

Dr. Strieby speaks in the paper of his clerical friend of twenty-five years ago, who thought the work of the Association would be transient. It reminds us of Mr. Seward's remark that three months would end the civil war. We are in for a long campaign. The sad fact is not to be blinked that, with the enormous increase of the colored population, the illiteracy among them is greater to-day than at the close of the rebellion. We have need to sing at times:

O, learn to scorn the praise of men:O, learn to lose with God.

As Dr. Goodwin grandly told us yesterday, our work is under the Master's order. Success is no concern of ours. But success, because it is His concern, is sure. Every losing battle in His service turns in time to victory. We remember in Count Agenor de Gasparin's "Uprising of a Great People," how spell-bound, awe-struck, he appeared to be before that magnificent ground swell of the loyal nation, rolling on, as a traveling mountain range, to sweep the rebellion as drift-wood before it. The eight millions of the freedmen and their children are rising. If, for the present, there are refluent waves that sadden us it is God who brings in the tide. "And when I begin," saith the Lord, "I will also make an end."

REPORT ON SECRETARY BEARD'S PAPER

BY REV. H.M. TENNEY, D.D., CHAIRMAN

The committee to which was referred the paper of Secretary Beard respectfully report that the "Missionary View of the Southern Situation" therein presented impresses us profoundly with the fact that the sincerest piety is the most exalted patriotism. It commends itself to us as worthy of the most serious attention of the thoughtful of both races in the North and in the South. The gravity of the Southern problem, as set before us, is little less than appalling. The colored race now looks back over a quarter of a century of freedom and recognized rights. The traditions and customs and conservative ties of slavery are broken with its chains. The ideas, aspirations and manly instincts of liberty have taken hold upon the colored people and are becoming controlling. The intellectual progress of the many, the political and national prominence of the few, the acquisition of wealth, and the marvelously disproportionate increase in their numbers, serve to awaken the colored race to self-consciousness and a sense of power. It is beginning to demand its rights and to be impatient of their resistance and suppression. The Samson of the past, bound, shorn and blinded, stands to-day with fetters broken, with locks grown long, and with eyes yet dim, but with the dimness of returning vision, as one who sees men as trees walking. And whether he shall be carried on to complete emancipation, intellectual and spiritual, a true manhood, or goaded to madness, and driven to bow himself against the pillars of our national and social temple, and pull it down to the common ruin of us all, is the question of the hour. A race so situated, were there no other factors in the problem, would be a peril to any people, and would call for the most helpful effort and self-sacrificing zeal and Christ-like patience.

But the white man in the Southern situation is as serious a factor in the problem as the black man. In a different way, the incubus of slavery has rested as heavily upon him as upon his black brother. The illiteracy is not all on one side. If we put ourselves in the place of our Southern white brothers, and remember what human nature is, apart from the grace of God, we may not greatly wonder, in view of the heritage of the past and the real difficulties and perils of the present, that there is an intensity of race prejudice, and a bitterness of caste spirit, and an increasing hostility to the rising colored population which registers itself in outbreaks of violence and bloodshed, in the defiance of law, and in crimes against the ballot-box. We may not be greatly surprised that there should be intelligent men who regard the education of the colored man as a calamity, and deny his rights, and call for his disfranchisement. The white man of the South needs emancipation and Christian elevation as well as the black. We are the debtors of Christ to both races. Leave these two races to themselves without the gospel of Christ, and the conflict between them is inevitable, and it can be but terrific and protracted, and a dark blot upon the Christian name and civilization. Dr. Beard has well said that the problem can not be solved by historic precedents. All talk of slavery or peonage for the inferior race, or migration, or extermination, or amalgamation, is idle and morally repugnant and politically dangerous.

The problem set for our solution by Almighty God is just this—as stated in this missionary view of it: How, being free, two races as dissimilar as are the white and black races, now equal before the law, can live side by side under the same government and live in prosperity and peace. This problem must be solved, and it must be solved aright. And we may be sure that the ultimate solution of blessing for both races does not, and can not, lie in any retrograde movement toward the old darkness and bondage, but forward in the direction of the larger light and truer liberty of Christ. If the colored race, as a race, seems to have reached a point when "a little knowledge is a dangerous thing," its hope and ours lie not in a return to ignorance and degradation, but in pressing on to that larger knowledge and truer wisdom, the beginning of which is the fear of God, and the fullness of which is a hearty recognition and cordial acceptance and discharge of the obligations and trusts of a Christian manhood and Christian citizenship. The condition of the colored race, indeed, is but a necessary stage in its upward and onward march. It is no other than we have always had reason to expect would be reached. That the mile-stone of to-day marks so great progress is cause for profound gratitude. The new features of the situation and the fresh difficulties are those, and those only, which are incident to progress.

