The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It, Vol. 1, No. 55, November 25, 1897

Various

The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It, Vol. 1, No. 55, November 25, 1897 / A Weekly Magazine for Boys and Girls

This has been an exciting week for Cuban matters.

We told you that we might expect to hear more from Mr. Taylor's article on Cuba in The North American Review.

We were quite right in our supposition.

The Madrid papers took the matter up indignantly, and it has been the main point of interest during the last few days.

If you remember, we told you that Mr. Taylor said, in his article, that Spain did not seem able to settle the difficult Cuban question, and that in his opinion it was clearly our duty to interfere.

One of the Spanish Senators, Señor Salvani, wrote an angry letter to the Madrid papers, in which he said that when Mr. Taylor was minister to Spain he appeared most anxious to preserve the friendliest relations between the two countries, and that he repeatedly declared that there was no fear that the United States would interfere with Cuba.

On seeing this letter, Mr. Taylor wrote one on his own account to the American papers.

In it he said that his experience had been that the Spanish authorities were unreliable, and according to his way of thinking the only way to put an end to the war, which was costing this country so much from destruction to commerce, was for the Government to take a firm stand with Spain, and insist that if the war wasn't ended by a certain fixed date we would end it for her.

To prove the truth of his assertion that Spain was unreliable, he stated that during the term of his official service in Madrid he had become convinced that Cuba would never yield, but would fight till her last drop of blood had been spilled.

Thinking it a great pity to allow such a valuable property as Cuba to be allowed to go to ruin, he decided to make an effort to bring the war to a close.

He was acquainted with Señor Castelar, who was a close friend of Canovas, the late Premier. Señor Castelar was President of Spain when it was a republic, before the young King's father was put on the throne by the aid of Canovas. At an informal dinner-party at Señor Castelar's, Mr. Taylor begged the Señor to talk to Canovas, and convince him that the war in Cuba was only a cruel waste of life and useless waste of money, as the Cubans would not submit. He asked Señor Castelar to suggest to Canovas that an attempt to pacify the island should be made by offering them liberal Home Rule.

Señor Castelar agreed with Mr. Taylor, and promised to speak to Canovas.

A few days later he sent word to Mr. Taylor that he had brought Canovas around to his way of thinking, and that Cuba was to be given Home Rule.

Mr. Taylor was very happy over the result of his efforts, and shortly after an offer of Home Rule was made to the Cubans.

It proved, however, to be Home Rule only in name. Spain was to keep control of the army, the navy, and the courts; the only privilege given to the Cubans was to be that of paying taxes to support the Government.

This offer was not acceptable to Cuba, and nothing further came of it.

When Mr. Taylor found that this was all the Home Rule Spain meant to offer the Cubans, he became discouraged, and concluded that Spain did not mean to do anything for Cuba, and that the offer was not sincerely made, but merely to gain time in the hope that the Cubans would run short of ammunition and be obliged to surrender.

Mr. Taylor has been severely criticised for making these statements.

The Government in Washington feared that serious trouble might result therefrom. What Mr. Taylor knew of the matter was learned while he was acting as an officer of the Government, and it has been thought that he should not have made his knowledge public.

The most alarming rumors grew out of the disclosures. People feared that war would be the result, and for a few hours there was a war scare. Prices of stocks fell, and one enterprising paper got out a "special," stating that war had been declared, because Spain had claimed the right to search American vessels on the high seas for arms, or what is called contraband of war.

The spread of the alarm was increased by a report that the Chamber of Commerce had once again issued a warning to the Government that the harbor defences of New York city were not strong enough, and had asked that they be strengthened.

Twice before in the history of our country that body has warned Congress: once before the outbreak of the Revolution, and again just before the Civil War.

As the members of the Chamber of Commerce had been right on both of the previous occasions, the people looked on them as prophets, and a war scare spread over the country, which caused the greatest uneasiness.

The feelings of the people were, however, calmed by an announcement from Washington that there was not the slightest cause for alarm. The governments in Washington and Madrid understood each other perfectly, and President McKinley intended to allow the promised reforms time to take effect before he even considered the idea of interference. In the announcement it was added that the warning from the Chamber of Commerce would be taken into consideration, but that there was in it nothing to throw the country into a panic.

The sudden fall in stocks was declared to be a trick on the part of some Wall Street speculators, and to mean nothing more serious than that a few sharp men had made money out of a good many foolish ones.

In regard to the threatened searching of American vessels—an action which would certainly oblige us to declare war on Spain—it was stated by those in authority that Spain does not contemplate any such course.

American vessels have a perfect right to carry arms to Cuba and fulfil any orders they may receive for such goods, as long as Spain persists in saying that war does not exist in the island. It is only when men accompany the arms that Spain has a right to protest; otherwise it is a mere carrying of merchandise from one port to another.

