The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 09 of 12)

680

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 99-104; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 159-165, 202-209; F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by Ch. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 301-303; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 512-516; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 321-324. As to the dances of the maidens wearing garlands of maize, see also J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies (London, 1880), ii. 380.

681

J. de Acosta, The Natural and Moral History of the Indies (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880), ii. 321; Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 118-120; Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 182 sq. Acosta's description of the idol is abridged. As to the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, worshipped especially by the people of Cholula, see J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 577 sqq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), iii. 248 sqq.

682

J. de Acosta, The Natural and Moral History of the Indies (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880), ii. 384-386. I have modernized the old translator's spelling. The accounts of Duran and the anonymous author of the Ramirez manuscript agree verbally with that of Acosta. It is plain that Acosta and Duran drew on the same source, which may be the Ramirez manuscript. However, Duran is the only one of the three who gives the date of the festival (the third of February). See Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 120 sq.; Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par de Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 182 sqq. Compare A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Captain John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 218 sq.; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 589 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), iii. 286.

683

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 64, 115-117; J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana (Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 18, vol. ii. p. 268. Compare F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 305; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 517 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 325-327.

684

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 65 sq., 118-126; J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana (Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 19, vol. ii. pp. 269-271; E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 421-423. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 518-520; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 326 sq. I have followed Torquemada (vol. ii. p. 269) and the French translators of Sahagun (p. 65, note 2) in deriving the name of Xilonen from xilotl in the sense of “young cobs of maize.” But according to E. J. Payne, the word xilotl means “hair,” and Xilonen is “Hairy Mother” (Mater comata) with reference to the hair-like fibres or tassels that shoot from the maize-cobs. See E. J. Payne, op. cit. i. 417. On either interpretation the goddess is a personification of the young maize. The goddess of the maize in general was called Cinteotl or Centeotl (Centeutl), a name which, according to Torquemada, is derived from centli, “maize-cob” (Monarquia Indiana, lib. vi. cap. 25, vol. ii. p. 52). But E. J. Payne, while he regards Cinteotl as the maize-goddess, explains her name differently. He says (op. cit. i. 416 sq.): “The Totonacs worshipped the corn-spirit under names which were translated into Mexican as Tzinteotl (goddess of beginning or origin) and Tonacayohua (provider of our food). They considered her to be the wife of the sun, their supreme god. Theoretically subordinated to him, the maize-goddess was in practice the chief deity of the Totonacs: it was to her service that the principal warriors, quitting their wives and children, dedicated themselves in their old age.” Similarly Clavigero, who lived many years in Mexico and learned the Mexican language, explains Cinteotl (Tzinteotl) to mean “original goddess”; he adds that the Maize Goddess changed her name “according to the different states of the grain in the progress of its growth” (History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, i. 253 note p). Another name applied to the Maize Goddess Cinteotl was Chicomecohuatl or “Seven Snakes.” See J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 13, vol. ii. p. 255; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 491 sqq.; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 108 sq., 112. Some have held that Cinteotl was a Maize God rather than a Maize Goddess. See H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 349 sqq.

685

The Mexican year of three hundred and sixty-five days was divided into eighteen months of twenty days each, with five supplementary days over. See J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 36, vol. ii. p. 300 (Madrid, 1723); B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), p. lxvii.; F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 290 sq.

686

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 75, 158-160; J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 29, vol. ii. pp. 284 sq. (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 312; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique et de l' Amérique-Centrale, iii. 535 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 337 sq.