There is but one solution for the Southern problem, and that is the solution for which this Association has labored from the beginning, and which this paper urges. Christianity in its highest forms, an intelligent Christian manhood, is that solution. It is an impressive thought that it is the mission of this Association, more than all other institutions and agencies, to develop that Christian sentiment among the colored people, and indirectly among the whites, which shall create a balance of power which shall save the races and the nation from that conflict which without it seems inevitable. This fact is a trumpet call to us to press the work of the Association in its schools and colleges and churches with renewed vigor and devotion.

And we would especially emphasize the necessity of preserving the unity of the educational and religious work of the Association to this end. Every teacher must be a missionary as truly as every preacher. And this unity of purpose and effort must be felt. Church and school, as in the past, must continue to stand together in the minds and labors of the people that there may be no exaltation of education at the expense of religion. In the dark days of slavery, it was faith in God that sustained the Negro, that inspired his songs, and that made him strong to endure and patient to wait. And it was by the power of God that he was at last set free. Never did the colored man need that faith in God, and in an overruling and guiding Providence, more than now, when the goal of liberty and equality is so nearly attained, and yet strangely delayed. Nobly do the leaders of the race realize that faith, and seek to lead their brethren into it.

It belongs to this Association, by all the agencies at its command, to teach this people to be patient and to wait upon the Lord, to endure hardship, to leave vengeance with the Lord, and, accepting the responsibilities of liberty and citizenship, to gird themselves to meet them in the spirit and in the strength of a grand Christian manhood. This the history of this people warrants us in expecting from them. To this manhood, struggle and work we welcome them, and in it we pledge them our Christian support.

Let this be the temper of those who hold the balance of power between the races in the South, and in no long time the slumbering conscience of the Southern white will respond. The noble utterances of the Southerners, who already demand that the Golden Rule shall be applied to the race problem, prove that it is already waking to life and power. It will be felt then that it cannot be safe to sin against God, to despise even the least of his children; that it must be safe to follow in the way where he leads, to do his bidding, and to give equal rights to all, and to treat all men as brethren. And thus the missionary view prevailing, and the missionary solution accepted, the perils and conflicts of to-day will disappear as the storm-cloud passes, and the difficulties of race relations now anticipated will adjust themselves in God's way, and in God's time—the way of Christian manhood and brotherhood, of righteousness and of peace.

ADDRESSES ON THE PRECEDING REPORTS

ADDRESS OF REV. WM. BURNET WRIGHT, D.D

When that Egyptian King, of whom we all know, was carving those memorials of his greatness which, even as brought to us by the magazines of late, have interested us all so much, and when Egypt was the most superb power in the world, slave women, of whom the mother of Moses was one, were lamenting by the Nile. But the people then to be pitied were not the Hebrews, but the Egyptians.

As I think of the future of my country, my anxiety is not for the black race.

The two nations which seem destined to exert in the near future the most intense and wide influence are Russia and the United States. Before each of them God has set essentially the same task and appears to have conditioned largely their prosperity upon the way in which they do it. That task is to develop into full-orbed free men a vast number of citizens who have been dwarfed and twisted by slavery. How to do this most thoroughly and speedily is the superlatively important question for each nation to decide. In Russia, there is no more acute observer than Count Tolstoi: and Count Tolstoi has said to his countrymen, "What we in Russia need supremely is three things; they are schools and schools and schools." The American Missionary Association, in view of all that has been said here these two days, seems to me to be repeating, with the emphasis of an adequate experience, those same words; and I think Mr. Hand has shown a judgment equal to his generosity in so wording the conditions of his gift that it repeats the same thing. The Association, whether intentionally or unintentionally, is telling us that what we need in the South supremely is "schools and schools and schools."

