The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)

TO MR. DUMAS

New York, June 23, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I arrived at this place the latter end of March, and undertook the office to which the President had been pleased to appoint me, of Secretary of State, which comprehends that of Foreign Affairs. Before I had got through the most pressing matters which had been accumulating, a long illness came upon me, and put it out of my power for many weeks to acknowledge the receipt of your letters.

* * * * *

We are much pleased to learn the credit of our paper at Amsterdam. We consider it as of the first importance, to possess the first credit there, and to use it little. Our distance from the wars of Europe, and our disposition to take no part in them, will, we hope, enable us to keep clear of the debts which they occasion to other powers. It will be well for yourself and our bankers to keep in mind always, that a great distinction is made here, between our foreign and domestic paper. As to the foreign, Congress is considered as the representative of one party only, and I think I can say with truth, that there is not one single individual in the United States, either in or out of office, who supposes they can ever do anything which might impair their foreign contracts. But with respect to domestic paper, it is thought that Congress, being the representative of both parties, may shape their contracts so as to render them practicable, only seeing that substantial justice be done. This distinction will explain to you their proceedings on the subject of their debts. The funding their foreign debts, according to express contract, passed without a debate and without a dissenting voice. The modelling and funding the domestic debt, occasions great debates, and great difficulty. The bill of ways and means was lately thrown out, because an excise was interwoven into its texture; and another ordered to be brought in, which will be clear of that. The assumption of the debts contracted by the States to individuals, for services rendered the Union, is a measure which divides Congress greatly. Some think that the States could much more conveniently levy taxes themselves to pay off these, and thus save Congress from the odium of imposing too heavy burthens in their name. This appears to have been the sentiment of the majority hitherto. But it is possible that modifications may be proposed, which may bring the measure yet into an acceptable form. We shall receive with gratitude the copy of Rymer's Federa, which you are so good as to propose for the use of our offices here.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. LESLIE

New York, June 27, 1790.

Sir,—I find among the letters to Mr. Jay, one on the subject of the vibrating rod thought of by you for a standard of measure; and I have received from Mr. Madison a manuscript pamphlet of yours on the same subject. Congress having referred to me to propose a plan of invariable measures, I have considered maturely your proposition, and am abundantly satisfied of its utility; so that if I can have your leave, I mean to propose in my report to adopt the rod in preference to the pendulum, mentioning expressly that we are indebted to you for the idea. Should they concur with me in opinion, it is possible that in carrying it into execution we may have occasion to engage your assistance in the proper adjustment of it, as well on account of your abilities in that line generally, as for the peculiar interest you would feel in the success of the experiment. Mr. Cox's letter to Mr. Jay seems to imply that you had communicated your idea that I might avail myself of it in the subject referred to me. But I think it justice to ask your express permission, and that you will be so good as to give me an answer by return of post. I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO BENJ. VAUGHAN

New York, June 27, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of March 27th came duly to hand on the 12th instant, as did your very valuable present, the dry rice, brought from the Moluccas, by Lieut. Blight. I immediately sent a few seeds to Virginia, where I am in hopes there would still be force of summer sufficient to mature it. I reserve a little for next spring, besides sowing some in pots, from which I have now twenty-three young plants, just come up. I fear, however, there is not summer enough remaining here to ripen them, without the uncertain aid of a hot house. Upon your encouragement, I think I shall venture to write to Mr. Hinton Este, of Jamaica, on the subject. You will have known that we had lost Dr. Franklin before your letter came to hand; consequently, the relation of Lieut. Blight's adventure, which you were so kind as to send, rests with me.

Though large countries within our Union are covered with the sugar maple, as heavily as can be conceived, and that this tree yields a sugar equal to the best from the cane, yields it in great quantity, with no other labor than what the women and girls can bestow, who attend to the drawing off and boiling the liquor, and the trees when skilfully tapped will last a great number of years, yet the ease with which we had formerly got cane sugar, had prevented our attending to this resource. Late difficulties in the sugar trade have excited attention to our sugar trees, and it seems fully believed by judicious persons, that we cannot only supply our own demand, but make for exportation. I will send you a sample of it, if I can find a conveyance without passing it through the expensive one of the post. What a blessing to substitute a sugar which requires only the labor of children, for that which is said to render the slavery of the blacks necessary.