687

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 18 sq., 68 sq., 133-139: J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana (Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 23, vol. ii. pp. 275 sq.; Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 185-191. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 523-525; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 353-359; E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. (Oxford, 1892), pp. 470 sq. A statue of basalt, about half the size of life, said to have come from Tezcuco, represents a man clothed in a human skin which he wears on his body, his arms, and his face; his own skin is painted bright red, the other skin a dirty white. See H. H. Bancroft, op. cit. iv. 522; Marquis de Nadaillac, L'Amérique Préhistorique (Paris, 1883), p. 295, fig. 119. In the Art Museum (Kunst-Museum) at Bâle there is a statuette of the same sort. It is labelled: “Xipe. Der in einer Menschenhaut gekleidete Gott. Gesch. v. H. Luk. Vischer (1828-1837).” The figure is about eighteen inches high and appears to be made of a porous stone. It represents a man seated on his haunches with his feet crossed in front of him and his hands resting on his knees. His own skin, of which the legs, feet, hands, wrists, neck and part of the face are visible, is coloured a terra-cotta red. The rest of his body is covered by the representation of the skin of a human victim, of a greyish colour, quite distinct from that of the wearer, and this skin is also worn like a mask on his face. At his back the jacket of human skin only partially meets, displaying the wearer's red skin under it for some distance; it is as if the skin of the human victim had been split up the back and then drawn together and fastened at the back of the wearer like an ill-fitting and imperfectly buttoned coat. The hands of the human victim are represented dangling at the wrists of the seated figure. I saw this remarkable statuette in the Museum at Bâle on July 25th, 1912, but I was not able to remove it from the case for closer examination. As to Xipe, the Mexican god clad in a human skin, whom the statuette represents, see below, pp. 296 sqq.

688

As to this name for the Maize Goddess, see above, p. 286, note 1.

689

Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 179-184. This remarkable festival appears not to be noticed by the other early Spanish writers such as Sahagun, Acosta, and Torquemada, who have given us detailed descriptions of the Mexican festivals. It might perhaps have been conjectured that Duran was here describing the similar festival of the Mother of the Gods (see above, pp. 288 sqq.), which fell about the same time of the year. But the conjecture is excluded by the simple fact that Duran describes both festivals, the one immediately after the other, assigning as their dates the fifteenth and sixteenth of September respectively (op. cit. ii. 180, 185 sq.). Almost nothing is known about Duran except that he was a Spanish monk, apparently a native of Mexico, who had weak health and died in 1588. His work remained in manuscript till it was edited at Mexico in 1867-1880 by José F. Ramirez. The original manuscript is preserved in the Natìonal Library at Madrid. The accounts contained in his history bear internal marks of authenticity and are in general supported by the independent testimony of the other early Spanish authorities.

690

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 236 sqq.

691

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 37 sq., 58-60, 87-94, 584 sq.; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 76-100, 171-188 (the latter passage gives the Aztec text of Sahagun's account with a German translation); Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 147-155; J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 11, vol. ii. pp. 252 sq. (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 297 sq.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 503 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), ii. 306 sqq. According to Torquemada, the prisoners were flayed alive, but this statement is not, so far as I know, supported by the other early Spanish authorities. It is Duran who gives the 20th of March as the date of the festival at which the captives were killed and skinned; but this is inconsistent with the evidence of Sahagun, according to whom the second Aztec month, in which the festival fell, ended with the 13th of March. See B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, p. 51.

692

J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. pp. 285 sq. (Mexico, 1723); B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 164 sq. The latter writer does not describe the mode in which the victims were sacrificed at this quadriennial festival; but he describes as in the text the annual sacrifice of victims in honour of the fire-god in the tenth month of the Mexican year (op. cit. pp. 67 sq., 129 sqq.). Compare F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 306 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 329 sq.

693

J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 30, vol. ii. p. 286 (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 283 sq.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 539 sq.

694

B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon, pp. 37, 93; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin. 1889) pp. 96, 185 (quoting the Aztec text of Sahagun).

695

R. Schomburgk, Reisen in Britisch-Guiana (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 319. I have already noticed this and the following stories of the origin of death in The Belief in Immortality, i. 69 sqq.

696

R. Schomburgk, op. cit. ii. 320.

697

A. Landes, “Contes et Légendes Annamites,” Cochinchine française, Excursions et Reconnaissances, No. 25 (Saigon, 1886), pp. 108 sq.

698

H. Sundermann, “Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst,” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, xi. (1884) p. 451; id., Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst (Barmen, 1905), p. 68; E. Modigliani, Un Viaggio a Nias (Milan, 1890), p. 295; A. Fehr, Der Niasser im Leben und Sterben (Barmen, 1901), p. 8.

699

P. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, preface dated Christmas, 1906), p. 334.

700

R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), pp. 260, 265; W. Gray, “Some Notes on the Tannese,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, vii. (1894) p. 232. The same story of the origin of death has been recorded in the Shortlands Islands and among the Kai of German New Guinea. See C. Ribbe, Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen der Salomo-Inseln (Dresden-Blasowitz, 1903), p. 148; Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 161 sq. It is also told with some variations by the natives of the Admiralty Islands. See Josef Meier, “Mythen und Sagen der Admiralitätsinsulaner,” Anthropos, iii. (1908) p. 193.

