The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 07 of 12)

231

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 138 sq.

232

This view was expressed by my friend Professor Ridgeway in a paper which I had the advantage of hearing him read at Cambridge in the early part of 1911. Compare The Athenaeum, No. 4360, May 20th, 1911, p. 576.

233

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 20; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, pp. 22 sq. See above, pp. 55 sq.

234

Homer, Iliad, xiv. 326.

235

Homer, Odyssey, v. 125 sqq.

236

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62. 6.

237

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. 12, p. 12, ed. Potter.

238

Hesiod, Works and Days, 465 sqq.

239

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 615, lines 25 sq.; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 714; J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae, No. 4.

240

See L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. (Oxford, 1907), p. 259, “It was long before the mother could be distinguished from the daughter by any organic difference of form or by any expressive trait of countenance. On the more ancient vases and terracottas they appear rather as twin-sisters, almost as if the inarticulate artist were aware of their original identity of substance. And even among the monuments of the transitional period it is difficult to find any representation of the goddesses in characters at once clear and impressive. We miss this even in the beautiful vase of Hieron in the British Museum, where the divine pair are seen with Triptolemos: the style is delicate and stately, and there is a certain impression of inner tranquil life in the group, but without the aid of the inscriptions the mother would not be known from the daughter”; id., vol. iii. 274, “But it would be wrong to give the impression that the numismatic artists of this period were always careful to distinguish – in such a manner as the above works indicate – between mother and daughter. The old idea of their unity of substance still seemed to linger as an art-tradition: the very type we have just been examining appears on a fourth-century coin of Hermione, and must have been used here to designate Demeter Chthonia who was there the only form that the corn-goddess assumed. And even at Metapontum, where coin-engraving was long a great art, a youthful head crowned with corn, which in its own right and on account of its resemblance to the masterpiece of Euainetos could claim the name of Kore [Persephone], is actually inscribed ‘Damater.’ ” Compare J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1878), p. 453. In regard, for example, to the famous Eleusinian bas-relief, one of the most beautiful monuments of ancient religious art, which seems to represent Demeter giving the corn-stalks to Triptolemus, while Persephone crowns his head, there has been much divergence of opinion among the learned as to which of the goddesses is Demeter and which Persephone. See J. Overbeck, op. cit. iii. 427 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, op. cit. iii. 263 sq. On the close resemblance of the artistic types of Demeter and Persephone see further E. Gerhard, Gesammelte akademische Abhandlungen (Berlin, 1866-1868), ii. 357 sqq.; F. Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, i. 2, s. v. “Ceres,” p. 1049.

241

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 97 sqq.

242

Homer, Odyssey, v. 125 sqq.

243

Proclus, on Plato, Timaeus, p. 293 c, quoted by L. F. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. 357, where Lobeck's emendation of ὔε, κύε for υἶε, τοκυῖε (Aglaophamus, p. 782) may be accepted as certain, confirmed as it is by Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, v. 7, p. 146, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859), τὸ μέγα καὶ ἄρρητον Ἐλευσινίων μυστήριον ὔε κύε.

244

As to the Eleusinian games see August Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum, pp. 179-204; P. Foucart, Les Grands Mystères d'Éleusis (Paris, 1900), pp. 143-147; P. Stengel, in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. coll. 2330 sqq. The quadriennial celebration of the Eleusinian Games is mentioned by Aristotle (Constitution of Athens, 54), and in the great Eleusinian inscription of 329 b. c., which is also our only authority for the biennial celebration of the games. See Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 258 sqq. The regular and official name of the games was simply Eleusinia (τὰ Ἐλευσίνια), a name which late writers applied incorrectly to the Mysteries. See August Mommsen, op. cit. pp. 179 sqq.; Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 587, note 171.

245

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 246, lines 25 sqq.; id. No. 587, lines 244 sq., 258 sqq.

246

Marmor Parium, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i. 544 sq.

247

Aristides, Panathen. and Eleusin. vol. i. pp. 168, 417, ed. G. Dindorf.

248

Schol. on Pindar, Olymp. ix. 150, p. 228, ed. Aug. Boeckh.

249

Aristides, ll.cc.

250

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 246, lines 25 sqq. The editor rightly points out that the Great Eleusinian Games are identical with the games celebrated every fourth year, which are mentioned in the decree of 329 b. c. (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 260 sq.).