An act of Congress authorizing the issuing of patents for new discoveries has given a spring to invention beyond my conception. Being an instrument in granting the patents, I am acquainted with their discoveries. Many of them indeed are trifling, but there are some of great consequence, which have been proved by practice, and others which, if they stand the same proof, will produce great effect. Yesterday the man who built the famous bridge from Boston to Charlestown, was with me, asking a patent for a pile engine of his own construction. He communicated to me another fact, of which he makes no secret, and it is important. He was formerly concerned in ship building, but for thirty years past has been a bridge builder. He had early in life observed, on examining worm-eaten ships, that the worms never eat within the seams where the corking chisel enters, and the oil, &c. He had observed that the whaling vessels would be eaten to a honey-comb, except a little above and below water, where the whale is brought in contact with the vessel, and lies beating against it till it is cut up. A plank lying under water at a mill of his had been obliged to be removed annually, because eaten up by the worms in the course of the year. At length a plank was accidentally put down which for some purpose had been thoroughly impregnated with oil. It remained seven years without being affected. Hence he took the idea of impregnating the timbers of his bridges thoroughly with oil, by heating the timber as deeply as possible, and doing it well in that state with the liver oil of the codfish. He has practiced this for thirty years, and there is no instance of the worm attacking his timbers, while those in neighboring places are immediately destroyed. He has used the liver oil of the cod, because very thick, and therefore, as he supposes, more permanent in its effect. He supposes some other oils might do, but cannot speak of them experimentally. He says there will be no difficulty in heating the planks of a ship after they are put on, as well as before; but I do not recollect his mentioning ever to have tried it in the case of a ship.

I am fixed here by the desire of my countrymen; consequently less in the way of communications in letters and the arts than I used to be. The continuance of your communications in that way will now be received with double thankfulness.

We are told you are going to war. Peace and profit will, I hope, be our lot. A high price and sure market for our productions, and no want of carrying business will, I hope, enable my countrymen to pay off both their private and public debts.

I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

TO DR. GILMER

New York, June 27, 1790.

Dear Doctor,—I have duly received your favor of May 21st, and thank you for the details it contains. Congressional proceedings go on rather heavily. The question for assuming the State debts, has created greater animosities than I ever yet saw take place on any occasion. There are three ways in which it may yet terminate. 1. A rejection of the measure, which will prevent their funding any part of the public debt, and will be something very like a dissolution of the government. 2. A bargain between the eastern members, who have it so much at heart, and the middle members, who are indifferent about it, to adopt those debts without any modification, on condition of removing the seat of government to Philadelphia or Baltimore. 3. An adoption of them with this modification, that the whole sum to be assumed shall be divided among the States in proportion to their census; so that each shall receive as much as they are to pay; and perhaps this might bring about so much good humor as to induce them to give the temporary seat of government to Philadelphia, and then to Georgetown permanently. It is evident that this last is the least bad of all the turns the thing can take. The only objection to it will be, that Congress will then have to lay and collect taxes to pay these debts, which could much better have been laid and collected by the State governments. This, though an evil, is a less one than any of the others in which it may issue, and will probably give us the seat of Government at a day not very distant, which will vivify our agriculture and commerce by circulating through our State an additional sum every year of half a million of dollars. When the last packet left England, there was great appearance of an immediate rupture with Spain. Should that take place, France will become a party. I hope peace and profit will be our share. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gilmer, and my enquiring neighbors.

I am, dear Doctor, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO M. BOUDINOT

New York, June 29, 1790.

Sir,—As it is desirable we should receive from our Consuls an exact report of all our vessels with their cargoes which go to the countries of their residence, such fees appear necessary as may induce them to be watchful that every such vessel is noted. At the same time, the fee should not be so large as to induce them to connive at foreign vessels reporting themselves as American, merely to give them the fee; five and ten dollars appear to me well proportioned.

While I was in Europe I found there was a great want of some legal mode of taking and authenticating instruments and evidence in general, to be sent to this country; such as depositions, affidavits, copies of wills, records, deeds, powers of attorney, &c. I thought it would be proper, as soon as we should have Consuls established, to make their authentications under the seal of their office, good evidence in our courts. I take the liberty of submitting to you whether a clause for these purposes might not be properly placed in this bill. I assure you the occasions for it are extremely frequent.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE

New York, June 30, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 25th came to hand last night, for which I give you many thanks. The conversion of 36.71428 pouces into 39.1923 inches, was an error in division, and consequently the mean taken between that and Graham's computation is wrong. It has rendered it necessary for me to suppress the note on that subject, and to put it into the form now enclosed. In this I state the reason for adopting 11-3 pouces as the equivalent of the English foot. It is so stated by D'Alembert in the Encyclopedie, and retained in the new Encyclopedie. To have changed it for 11-3.11 Mashelynci's measure, would have obliged me to have formed all my calculations anew, which would have exposed me to new errors of calculation; and added to the trouble and delay it would have occasioned, did not seem worth while for so small a fraction as 11-100 of a line, or the 1227th of a foot. I suppose, too, that the operation concerting between the French and English will soon furnish us with a new and more certain equation of their feet. I still like the rod rather than the pendulum, because I do not know a single objection to it which does not lie to the pendulum, because it is clear of some objections to which that is liable, but most of all, because 1-5 of the second rod is much nearer the present foot than 1-3 of the second pendulum. After all, should the French and English adopt the pendulum, we shall be free to do so also. I state on the enclosed paper a very loose answer to the 5th objection, which is the only one I can give. Can you suggest something more precise? As there is an idea that Congress will rise about the middle of July, I shall only await the answer you will be so good as to make to this, and then give in my report. This day, I fancy, will determine whether we are to be removed to Philadelphia or not; for though it will still be put to the question several times before its ultimate passage, yet I think if this day's vote of the Senate is favorable, it will pass safely through all the subsequent stages. It would have been a great comfort to me to have been near you during the preparation of this business of weights and measures. It is much easier to avoid errors by having good information at first, than to unravel and correct them after they are committed. I recommend to Congress the deferring to proceed on the report till the next session, and reserve to myself an opening to add any new matter which may occur in the meantime.

