Thoughts on African Colonization

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'What effect have the evils of slavery in this happy land upon the mind of the liberal, the unprejudiced, and philanthropic Lafayette?

'Hear him, he will speak for himself: "When I am indulging in my views of American prospects and American liberty, it is mortifying to be told that in that very country a large portion of the people are slaves. It is a dark spot on the face of the nation. Such a state of things cannot always exist." It was a sight of the evils alluded to, and their inseparable concomitants, that extorted from the pen of Mr Jefferson that comprehensive and soul-thrilling sentence – "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just, and that his justice cannot sleep for ever." But may we not indulge the hope that the evils spoken of will yet awaken the sympathies of the American people – soften their cruel prejudices – arouse their slumbering energies – and produce in them an unconquerable determination to wash from their "stars and stripes" one of the blackest spots that ever cursed the globe, or stained the historic page? Shall we be told that invincible prejudices render this great desideratum impracticable? And what is this but a libel upon the American people? What is it but to say, there is in them a moral incapacity to do justice, love mercy, and walk uprightly? Colonization orators, designing politicians, ministers of Jesus, tell me, how can you thus libel your countrymen? Surely, there is a regenerating, a redeeming spirit in the land – a spirit transforming misanthropes into philanthropists – bondmen into freemen – abettors of slavery into champions of liberty – a spirit that will yet drive from America the demon of slavery, and render it indeed "the land of the free and the home of the brave."'36

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'I have just found time to notice a few very exceptionable features of a communication over the signature of "A Marylander," published, a few days ago, in the American of our city. The writer is unquestionably entitled to the credit of being a thorough-going colonizationist. He writes in the true spirit of the cause. He seems to be under an excitement produced by the publication of our anti-colonization resolutions. This being the case, it is not to be expected that he would, throughout his communication, avail himself of the guarded, accommodating, and conciliating language usual with colonization writers and declaimers. After being convinced that the people of color are not to be persuaded to leave the land of their birth, and every thing vernacular with them, for "regions" which he tells us are "now dark as the valley of the shadow of death," he says, "I would propose then that Maryland should colonize her own free blacks." He does not add the usual qualification, "with their own consent:" he knows this will never be obtained. He therefore says: "I earnestly hope that the time is now come when our state will wake up to all the importance of this subject, and will instantly commence a system of measures imperatively demanded by the sternest principles [colonization principles?] of sound policy." We would tell this precocious statesman that we are not to be intimidated into colonization "measures" by the angry effusions of his illiberal soul; that we had rather die in Maryland under the pressure of unrighteous and cruel laws than be driven, like cattle, to the pestilential clime of Liberia, where grievous privation, inevitable disease, and premature death, await us in all their horrors. We are emboldened thus to speak, not from a reliance on the mere arm of flesh; no – it is the righteousness of our cause, a knowledge of the attributes of Deity, combined with a consciousness of innocence under suffering, that have inspired us with a moral courage which no oppression shall shake, no fulminations overawe. Our limits will not permit us to expatiate, at this time, on the import of the terms, "a system of measures – the sternest principles," &c. We would barely remark that the climax of injustice and cruelty, here suggested, nay, recommended, is the legitimate fruit of the operations of the American colonization societies relative to the free people of color. We have always believed that the "system of measures" here recommended, would be the dernier resort of these christian associations. The unmerited abuse, that has been so unsparingly heaped upon us by colonizationists for expressing our opinions of their project as connected with our happiness, their manifest determination to effectuate their object regardless of our consent, abundantly corroborate the opinion we have long since entertained. We turn, however, from the contemplation of the persecution and oppression, which, it seems, are in reserve for us, to notice, briefly, the moving cause of this virulent and relentless attack upon our rights and happiness. "The census just taken," says A Marylander, "admonishes us in the strongest manner, of the necessity of prompt and efficient measures to drain off this description of our population." Here then is the patriotic, the benevolent, the christian principle, by which the colonization societies, throughout our land, are actuated. This is the selfish policy of which we complain, and which should be execrated by all true patriots, philanthropists, and christians. Our increase is represented as an "alarming evil – an evil," said one of our colonization orators in the pulpit, not long since, "which threatens our very existence." Now, if all this be true, how can they, on their own principles, say we can never be a people in this country? Surely, they are taking effectual steps to convince us, that the enjoyment of our rights in this, our native land, is not only possible, but highly probable. This we have always believed. And we hope and pray, that it may be accomplished in a way sanctioned by the gospel of peace: "without confused noise, or garments rolled in blood." But this glorious victory over pride and prejudice, by gospel weapons, will never be accomplished by colonization principles. Nor will those ministers of the gospel have any part or lot in this matter, who solemnly declare, in the face of heaven and earth, that we can never enjoy, in this country, those inalienable rights of man, whose inviolable preservation promotes the welfare of the whole human family. Such ministers virtually declare that they do not believe the doctrines they are bound to preach; that He, from whom they profess to have received their commission, is, indeed, "a hard man, reaping where he has not sown, and gathering where he has not strawed;" that He requires of them and their flocks, that which they are morally incapable of performing; that they cannot love their neighbor as themselves, or do unto others what they wish done unto themselves, because their Lord, in his wisdom, has given some of their fellow creatures a different color from their own. These temporising, retrograde reformers are doing a serious injury to the people of color. They heed not the warning of Heaven: "Do my people no harm." They are doing more to strengthen the cruel and unchristian prejudices, already too powerful against us, than all the slaveholders in the Union. They hesitate not to declare, that, in America, we are out of the reach of humanity. They seem to think that the religion of the benevolent Saviour which enjoins, "honor all men," and which explicitly says, "if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin," is nothing more than a dead letter, or must for ever remain powerless, in the United States of America. And have these men the face to contend with the infidels of our land? Why, one infidel, with the bible in his hands, would "chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight." But notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, our cause will yet triumph. He who is for us, is stronger than all that are against us. "The rulers" of the land may "take counsel together," and some of the professed ministers of Jesus may "come into their secret," but "He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision." Fear not then, my colored countrymen, but press forward, with a laudable ambition, for all that heaven has intended for you and your children, remembering that the path of duty is the path of safety, and that "righteousness" alone "exalteth a nation."'