It is felt that while Spain has cause for anger against the American sympathisers who have sent over so many filibusters, she has none against the United States Government, which has done everything in its power to prevent the despatching of these unlawful expeditions.

Before he left Havana Weyler made a speech in which he is reported to have made remarks which have annoyed the Spanish Government. This appears to have created trouble for him.

The Spanish ministers have talked the matter over, and decided to demand an explanation from the ex-Captain-General.

The commanders of each of the ports in the Spanish kingdom have been instructed to ask the General what these remarks were the moment he sets his foot on Spanish soil, wherever that may be. If his statement agrees with the reports of his speech, he will immediately be arrested and tried by court-martial.

The particular remark reported which so offended the Government was in reference to his being certain that no other minister would keep him in office after the death of Canovas.

General Blanco is endeavoring to establish his government in Havana.

He is not having an easy time of it, however. The Spanish ministers were led to believe that there were a great number of Cubans who were desirous of seeing Home Rule established, and who would come to the assistance of Spain if she attempted to do this.

One of the proposed changes was that certain of the offices should be filled by Cubans. From the accounts given. General Blanco expected to find no difficulty in getting the Cubans to serve under him.

To his dismay he has found that the reported strong Home Rule party does not exist, and that the Cubans decline the honors offered them. He had to threaten one man with banishment from Cuba before he could persuade him to take any part in the establishment of the reforms.

The war is being actively pursued all over the island. General Garcia has, it is said, captured Holguin and Mayari in Santiago de Cuba.

At Pinar del Rio City the insurgents defeated the Spanish troops and took from them some guns and a large store of ammunition.

It is said that a million dollars, sent over to pay the Spanish army, has mysteriously disappeared from Havana's treasury, and the soldiers are extremely indignant over it.

The desperate want of money among the troops is leading to some very reprehensible acts, if we are to believe what we hear.

It seems that some soldiers brought their colonel word that they knew where they could lay hands on $14,000, and they said that if they were allowed to go and seize it they would bring it to the colonel to pay the regiment, which otherwise would mutiny.

The colonel allowed his men to set off on their shameful expedition, and learned that sure enough they had obtained the money. What was his surprise and indignation to find that, instead of bringing it to him, they had deserted to the Cubans with their booty.

While the promised reforms are being put into practice without delay, the new Captain-General is, it is said, making active preparations for war. The winter campaign against the rebels is to begin at once, and it is believed that severe fighting is ahead.

It remains to be seen whether the soldiers will do better under General Blanco's leadership than they did under Weyler.

You will be interested to know that the trial of the Competitor prisoners takes place in Havana this week.

The Spanish Government evidently wishes to settle this matter, which has been a grave source of difficulty between Madrid and Washington.

Under General Weyler's rule it was impossible to get these men tried, but Blanco has brought orders that they be tried immediately, and it is rumored that if they are found guilty they will be pardoned on condition that they leave Cuba and never return to it.

The Competitor case was explained to you in No. 40 of The Great Round World. Briefly, she was a schooner engaged in a filibustering expedition, and was overhauled and captured by the Spaniards. All the persons on board escaped but five, three of whom were sailing the ship, and claimed to be American citizens.

The defence made by these men was that the filibustering party had taken passage for Florida, and had given no indication of being engaged in any unlawful pursuit till the vessel was out of sight of land, when they took possession of her, and forced the captain to carry them over to Cuba.

This defence was not believed, and the men were sentenced to death. Our Government interfered on account of their being American citizens. A protest was sent to Spain, and a new trial was ordered. This was over a year ago, but by one means or another Weyler always contrived to prevent it.

It is reported that this Competitor case was one of the main objects of General Woodford's mission, and that the pardon of these unfortunate prisoners is in response to the President's request.

If all we hear is true, the Competitor prisoners will only be a few of the many persons whom General Blanco has been authorized to pardon. It is said that all persons prosecuted for rebellion, and all rebels accused of other crimes, are to be pardoned by the new Captain-General.

This clemency does not, however, meet with the approval of the Cubans. The pardon states that it is extended to all those whose crimes are against the state, but not to those criminals who should be punished by military law. It therefore amounts to little more than the releasing of the prisoners who are in the jails; the insurgents who have taken up arms against Spain have all been declared outlaws, and their crimes are punishable by military law, so the pardon does not apply to the soldiers who are or have been fighting in the war, and they are liable to be put to death for outlawry whenever caught.

Reference was made, in The Great Round World No. 49, to the disgraceful proceedings which were taking place in the Austrian Parliament.

Unfortunately the members of that legislature have not yet seen the shame of their conduct, but have continued to grow more violent and add to their scandalous behavior in every possible way.