I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT

New York, July 1, 1790.

Dear Sir,—A bill has passed two readings in the Senate for removing the seat of government to Philadelphia, there to remain ten years, and then to be established permanently in Georgetown. It is to receive its third reading to-day, and it depends on a single vote, yet I believe we may count surely that it will pass that house. As it originated there, it will then have to pass the lower house; where, however, I believe it is very secure of a majority. I apprehend this news must reach you too late to send my baggage to Philadelphia instead of this place; however, to take the chance of any unexpected delay which may have attended its departure, I drop you this line by a vessel sailing this morning to Dunkirk, to pray you (if my baggage is not already embarked, or so engaged for its passage as not to admit a change of destination), that you will have it sent to Philadelphia directly. The having to send it from one port to another in the United States, costs as much nearly as the freight across the Atlantic, besides the custom-house difficulties. I think it better to wait an opportunity from thence to Philadelphia, should there not be an immediate one, than that it should make a double voyage. No time to add anything else, but that all is well. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO COL. M. LEWIS

New York, July 4, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 13th of June. The Senate have passed the bill for fixing the residence of Congress at Philadelphia for ten years, and then permanently at Georgetown; it has been read once or twice in the House of Representatives, and will be ultimately decided on the day after to-morrow. I believe it will pass there by a considerable majority. I imagine we shall remove from hence early in September, which will consequently be the time for my paying a short visit to Monticello. There is reason to expect a rupture has taken place between Spain and England. If so, it will involve France, and so render the present war of Europe almost universal there. I hope they will all see it their interest to let us make bread for them in peace, and to give us a good price for it. We have every moral certainty that wheat will be high for years to come. I cannot, therefore, my dear Sir, omit to press, for myself, the going into that culture as much as you think practicable. In Albemarle, I presume we may lay aside tobacco entirely; and in Bedford, the more we can lay it aside the happier I shall be. I believe it cannot there be entirely discontinued, for want of open lands. I will also be obliged to you to give such orders for preparing for the next year's crop in the plantation given to Mr. Randolph, as you would for me, were it to remain in my hands. I know he will be glad to have as much wheat sowed as possible. While good crops of grain, and a good price for them, will prepare a good income, if we can avoid paying that away to the stores, all will be well. For this purpose, it is vastly desirable to be getting under way with our domestic cultivation and manufacture of hemp, flax, cotton and wool for the negroes. If we may decide from past experience, we may safely say that war and domestic manufacture are more gainful than peace and store supplies. The present price of wheat here is a dollar a bushel.

Present my best esteem to Mrs. Lewis and your family. I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant.

TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ

New York, July 4, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of April 28 came to hand May 11, and found me under a severe indisposition, which kept me from all business more than a month, and still permits me to apply but very sparingly. That of June 20 was delivered me two days ago by young Mr. Middleton, whom I was very glad to see, as I am everybody and everything which comes from you. It will give me great pleasure to be of any use to him, on his father's account as well as yours.

In yours of April 28 you mention Dr. Turnbull's opinion that force alone can do our business with the Algerines. I am glad to have the concurrence of so good an authority on that point. I am clear myself that nothing but a perpetual cruise against them, or at least for eight months of the year, and for several years, can put an end to their piracies; and I believe that a confederacy of the nations not in treaty with them can be effected, so as to make that perpetual cruise, or our share of it, a very light thing, as soon as we shall have money to answer even a light thing; and I am in hopes this may shortly be the case. I participate fully of your indignation at the trammels imposed on our commerce with Great Britain. Some attempts have been made in Congress, and others are still making to meet their restrictions by effectual restriction on our part. It was proposed to double the foreign tonnage for a certain time, and after that to prohibit the exportation of our commodities in the vessels of nations not in treaty with us. This has been rejected. It is now proposed to prohibit any nation from bringing or carrying in their vessels what may not be brought or carried in ours from or to the same ports; also to prohibit those from bringing to us anything not of their own produce, who prohibit us from carrying to them anything but our own produce. It is thought, however, that this cannot be carried. The fear is that it would irritate Great Britain were we to feel any irritation ourselves. You will see by the debates of Congress that there are good men and bold men, and sensible men, who publicly avow these sentiments. Your observations on the expediency of making short treaties, are most sound. Our situation is too changing and too improving to render an unchangeable treaty expedient for us. But what are these enquiries on the part of the British minister which leads you to think he means to treat? May they not look to some other object? I suspect they do; and can no otherwise reconcile all circumstances. I would thank you for a communication of any facts on this subject.