If excellence of style, a dignified carriage, sound logic, a high and abiding faith, and fervent piety, confer credit upon a writer, few have ever better illustrated these traits than 'A Colored Baltimorean,' or deserved a nobler tribute of praise. He who would be ashamed to acknowledge such a man as his countryman and brother, has yet to learn his own insignificance and what constitutes the majesty of human nature.

The following is an extract of a letter from a colored gentleman of wealth and respectability in Philadelphia, whose friendship is courted by honorable men, and whose usefulness is scarcely exceeded by any other citizen:

'Is it not preposterous to one, like myself, whose family has resided in the state of Pennsylvania ever since the great lawgiver, William Penn, came last to this state from England; and who fought for the independence of my country, whose Declaration asserts, that all men are born with free and equal rights – is it not preposterous to be told that this is not my country? I was seven months on board of the old Jersey Prison ship in the year 1780, "the times that tried men's souls;" and am I now to be told that Africa is my country, by some of those whose birth-place is unknown? Is it not a contradiction to say that a man is an alien to the country in which he was born? To separate the blacks from the whites is as impossible, as to bale out the Delaware with a bucket. I have always been decidedly of opinion, that if the Colonization Society would take but half the pains to improve the children of color in their own country, and expend but half the money that they are devoting to accomplish their visionary scheme of christianizing Africa, by offering premiums to master mechanics to take them as apprentices, they would do more to destroy prejudice than any thing else. When I look at this globe, containing eight or nine hundred millions of inhabitants, and see that they differ in color from the frozen to the temperate and torrid zones, and that every thing is variegated, I am astonished that any man should be so prejudiced against his fellow-man; but we pray for the aid of the Almighty to take the scales from their eyes; and that the Liberator may be one of the instruments in commencing the work.'37

'I would ask some of our pretended white friends, and the members of the American Colonization Society, why they are so interested in our behalf as to want us to go to Africa? They tell us that it is our home; that they desire to make a people of us, which we can never be here; that they want Africa civilized; and that we are the very persons to do it, as it is almost impossible for any white person to exist there. I deny it. Will some of those guardian angels of the people of color tell me how it is that we, who were born in the same city or state with themselves, can live any longer in Africa than they? I consider it the most absurd assertion that any man of common sense could make, unless it is supposed, as some have already said, that we are void of understanding. If we had been born on that continent, the transportation would be another matter; but as the fact is the reverse, we consider the United States our home, and not Africa as they wish to make us believe; – and if we do emigrate, it will be to a place of our own choice.

'I would also mention to the supporters of the Colonization Society, that if they would spend half the time and money that they do, in educating the colored population and giving them lands to cultivate here, and secure to them all the rights and immunities of freemen, instead of sending them to Africa, it would be found, in a short time, that they made as good citizens as the whites. Their traducers would hear of fewer murders, highway robberies, forgeries, &c. &c. being committed, than they do at present among some of the white inhabitants of this country.'38