251

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 259 sqq. From other Attic inscriptions we learn that the Eleusinian games comprised a long foot-race, a race in armour, and a pancratium. See Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 587 note 171 (vol. ii. p. 313). The Great Eleusinian Games also included the pentathlum (Dittenberger, op. cit. No. 678, line 2). The pancratium included wrestling and boxing; the pentathlum included a foot-race, leaping, throwing the quoit, throwing the spear, and wrestling. See W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Third Edition, s. vv. “Pancratium” and “Pentathlon.”

252

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 246, lines 46 sqq.; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 609. See above, p. 61. The identification lies all the nearer to hand because the inscription records a decree in honour of a man who had sacrificed to Demeter and Persephone at the Great Eleusinian Games, and a provision is contained in the decree that the honour should be proclaimed “at the Ancestral Contest of the Festival of the Threshing-floor.” The same Ancestral Contest at the Festival of the Threshing-floor is mentioned in another Eleusinian inscription, which records honours decreed to a man who had sacrificed to Demeter and Persephone at the Festival of the Threshing-floor. See Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική, 1884, coll. 135 sq.

253

See above, p. 61.

254

Diodorus Siculus, v. 68; Arrian, Indic. 7; Lucian, Somnium, 15; id., Philopseudes, 3; Plato, Laws, vi. 22, p. 782; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. 2; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28, p. 53, ed. C. Lang; Pausanias, i. 14. 2, vii. 18. 2, viii. 4. 1; Aristides, Eleusin. vol. i. pp. 416 sq., ed. G. Dindorf; Hyginus, Fabulae, 147, 259, 277; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 549 sqq.; id., Metamorph. v. 645 sqq.; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 19. See also above, p. 54. As to Triptolemus, see L. Preller, Demeter und Persephone (Hamburg, 1837), pp. 282 sqq.; id., Griechische Mythologie,4 i. 769 sqq.

255

C. Strube, Studien über den Bilderkreis von Eleusis (Leipsic, 1870), pp. 4 sqq.; J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, iii. (Leipsic, 1873-1880), pp. 530 sqq.; A. Baumeister, Denkmäler des classischen Altertums, iii. 1855 sqq. That Triptolemus sowed the earth with corn from his car is mentioned by Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. 2; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28, pp. 53 sq., ed. C. Lang; Hyginus, Fabulae, 147; and Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 19.

256

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 20, lines 37 sqq.; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905), No. 9, p. 24.

257

Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, i. 4. 30.

258

Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, xviii. 483; L. Preller, Demeter und Persephone, p. 286; F. A. Paley on Hesiod, Works and Days, 460. The custom of ploughing the land thrice is alluded to by Homer (Iliad, xviii. 542, Odyssey, v. 127) and Hesiod (Theogony, 971), and is expressly mentioned by Theophrastus (Historia Plantarum, vii. 13. 6).

259

So I am informed by my learned friend the Rev. Professor J. H. Moulton.

260

J. Toepffer, Attische Genealogie (Berlin, 1889), pp. 138 sq. However, the Eleusinian Torchbearer Callias apparently claimed to be descended from Triptolemus, for in a speech addressed to the Lacedaemonians he is said by Xenophon (Hellenica, vi. 3. 6) to have spoken of Triptolemus as “our ancestor” (ὁ ἡμέτερος πρόγονος). See above, p. 54. But it is possible that Callias was here speaking, not as a direct descendant of Triptolemus, but merely as an Athenian, who naturally ranked Triptolemus among the most illustrious of the ancestral heroes of his people. Even if he intended to claim actual descent from the hero, this would prove nothing as to the historical character of Triptolemus, for many Greek families boasted of being descended from gods.

261

The prize of barley is mentioned by the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. ix. 150. The Scholiast on Aristides (vol. iii. pp. 55, 56, ed. G. Dindorf) mentions ears of corn as the prize without specifying the kind of corn. In the official Athenian inscription of 329 b. c., though the amount of corn distributed in prizes both at the quadriennial and at the biennial games is stated, we are not told whether the corn was barley or wheat. See Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 259 sqq. According to Aristides (Eleusin. vol. i. p. 417, ed. G. Dindorf, compare p. 168) the prize consisted of the corn which had first appeared at Eleusis.

262

Marmor Parium, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i. 544. That the Rarian plain was the first to be sown and the first to bear crops is affirmed by Pausanias (i. 38. 6).

263

Pausanias, i. 38. 6.

264

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 119 sq. In the same inscription, a few lines lower down, mention is made of two pigs which were used in purifying the sanctuary at Eleusis. On the pig in Greek purificatory rites, see my notes on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 and v. 16. 8.