Some questions have lately agitated the minds of Congress more than the friends of union on catholic principles would have wished. The general assumption of State debts has been as warmly demanded by some States, as warmly rejected by others. I hope still that this question maybe so divested of the injustice imputed to it as to be compromised. The question of residence, you know, was always a heating one. A bill has passed the Senate for fixing this at Philadelphia ten years, and then at Georgetown; and it is rather probable it will pass the lower house. That question then will be put to sleep for ten years; and this and the funding business being once out of the way, I hope nothing else may be able to call up local principles. If the war between Spain and England takes place, I think France will inevitably be involved in it. In that case I hope the new world will fatten on the follies of the old. If we can but establish the armed neutrality for ourselves, we must become the carriers for all parties as far as we can raise vessels.

The President had a hair-breadth escape; but he is now perfectly re-established, and looks much better than before he was sick. I expect daily to see your nephew, Mr. J. Rutledge, arrive here, as he wrote me by the May packet that he would come in that of June. He is a very hopeful young man, sensible, well-informed, prudent and cool. Our southern sun has been accused of sometimes sublimating the temper too highly. I wish all could think as coolly, but as soundly and firmly as you do. Adieu, my dear friend. Yours affectionately.

TO MR. DUMAS

New York, July 13, 1790.

Sir,—I wrote you last on the 23d of June, since which I have received yours of March the 24th to the 30th.

* * * * *

Congress are still engaged in their funding bills. The foreign debts did not admit of any difference of opinion. They were settled by a single and unanimous vote; but the domestic debt, requiring modifications and settlements, these produce great difference of opinion, and consequently retard the passage of the funding bill. The States had individually contracted considerable debts for their particular defence, in addition to what was done by Congress. Some of the States have so exerted themselves since the war, as to have paid off near the half of their individual debts. Others have done nothing. The State creditors urge, that these debts were as much for general purposes as those contracted by Congress, and insist that Congress shall assume and pay such of them as have not been yet paid by their own States. The States who have exerted themselves most, find that, notwithstanding the great payments they have made, they shall by this assumption, still have nearly as much to pay as if they had never paid anything. They are therefore opposed to it. I am in hopes a compromise will be effected by a proportional assumption, which may reach a great part of the debts, and leave still a part of them to be paid by those States who have paid few or none of their creditors. This being once settled, Congress will probably adjourn, and meet again in December, at Philadelphia. The appearance of war between our two neighbors, Spain and England, would render a longer adjournment inexpedient.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DR. GILMER

New York, July 25, 1790.

Dear Doctor,—I wrote you last on the 27th of June. Since that we have had great appearances of an explosion between Spain and England. Circumstances still indicate war. The strongest fact against it is that a British ambassador is actually gone to Madrid. If there be war, France will probably embark in it. I do not think it can disturb her revolution, that is so far advanced as to be out of danger. Be these things as they may, there will be war enough to ensure us great prices for wheat for years to come, and if we are wise we shall become wealthy. McGillivray, and about thirty Creek chiefs, are here. We are in hopes this visit will ensure the continuance of peace with them. The assumption in a proportionate form is likely to pass. The sum to be assumed is twenty-one millions. Of this three and a half millions are allotted to Virginia, being the exact sum it is supposed she will have to contribute of the whole assumption, and sufficient also to cover the whole of her remaining domestic debt. Being therefore to receive exactly what she is to pay, she will neither lose nor gain by the measure. The principal objection now is, that all the debts, general and State, will be to be raised by tax on imposts, which will thus be overburthened; whereas had the States been left to pay the debts themselves, they could have done it by taxes on land and other property, which would thus have lightened the burthen on commerce. However, the measure was so vehemently called for by the State creditors in some parts of the Union, that it seems to be one of those cases where some sacrifice of opinion is necessary for the sake of peace. Congress will probably rise between the 6th and 13th of August. The President will soon after that go to Mount Vernon, and I shall take advantage of the interregnum to see my neighbors in Albemarle, and to meet my family there. I suppose it will be the 1st of September before I can set out from this place, and shall take that occasion of having my affairs removed hence to Philadelphia. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Gilmer and all my friends. Adieu, dear Doctor, your sincere friend and humble servant.