'Colonization principles, abstractly considered, are unobjectionable; but the means employed for their propagation, we think, are altogether objectionable. We are deprived of our birthright, and pointed by the colonization partisans to another country as a home. They speak of the prejudices which exist against us, as an insuperable hindrance to the improvement of our situation here. We are sickened by the constant reiteration of "extraneous mass," "African inferiority," &c. which tends immediately to justify the slaveholder in his crime, and increase already existing prejudice. The Colonization Society never will effect the removal of slavery. The God of justice will never, in my opinion, let this nation off so easily. It is in vain to hold back. The eyes of all will ultimately be opened to see that nothing but universal emancipation can possibly avert impending wrath.'39

'How long, oh! ye boasters of freedom, will ye endeavor to persuade us, your derided, degraded fellow countrymen, to the belief that our interest and happiness are prized in high estimation among you? Be it known, that we are not all such misguided, deluded mortals as to be duped by your plans; that we will not suffer ourselves to become so infatuated as to "hurl reason from her throne," and succumb to your glittering, showy, dissimulating path to eminence. We spurn with contempt your unrighteous schemes, and point the finger of derision at your fruitless attempts. You have commenced them in a day, when liberty, justice and equality are claimed by almost all, as nature's rights; for behold! a beam of science, lucid as the sun, has divinely fallen upon the lightless intellects of a portion of that ignoble part of your fellow creatures, who have been so long the victims of your fell injustice and inhumanity. Would to God that conscience might subdue your malignant prejudices. Tell us not that our condition can never be bettered in the land of our birth: you know it not. Make but the attempt in consecrating a portion of your time, talents and money upon us here, and you would soon find the cause of Afric's injured race vindicated by her descendants; and the day which now dawns would be speedily ushered into blazing light, declaring in its effulgence the joyful sound of Liberty – Justice – Equality, to all mankind.'40

'There is much to be surprised at, little to admire, and nothing worthy of imitation, in the "bubbles" of our friends, the colonizationists. They have enlisted the prejudices and the support of the wealthy and influential in their favor; they have succeeded in sending some two or three thousand to Liberia; and they are flattered with their partial success, and no doubt look forward to the time when they will behold the whole of the colored inhabitants of America, in the far distant land of Africa. But let them not anticipate too much; they have yet one obstacle to overcome which threatens to overthrow their "baseless fabric;" or at any rate impede their progress. Their proceedings have not obtained the approbation of those, whose approbation is most needed, the colored people themselves. They are most strangely mistaken if they suppose that it is an easy matter to win them, either by sophistry or force. The press has begun its revolutionizing work, overturning in its progress every thing calculated to suppress inquiry or to blind the understanding. Already have the intrigues of the designing been exposed, and already have the colored people set their faces against oppression.

'The Colonization Society has erred in matters of policy; for instead of exerting themselves to gain the confidence of the colored people, and thus by persuasion to have rid the country of them, they have acted in a manner calculated to disgust every humane mind, and have rendered it an utter impossibility to remove them; and it is most fortunate for the unfortunate, that they have detected those intriguing spirits in their humane and charitable undertaking.

'How many hours of anguish, how much incalculable misery has been prevented; in short, how many human beings have been saved from an untimely grave, by the timely interposition of the PRESS! It has said, let it be so, and it was so; its thunders have been heard, and the oppressor trembles like the earthquake: it has overthrown, yea, totally demolished the sharp-edged sword of the Colonization Society.

'Support the PRESS then, ye people of color, and the result will be a total overthrow of all the darling schemes of the aforesaid darling Society; it has accomplished wonders, yea, wonders already; much more can, nay, will be done; again I say, support the PRESS.'41

'The African Colonization Society declares that we the people of color shall have no part nor lot in the free institutions of this country. Why? Because the Creator of all – the sovereign Ruler of the universe, who holds in his hands the destiny of nations, thought fit and proper, in his infinite wisdom, to tincture us with a darker hue than the paler part of community! or, if I may say, because the lot of our predecessors happened to be cast in the torrid zone, beneath the scorching beams of a vertical sun! These are the objections the African Colonization Society offer to this community to our remaining in this country – in the land of freemen! These are the considerations that prompt them to tell us that we the descendants of Africa can never be men unless we abandon the land of our birth, our homes and people, and submit to that uncongenial clime, the barbarous regions of Africa, amidst unyielding contagion and mortality! O, that man would remember, that knowledge and virtue, not complexion, are the emblems that constitute the value of human dignity! With these, we are worthy – without them, we are unworthy. By the acts and operations of wicked men, shielded under a cloak of religion, we the people of color are doomed to all the miseries that the human body is able to sustain – deprived of light, knowledge and social intercourse, by the colonization gentlemen. With all their pretended zeal and love of liberty, manifested towards the African race, I count them as enemies, not friends. I do not solicit their love, nor regard their friendship. I speak for one: I never did, and never will court an enemy as a friend, knowingly, let him be whom he may – let him belong to church or state, I feel the weight of their predominant power, and the finishing blow they are about to strike. Thus we move by them, poor and pennyless, despised and forsaken by all; creeping through your streets, submissively bowed down to every foot whose skin is tinctured with a lighter hue than ours – thus we sojourn in solitude, not for our crimes but color.