By schools I certainly do not mean institutions which train only the mind or the body, or both. I am perfectly familiar with the picture which Mr. Maturin Ballou has drawn of the Alaska Indian using the knowledge gained in missionary schools to raise a check. I know that education which does not rightly train the will may be giving tools to a burglar or weapons to a mad man. The anarchism in Chicago, but for the education it controls, would have been like Bunyan's giants—able only to gnaw its nails in malice and have fits in sunshiny weather. But the American Missionary Association understands this thoroughly. In that copy of the year's review which Dr. Strieby sent me, the report of the school work was marked with a red pencil, that of the church work with a blue one; but the two marks overlapped, the red and the blue, so completely that all attempts to separate them were hopeless. Dr. Strieby himself could not distinguish between the church work and the school work of the Association. No man can. They are indistinguishable because they have been inseparable. This is as it should be. This is essential to their real success. This is New Testament preaching—discipling; and that is what the Master told us to do. The danger of Count Tolstoi's leadership in Russia is great, and it is solely this: that he does not know that fact. The safety of your guidance, gentlemen, who conduct the policy of this Association, is that you do. The education given by the State and by the Federal Government has been and must necessarily be, almost wholly secular. But the education given by this Association is distinctly, not technically, religious. It is rooted and grounded in the Bible. And if what I am saying appears to you trite, I am glad of it, because it shows that on the substantial facts we are at one and need no argument.

There are, however, two facts which sharply distinguish between the work we have to do among our emancipated slaves and that set before Russia among her emancipated serfs, and which make it more conspicuously obvious than it can be in Russia that we need schools. We have, first of all, to contend with the prejudice of color. We have been told how great that is. I need spend no time in repeating this while the debates at Worcester and in the Episcopal Convention at New York ring in our ears; while Harvard seniors can not elect for class orator the ablest and fittest man they have if he happens to be colored, without eliciting from New York newspapers two-column editorials of amazement; and while writers as wise, as informed, and as calm as George Cable, are unable to write without showing their quivering apprehension of a race war. The wickedness of this class feeling is conceded by all good men, and I need not dwell upon it.

The cause of it has been largely overlooked, and therefore the remedies so often advocated have proved futile. Until the cause is distinctly recognized and acknowledged and remedied, the prejudice will remain. The cause is this: All freeborn people in every age and clime have had a contempt for slaves. That is very near the feeling—mark my words—they ought to have. It was stronger in Athens than it has ever been in Charleston. It is partly, and has always been largely, caused by the wicked pride of mastership, but it has also been largely inspired by the perception of those vices and inferiorities which his condition breeds in the slave. Ignorance, deceit, cowardice, are contemptible; and therefore men who know better fall into the way of despising those who are ignorant and cowardly instead of trying to help them become the reverse of all these things. In nearly every other nation—there are two exceptions that will readily occur to you—save our own, as soon as the slave's chains have been broken and the slave's vices eradicated, the emancipated man has been absorbed among the class of freemen. There was nothing left to suggest that he had ever been a slave. The people forgot it. But the black man bears an ineffaceable mark that he belongs to a race which has been enslaved; and it is, therefore, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred unconsciously but instinctively assumed that his is still the servile character. There is no natural antipathy between the white and the black races; if there were there could be no mulattoes. The sole reason of the persistence of this caste feeling is that the black man bears the mark saying to every one that sees him, "I belong to a race that has been enslaved:" and unconsciously men assume, "Therefore your character is still a servile character." The prejudice is deep; it is almost universal; and so long as there is a God in heaven who led forth the Hebrews and overthrew the Pharaohs, there will be no safety for this Nation of ours until the prejudice is obliterated, as completely as that which once existed and was more intense between the Anglo-Saxon and the Norman. If, as has been the case in many another land, there should arise an emergency threatening the existence of our Nation, and there were one man, and only one, capable of steering us through the storm into safety—some Lincoln or Washington—and if every voter in our country knew that this man were the only one who could do it, that man, if he were black, could not be elected President. Were such an emergency to arise to-morrow, we should perish. We should perish by suicide, and richly deserve all that we got. There is no safety for our land until this prejudice of caste is gone. It never came by argument; it can never be argued away. It can not be smothered under legislation nor uprooted by resolutions nor effaced by tears. While good men feel it they will fight it, but the majority will yield to it and it can be decided in only one way. That way was well outlined by a colored student in Hampton Institute in the debating club of that institution. The subject for discussion was, "How Shall We Black Men Secure Our Rights?" The last speaker was black as ebony, and had been bred in his early years a slave. When he arose I expected to hear him repeat the familiar complaints and suggest the familiar remedies. He did neither. He simply said: "My friends, I do not agree with all that you have said. I think, as you do, that the way white people treat us in the street cars and hotels"—and he might have added, in churches, but he did not—"is wrong, unchristian, and cruel." And when he said that, there was a pathos in his voice which made me ashamed to be a white man. "But," he added, "while I think as you do that it is cruel, I do not think that the white people will ever stop treating us as inferiors so long as we are inferiors, and I think that they will despise us as long as they can. But when we get enough character in our hearts, enough brains in our head, and enough money in our pockets, they will stop calling us niggers!"