701

Miss A. Werner, “Two Galla Legends,” Man, xiii. (1913) pp. 90 sq.

702

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 40 sqq., ii. 376 sqq.

703

Virgil, Georg. ii. 536-540, Aen. viii. 319-327, with the comments of Servius; Tibullus, i. 3. 35-48; Ovid, Fasti, i. 233 sqq.; Lucian, Saturnalia, 7; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 7. 21-26; Justin, xliii. 1. 3-5; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 3; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 34. On Saturn and the Saturnalia see especially L. Preller, Römische Mythologie,3 ii. 10 sqq. Compare J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 586 sqq.; W. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1899), pp. 268-273; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer2 (Munich, 1912), pp. 204 sqq.; id., in W. H. Roscher's Ausführliches Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iv. 427 sqq. A good account of the Saturnalia, based on the texts of the classical writers, is given by Dezobry (Rome au siècle d'Auguste,3 iii. 143 sqq.). The name Saturn seems to be etymologically akin to satus and satio, “a sowing” or “planting.” Compare Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 64, “Ab satu est dictus Saturnus”; Festus, s. v. “Opima spolia,” p. 186 ed. C. O. Müller: “ipse [Saturnus] agrorum cultor habetur, nominatus a satu, tenensque falcem effingitur, quae est insigne agricolae.” Compare Tertullian, Ad Nationes, ii. 12; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv. 9; Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 2, 3, 13, 15, 18, 19. The god's name appears in the form Saeturnus inscribed on an ancient bowl (H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. pars i. p. 2, No. 2966).

704

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 38; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 7. 31; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 21; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, ii. 68.

705

For the general dissipation of the Saturnalia see Seneca, Epist. 18; for the seven days of the popular festival see Martial, xiv. 72. 2; Macrobius, Sat. i. 10. 2; Lucian, Saturnalia, 21.

706

Horace, Sat. ii. 7. 4 sq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 7. 26; Justin, xliii. 1. 4; Plutarch, Sulla, 18; Lucian, Saturnalia, 5, 7; Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 23.

707

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 7, i. 24. 23; Solinus, i. 35; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iii. 15; Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 b; Dio Cassius, lx. 19.

708

Seneca, Epist. 47. 14. Compare Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 23.

709

Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 15; Arrian, Epicteti Dissert. i. 25. 8; Lucian, Saturnalia, 4.

710

“Les Actes de S. Dasius,” Analecta Bollandiana, xvi. (1897) pp. 5-16. I have to thank Prof. Cumont for courteously sending me a copy of this important paper. The bearing of the new evidence on the Saturnalia has been further discussed by Messrs. Parmentier and Cumont (“Le roi des Saturnales,” Revue de Philologie, xxi. (1897) pp. 143-153).

711

The phrase of the Paris MS. is ambiguous (τοῖς ἀνωνύμοις καὶ μυσαροῖς εἰδώλοις προσεκόμιζεν ἑαυτὸν σπονδήν, ἀναιρούμενος ὑπὸ μαχαίρας); but the other two versions say plainly that the mock king perished by his own hand (μέλλοντα ἑαυτὸν ἐπισφάξαι τῷ βωμῷ τοῦ Κρόνου, Berlin MS.; ἑαυτὸν ἐπισφάξαι αὐτοχείρως τῷ Κρόνῳ, Milan MS.).

712

Franz Cumont, “Le tombeau de S. Dasius de Durostorum,” Analecta Bollandiana, xxvii. (Brussels, 1908) pp. 369-372. The inscription on the sarcophagus runs thus: Ἐνταῦθα κατακεῖται ὁ ἅγιος μάρτυς Δάσιος ἐνεχθεὶς ἀπὸ Δωροστόλου. The inscription on the altar runs thus: “Vetere diruta nobiliorem FF. Karmelitani excalciati aram extruxerunt subter qua sanctorum martyrum Peregrini Flaviani Dasii corpora et infantium ab Herode necatorum ossa minus decenter antiquitus recondita honorificentius et populo spectanda reponi curaverunt die virgini et matri Theresiae sacro anno MDCCCIV.”