'I came here for the purpose of showing to this community, that the people of color of the United States disapprove of the African Colonization plan. They do not wish to emigrate to Africa. These six hundred or more, that the gentleman tells you are now waiting for a passage to Liberia, are not the free people of color of the United States; they are, if any, the poor, old, worn-out southern slaves, freed on the condition to go to Africa, or die in the tracks of slavery, no more fit for their cotton and rice fields – for the laws of those states forbid the master, let him be possessed of all the fine feelings that the human mind is able to contain; unless he banishes them to some distant region, across that "mighty ocean" they speak of, they cannot be free. According to the laws of those states, and the basis on which the Society is built, the emancipated slaves are not free until they stand upon the shores of Liberia. Thus the Northern and Middle States are called upon for donations to enable the monarch of the south to bury his slaves in the sands of Africa; thus far, northern capital is instrumental in parting asunder parents and children – no more to meet, until Jehovah will stand upon the four corners of the earth, and proclaim deliverance to the captive! – when the arm of tyrants shall cease to sway the rod of tyranny over the heads of their helpless children – until all creation shall vanish and crumble into nothing.

'About the time of the formation of this Society, the people of color, in different sections of the Union, took the alarm – they thought there was something wrong in the views of that combined body. So, the free people of color of Richmond, convened themselves together in the state of Virginia, where the gentleman says the African Colonization Society first originated. They assembled themselves together for the purpose of ascertaining each other's feelings with regard to that combined body, and after mature reflection, they petitioned Congress – I will give you the words of their memorial, which are sufficient evidence to substantiate in the mind of every rational person, that the people of color wish to remain in this country.

'"At a meeting of a respectable portion of the free people of color of the city of Richmond, on Friday, January 24, 1817, William Bowler was appointed chairman, and Lentey Craw, secretary. The following preamble and resolution were read, unanimously adopted, and ordered to be printed.

'"Whereas a Society has been formed at the seat of government, for the purpose of colonizing, with their own consent, the free people of color of the United States; therefore we, the free people of color of the city of Richmond, have thought it advisable to assemble together under the sanction of authority, for the purpose of making a public expression of our sentiments on a question in which we are so deeply interested. We perfectly agree with the Society, that it is not only proper, but would ultimately tend to the benefit and advantage of a great portion of our suffering fellow creatures, to be colonized; but while we thus express our approbation of a measure laudable in its purposes, and beneficial in its designs, it may not be improper in us to say, that we prefer being colonized in the most remote corner of the land of our nativity, to being exiled to a foreign country – and whereas the president and board of managers of the said Society have been pleased to leave it to the entire discretion of Congress to provide a suitable place for carrying these laudable intentions into effect – Be it therefore

'"Resolved, That we respectfully submit to the wisdom of Congress whether it would not be an act of charity to grant us a small portion of their territory, either on the Missouri river, or any place that may seem to them most conducive to the public good and our future welfare, subject, however, to such rules and regulations as the government of the United States may think proper to adopt."

'WM. BOWLER, Chairman.

'Lentey Craw, Secretary.'42

'The colonization craft is a diabolical pursuit, which a great part of our christian community are engaged in. Now, brethren, I need not enlarge on this point. You that have been observing, have already seen the trap under the bait; and although some of our population have been foolish enough to sell their birthright for a mess of pottage, yet I doubt whether the Colonization Society will entrap many more. It is too bare-faced, and contrary to all reason, to suppose, that there is any good design in this project. If they are willing to restore four-fold for what they have taken by false accusation, they can do it to better advantage in the bosom of our country, than at several thousand miles off. How would you do, brethren, if your object was really to benefit the poor? Would you send them into a neighboring forest, and there deal out that food which they were famishing for? Now we stand different from beggars. Our ancestors were stolen property, and property which belonged to God. This is well known by our religious community; and they find that the owner is about to detect them. Now if they can slip away the stolen goods, by smuggling all those out of the country, which God would be likely to make an instrument of, in bringing them to justice, and keep the rest in ignorance; by such means, things would go on well with them, and they would appease their consciences by telling what great things they are doing for the colored population and God's cause. But we understand better how it is. The deception is not so well practised, but that we can discover the mark of the beast. They will steal the sons of Africa, bring them to America, keep them and their posterity in bondage for centuries, letting them have what education they can pick up of themselves; then transport them back to Africa; by which means America gets all her drudgery done at little expense, and endeavors to flatter the Deity, by making him a sacrifice of good works of this kind. But to the awful disappointment of all such blasphemers, they will meet the justice of God, which will be to them a devouring sword.'43