The use of the Czech and Magyar languages by the officials in Bohemia and Hungary has again been under discussion, and the scenes that have occurred in the Austrian Parliament day after day are almost beyond belief.

Instead of discussing the matter in hand, the deputies fell to calling each other names like a lot of vulgar street-boys, and would eventually have fought if a few of the cooler-headed members had not forcibly restrained them.

When the din would reach its highest point, the President would adjourn the meetings; but frequently the uproar was so great that the deputies did not know that he had done so.

These scenes have continued for over a week. On one occasion when a member rose to speak on the Austro-Hungarian compact, which is also unpopular in the House, Herr Wolff, the young Bohemian who recently fought a duel with Count Badeni, the Prime Minister, began to pound loudly on the lid of his desk, and calling his friends to aid him, sang, shouted, and read from the newspaper at the top of his voice, until, after an hour and a half of confusion, the member who was trying to speak gave up the attempt in despair.

At the present moment there are three important matters which have to be considered by the Parliament, all of which have their bitter opponents. One is the language question, another the calling to account of the Prime Minister for the various acts which have displeased the people, and the third is the important question of renewing the Austro-Hungarian compact.

We told you in an earlier number that this was an agreement by which Hungary paid thirty per cent. of the money needed by the Government, and Austria the remaining seventy per cent.

Before we go any further into this matter, we had perhaps better explain to you the government that binds Austria and Hungary together.

The two countries are united under the rule of one monarch, who is known as Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary.

The two countries are linked together by certain common interests, but each is governed by its own constitution, which is in both cases a limited monarchy. This means that the power of the sovereign is limited by certain rules and laws laid down for him in the constitution.

Austria and Hungary each have their separate parliaments, and the decisions of both these legislatures require the consent of the Emperor and King before they can be made laws.

Each country has its own Premier and Cabinet, and to manage the affairs common to both countries there is a third parliament, as it were, composed of members from Hungary and Austria.

This body is appointed for a year, and meets alternately at Vienna, the capital of Austria, and Buda Pesth, the twin capital of Hungary, a city which lies half on one bank of the Danube and half on the other. It is the duty of these lawgivers to consider the matters that concern the affairs of both countries equally.

There are three state departments, whose officers are responsible for their work to the Delegations, as the third body of lawgivers is called.

These officers are the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Whole Monarchy, the Minister of War for the Whole Monarchy, and the Minister of Finance for the Whole Monarchy.

These facts may seem a little hard and uninteresting to you, but it is as well to try to master them. It looks as if we were going to hear a great deal about Austria this winter, and it will be so much easier for us to understand the events as they happen if we have mastered the peculiar form of government under which these two peoples are joined.

It might perhaps simplify the subject to you if you realize that this government is really somewhat like our own. Austria and Hungary might be any two of our own States—say Pennsylvania and New York, for instance. The Emperor, the two parliaments, and the third body which regulates the matters in common for both countries, might be our President, the state legislatures, and Congress. Of course there are points of difference between the two governments, but to take this as a general plan will help you to form an idea of what the Government of Austro-Hungary is.

On page 1012 of The Great Round World we told you about Turkey and Austria fighting for Hungary, and how since 1527 Hungary had been a part of the possessions of the House of Habsburg.1

There have been many revolts and uprisings in Hungary against the Austrian rule, and in 1867 the present arrangement was made, whereby Hungary paid thirty per cent. of the joint expenses of government. The compact, as it is called, was made for ten years. In 1877 and 1887 it was renewed for another period of ten years. Now in 1897 it must be renewed again.

Austria thinks Hungary is now in a position to pay a larger proportion of the expenses, but Hungary cannot see the force of this at all. She is, however, willing to make a fresh compact for one year, during which time the whole matter can be thoroughly discussed.

The attempt to get the compact arranged for the one year offered has been one of the causes of the trouble in the Reichsrath, or Parliament.

The Austrians do not want to renew the agreement unless they can get better terms, the Hungarians will not pay any more, and the Bohemians are opposed to every motion that is made, because they insist that their own grievance about the language shall be settled before any other business is done.

In consequence of this, the Austrian Parliament has become a bear-garden.

Mr. Clemens (Mark Twain), who happened to be in Vienna during these uproarious sittings of Parliament, and witnessed one of them, declared that the nearest approach to such a riot in his experience was the lynching of a man out West for stealing a horse—but even that was a mild scene compared to the proceedings of the Parliament.

While Mr. Clemens was watching, an Austrian member tried to speak on the Hungarian question; whereupon Mr. Wolff, the Bohemian member, began to slam the lid of his desk and then pound it with a ruler. A scuffle ensued in the attempt to wrench off the lid of the desk, during all of which the Austrian member continued to speak, it being utterly impossible to hear one word of what he was saying, because of the uproar made by the rest of these dignified lawgivers.