713

The opinion that at Rome a man used to be sacrificed at the Saturnalia cannot be regarded as in itself improbable, when we remember that down apparently to the establishment of Christianity a human victim was slaughtered every year at Rome in honour of Latian Jupiter. See Tertullian, Apologeticus, 9, Contra Gnosticos Scorpiace, 7; Minucius Felix, Octavius, 22 and 30; Lactantius, Divin. Instit. i. 21; Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 56. We may conjecture that at first the sacrifice took place on the top of the Alban Mountain, and was offered to Saturn, to whom, as we have seen, high places were sacred.

714

The Dying God, pp. 220 sqq.

715

Joannes Boemus, Mores, Leges, et Ritus Omnium Gentium (Lyons, 1541), p. 122; The Popish Kingdome or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latin verse by Thomas Naogeorgus and Englyshed by Barnabe Googe, 1570, edited by R. C. Hope (London, 1880), pp. 45 sq.; E. Pasquier, Recherches de la France (Paris, 1633), pp. 375 sq.; R. Herrick, “Twelfth Night, or King and Queene,” The Works of Robert Herrick (Edinburgh, 1823), ii. 171 sq.; J. Brand, Popular Antiquities of Great Britain (London, 1883), i. 21 sqq.; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, British Popular Customs (London, 1876), pp. 24-28; R. Chambers, The Book of Days (London and Edinburgh, 1886), i. 61 sqq.; Desgranges, “Usages du Canton de Bonneval,” Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires de France, i. (Paris, 1817) pp. 233-236; L. Beaulieu, Archéologie de la Lorraine (Paris, 1840-1843), i. 255 sq.; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Calendrier Belge (Brussels, 1861-1862), i. 23 sqq.; id., Das festliche Jahr (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 20-23; E. Cortet, Essai sur les Fêtes religieuses (Paris, 1867), pp. 29-50; J. H. Schmitz, Sitten und Sagen, Lieder, Sprüchwörter und Räthsel des Eifler Volkes (Trèves, 1856-1858), i. 6; Laisnel de la Salle, Croyances et Légendes du Centre de la France (Paris, 1875), i. 19-29; J. Lecœur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 125; L. Bonnemère, “Le Jour des Rois en Normandie,” Revue des Traditions populaires, ii. (1887) pp. 55 sq.; P. Sébillot, “La Fête des Rois,” Revue des Traditions populaires, iii. (1888) pp. 7-12; A. Meyrac, Traditions, Coutumes, Légendes et Contes des Ardennes (Charleville, 1890), pp. 74 sq.; J. L. M. Noguès, Les Mœurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis (Saintes, 1891), pp. 49 sqq.; L. F. Sauvé, Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges (Paris, 1889), pp. 16 sq.; Ch. Beauquier, Les Mois en Franche-Comté (Paris, 1900), pp. 16 sq.; F. Chapiseau, Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche (Paris, 1902), i. 312-315; Anatole France, “Le roy boit,” Annales Politiques et Littéraires, 5 Janvier, 1902, pp. 4 sq.; La Bresse Louhannaise, Janvier, 1906, pp. 42-46. The custom of making white crosses on the ceiling is reported for Germany and Switzerland, but apparently not for France. It is mentioned in the earliest of the works cited above, namely that of Joannes Boemus, whose description applies especially to Franconia (Franken).

716

This I learn from my friend M. Léon Chouville of Rouen and Cambridge. The custom is also kept up in Bresse (La Bresse Louhannaise, Janvier, 1906, pp. 44-46).

717

L. Beaulieu, Archéologie de la Lorraine (Paris, 1840-1843), i. 256 note 1; E. Cortet, Essai stir les Fêtes religieuses (Paris, 1867), p. 43.

718

L. F. Sauvé, op. cit. pp. 17 sq.

719

Anatole France, “Le roy boit,” Annales Politiques et Littéraires, 5 Janvier, 1902, p. 5. In some parts of France divination was practised for this purpose on Christmas Day. Twelve grains of wheat, each representing a month of the year, were placed, one after the other, on a hot fire-shovel; if the grain bounced up from the shovel, wheat would be dear in the corresponding month, but it would be cheap if the grain remained still. See J. B. Thiers, Traité des Superstitions (Paris, 1679), p. 268. See further P. Sébillot, Le Folk-lore de France, iii. (Paris, 1906) pp. 510 sq.