265

See below, pp. 140 sqq., 155 sqq., 164 sqq., compare 218 sqq.

266

See below, pp. 147 sqq., 221 sq., 223 sq.

267

See above, p. 43.

268

A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche (Leipsic, 1848), pp. 398, 399, 400.

269

P. Drechsler, Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien (Leipsic, 1903-1906), ii. 70 sq.

270

A. Kuhn, Märkische Sagen und Märchen (Berlin, 1843), pp. 341 sq.

271

See below, pp. 133 sqq.

272

Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. ix. 150, p. 228, ed. Aug. Boeckh.

273

The games are assigned to Metageitnion by P. Stengel (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. 2. coll. 2331 sq.) and to Boedromion by August Mommsen and W. Dittenberger. The last-mentioned scholar supposes that the games immediately followed the Mysteries, and August Mommsen formerly thought so too, but he afterwards changed his view and preferred to suppose that the games preceded the Mysteries. See Aug. Mommsen, Heortologie (Leipsic, 1864), p. 263; id., Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 182 sqq.; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, note 171 (vol. ii. pp. 313 sq.). The dating of the games in Metageitnion or in the early part of Boedromion depends on little more than a series of conjectures, particularly the conjectural restoration of an inscription and the conjectural dating of a certain sacrifice to Democracy.

274

A. de Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (London, 1884), pp. 354 sq., 367 sqq.; R. Munro, The Lake-dwellings of Europe (London, Paris, and Melbourne, 1890), pp. 497 sqq.; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 8 sqq.; id., Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte (Jena, 1906-1907), ii. 185 sqq.; H. Hirt, Die Indogermanen (Strasburg, 1905-1907), i. 254 sqq., 273 sq., 276 sqq., ii. 640 sqq.; M. Much, Die Heimat der Indogermanen (Jena and Berlin, 1904), pp. 221 sqq.; T. E. Peet, The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy and Sicily (Oxford, 1909), p. 362.

275

Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 54, where the quadriennial (penteteric) festival of the Eleusinian Games is mentioned along with the quadriennial festivals of the Panathenaica, the Delia, the Brauronia, and the Heraclea. The biennial (trieteric) festival of the Eleusinian Games is mentioned only in the inscription of 329 b. c. (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 587, lines 259 sq.). As to the identity of the Great Eleusinian Games with the quadriennial games see Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, No. 246 note 9, No. 587 note 171.

276

As to the Plataean games see Plutarch, Aristides, 21; Pausanias, ix. 2. 6.

277

Strabo, vii. 7. 6, p. 325; Suetonius, Augustus, 18; Dio Cassius, li. 1; Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, s. v. “Actia.”

278

Pausanias, viii. 9. 8.

279

Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth., Argument, p. 298, ed. Aug. Boeckh; Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 6. According to the scholiast on Pindar (l. c.) the change from the octennial to the quadriennial period was occasioned by the nymphs of Parnassus bringing ripe fruits in their hands to Apollo, after he had slain the dragon at Delphi.

280

Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 35 (20), p. 98, ed. Aug. Boeckh. Compare Boeckh's commentary on Pindar (vol. iii. p. 138 of his edition); L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 366 sq., ii. 605 sqq.

281

See The Dying God, chapter ii. § 4, “Octennial Tenure of the Kingship,” especially pp. 68 sq., 80, 89 sq.

282

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, viii. 25 sqq., pp. 110 sqq., ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898); Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 2-6.

283

Geminus, l. c.

284

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, viii. 36-41.

285

Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 5. As Eudoxus flourished in the fourth century b. c., some sixty or seventy years after Meton, who introduced the nineteen years' cycle to remedy the defects of the octennial cycle, the claim of Eudoxus to have instituted the latter cycle may at once be put out of court. The claim of Cleostratus, who seems to have lived in the sixth or fifth century b. c., cannot be dismissed so summarily; but for the reasons given in the text he can hardly have done more than suggest corrections or improvements of the ancient octennial cycle.

286

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, viii. 27. With far less probability Censorinus (De die natali, xviii. 2-4) supposes that the octennial cycle was produced by the successive duplication of biennial and quadriennial cycles. See below, pp. 86 sq.

287

L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, ii. 605.

288

The Dying God, pp. 58 sqq. Speaking of the octennial cycle Censorinus observes that “Ob hoc in Graecia multae religiones hoc intervallo temporis summa caerimonia coluntur” (De die natali, xviii. 6). Compare L. Ideler, op. cit. ii. 605 sq.; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, i.2 732 sq. The great age and the wide diffusion of the octennial cycle in Greece are rightly maintained by A. Schmidt (Handbuch der griechischen Chronologie, Jena, 1888, pp. 61 sqq.), who suggests that the cycle may have owed something to the astronomy of the Egyptians, with whom the inhabitants of Greece are known to have had relations from a very early time.