The haughty Hungarians have naturally become highly indignant over this conduct, and there have been stormy times in the Hungarian Parliament.

Francis Kossuth, a son of Louis Kossuth, the famous Hungarian patriot, is a member of the Lower House of the Hungarian Parliament. He created a sensation by demanding that Hungary should cut herself free from Austria and once more become an independent kingdom, as Austria did not seem to desire the renewal of the compact.

Baron Banffy, the Hungarian Premier, at once replied that the union of Austria and Hungary was complete, and a separation was impossible, and even were it not so, he could not contemplate the idea of turning Austria's troubles to the advantage of Hungary.

While the Austrian Parliament behaves in such a scandalous manner, no business can be transacted, and the matters of vital importance to the welfare of the country have to be laid aside because of the disorderly conduct of the Parliament.

The Emperor, Francis Joseph, is so disgusted with the way in which the deputies are abusing the privilege of helping to govern their country, that he threatens to suspend the constitution and act without the Parliament.

At present, it being a limited monarchy, he can only make laws by the will and consent of the people.

There is, however, a clause in the Austrian Constitution, an emergency clause, known as Article XIV., which in case of need gives the Emperor the right to suspend the constitution and act on his own responsibility.

The necessity of coming to a decision on the Hungarian question has become so great that the ministers are of the opinion that the Emperor will have to use this privilege. The Minister of Finance therefore uttered a warning to the members of the Parliament, telling them that they had better not drive the Government too far, as there was the gravest danger of the Emperor insisting upon exercising this right.

The latest despatches say that the published reports give but a slight idea of the grave trouble that is underlying this matter. It is feared that a revolution may be the result, and that martial law will have to be proclaimed in Bohemia this winter to quell the language riots.

There was great indignation in the Parliament when the warning of the Minister of Finance was announced; and grave as it seems thus to deprive the people of their rights, something must soon be done to bring the deputies to their senses. The warring factions in the Reichsrath have learned that if they cannot obtain the laws they wish to have for themselves, they can at least prevent laws from being made for others, and so they have brought the affairs of Parliament to a deadlock.

The latest news is that the House has been adjourned for a period of four days. If the members continue to act as before when the House reassembles, the probabilities are that the Emperor will suspend the constitution and take from the people the right of making laws until they prove worthy of the privilege.

While this course may bring the Austrian Parliament to order, it is likely to throw the Hungarians into still greater disorder.

Francis Kossuth, on hearing of the Emperor's intentions, announced that he would fight to the death rather than allow Hungary to accept a compact made with the Emperor alone, and without the consent of the Austrian Parliament.

You will be glad to know that Japan and Hawaii are likely to come to a friendly settlement of their differences.

You will remember that it was suggested that the matter of the exclusion of the emigrants should be decided by arbitration.

When, however, the time came for Japan to state the points she was willing to submit to arbitration, she refused to allow the possession of the $50 to be discussed.

This, as you will recollect, was the whole point of the disagreement.

Hawaii refused to accept the immigrants because it came to her knowledge that the steamship company furnished them with contracts, and loaned them the $50 required by law to enable them to pass the custom-house. The contracts were worthless, and the $50 was returned immediately on landing.

The Japanese Government in Tokio has come to the very wise and pleasant decision that the proper thing for it to do is to submit the whole case to the arbitrators and not enter into any conflict with Hawaii.

Up to the present time the letters sent by the Japanese Government have been of such a nature that they warranted the belief that Japan was ready to declare war on us on account of Hawaii.

In the present communications, however, the entire tone has changed. They are friendly and pleasant, and appear to desire to preserve friendly relations with us.

This should be especially pleasing, for the Japanese are a fine, vigorous race of people, whom we cannot but admire for their spirited conduct in their war with China. It would be a pity if we were forced to regard them in an unfriendly light.

It is reported that the reason for the change is that the Government has discovered that the information forwarded to it was misleading and calculated to give a wrong impression.

It is hinted that the Japanese minister in this country is the innocent cause of the trouble. It seems that he became very intimate with the son of Claus Spreckels, the Hawaiian Sugar King.

Young Mr. Spreckels had of course his own ideas about Hawaiian matters, and told them to the Japanese minister. This official felt that Mr. Spreckels must be thoroughly well acquainted with Sandwich Island affairs, and accepted all that he said as fact without attempting to investigate for himself.

He should not have done this, because, hard though it is for us to realize it sometimes, there are always two sides to every question, and all of us, even the fairest-minded, find it difficult to see both sides with equal clearness and justice.