289

Aratus, Phaenomena, 733 sqq.; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 255 sq.

290

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, viii. 15-45.

291

Macrobius, Saturnalia, i. 15. 9 sqq.; Livy, ix. 46. 5; Valerius Maximus, ii. 5. 2; Cicero, Pro Muraena, xi. 25; id., De legibus, ii. 12. 29; Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 40; Plutarch, Caesar, 59.

292

See The Dying God, pp. 92 sqq.

293

Plato, Meno, p. 81 a-c; Pindar, ed. Aug. Boeckh, vol. iii. pp. 623 sq., Frag. 98. See further The Dying God, pp. 69 sq.

294

Plutarch, Aristides, 21; Pausanias, ix. 2. 6.

295

See above, p. 80.

296

Pausanias, iv. 5. 10; compare Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, iii. 1; G. Gilbert, Handbuch der griechischen Staatsalterthumer, i.2 (Leipsic, 1893) pp. 122 sq.

297

See The Dying God, pp. 89-92.

298

L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, ii. 606 sq.

299

Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 2-4.

300

Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 2.

301

L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 270.

302

Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 20. “In Cereris autem sacris praedicantur illa Eleusinia, quae apud Athenienses nobilissima fuerunt. De quibus iste [Varro] nihil interpretatur, nisi quod attinet ad frumentum, quod Ceres invenit, et ad Proserpinam, quam rapiente Orco perdidit. Et hanc ipsam dicit significare foecunditatem seminum… Dicit deinde multa in mysteriis ejus tradi, quae nisi ad frugum inventionem non pertineant.”

303

A. Baumeister, Denkmäler des classischen Altertums, i. 577 sq.; Drexler, s. v. "Gaia," in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 1574 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. (Oxford, 1907) p. 27.

304

Pausanias, vii. 21. 11. At Athens there was a sanctuary of Earth the Nursing-Mother and of Green Demeter (Pausanias, i. 22. 3), but we do not know how the goddesses were represented.

305

L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. 256 with plate xxi. b.

306

The distinction between Demeter (Ceres) and the Earth Goddess is clearly marked by Ovid, Fasti, iv. 673 sq.:

“Officium commune Ceres et Terra tuentur;Haec praebet causam frugibus, illa locum.”

307

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 Nos. 20, 408, 411, 587, 646, 647, 652, 720, 789. Compare the expression διώνυμοι θέαι applied to them by Euripides, Phoenissae, 683, with the Scholiast's note.

308

The substantial identity of Demeter and Persephone has been recognised by some modern scholars, though their interpretations of the myth do not altogether agree with the one adopted in the text. See F. G. Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre (Göttingen, 1857-1862), ii. 532; L. Preller, in Pauly's Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vi. 106 sq.; F. Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, i. 2. pp. 1047 sqq.

309

Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 480 sqq.; Pindar, quoted by Clement of Alexandria, Strom. iii. 3. 17, p. 518, ed. Potter; Sophocles, quoted by Plutarch, De audiendis poetis, 4; Isocrates, Panegyricus, 6; Cicero, De legibus, ii. 14. 36; Aristides, Eleusin. vol. i. p. 421, ed. G. Dindorf.

310

A learned German professor has thought it worth while to break the poor butterfly argument on the wheel of his inflexible logic. The cruel act, while it proves the hardness of the professor's head, says little for his knowledge of human nature, which does not always act in strict accordance with the impulse of the syllogistic machinery. See Erwin Rohde, Psyche3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), i. 290 sqq.

311

1 Corinthians xv. 35 sqq.

312

See above, p. 71, with the footnote 5.

313

See above, pp. 74 sqq.

314

A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 156 sq.

315

A. W. Nieuwenhuis, op. cit. i. 164.

316

A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, i. 164-167.

317

A. W. Nieuwenhuis, op. cit. i. 163. The motive assigned for the exclusion of strangers at the sowing festival applies equally to all religious rites. “In all religious observances,” says Dr. Nieuwenhuis, “the Kayans fear the presence of strangers, because these latter might frighten and annoy the spirits which are invoked.” On the periods of seclusion and quiet observed in connexion with agriculture by the Kayans of Sarawak, see W. H. Furness, Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters (Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 160 sqq.