The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 04 of 12)

254

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 2; Euripides, Phoenissae, 822 sq.; Pindar, Pyth. iii. 155 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1; Pausanias, iii. 18. 12, ix. 12. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494.

255

Proclus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 321, ed. Bekker.

256

Proclus, l. c.

257

Pindar, Pyth. iii. 155 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1; Pausanias, ix. 12. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494.

258

Schol. on Euripides, Phoenissae, 7 καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐν τῇ Σαμοθρᾴκῃ ζητοῦσιν αὐτὴν [scil. Ἁρμονίαν] ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς. According to the Samothracian account, Cadmus in seeking Europa came to Samothrace, and there, having been initiated into the mysteries, married Harmonia (Diodorus Siculus, v. 48 sq.). It is probable, though it cannot be proved, that the legend was acted in the mystic rites.

259

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 133. Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested that the central scene on the eastern frieze of the Parthenon represents the king and queen of Athens about to take their places among the enthroned deities. See his article “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 371. As the scenes on the frieze appear to have been copied from the Panathenaiac festival, it would seem, on Mr. Cook's hypothesis, that the sacred marriage of the King and Queen was celebrated on that occasion in presence of actors who played the parts of gods and goddesses. In this connexion it may not be amiss to remember that in the eastern gable of the Parthenon the pursuit of the moon by the sun was mythically represented by the horses of the sun emerging from the sea on the one side, and the horses of the moon plunging into it on the other.

260

Schol. on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 35 (20).

261

Compare Aug. Boeckh, on Pindar, l. c., Explicationes, p. 138; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 366 sq.; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, i. 605 sq. All these writers recognise the octennial cycle at Olympia.

262

K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 ii. 483; compare id. i. 254 sq.

263

Pausanias, v. 1. 4.

264

Aug. Boeckh, l. c.; A. Schmidt, Handbuch der griechischen Chronologie (Jena, 1888), pp. 50 sqq.; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 438; W. H. Roscher, Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 2 sq., 80 sq., 101.

265

See Aug. Boeckh and L. Ideler, ll.cc. More recent writers would date it on the second full moon after the summer solstice, hence in August or the last days of July. See G. F. Unger, l. c.; E. F. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie, vii. (1884) pp. 347 sq.; Aug. Mommsen, Über die Zeit der Olympien (Leipsic, 1891); and my note on Pausanias, v. 9. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 488 sq.).

266

A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 398-402.

267

Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2005 sqq.

268

Pausanias, v. 15. 3, with my note; Schol. on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 60.

269

Pausanias, v. 11. 1.

270

Pausanias, v. 16. 2 sqq.

271

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. p. 143.

272

Pausanias, v. 16. 4.

273

Many years after the theory in the text was printed (for the present volume has been long in the press) I accidentally learned that my friend Mr. F. M. Cornford, Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity College, Cambridge, had quite independently arrived at a similar conclusion with regard to the mythical and dramatic parts played by the Olympic victors, male and female, as representatives of the Sun and Moon, and I had the pleasure of hearing him expound the theory in a brilliant lecture delivered before the Classical Society of Cambridge, 28th February 1911. The coincidence of two independent enquirers in conclusions, which can hardly be called obvious, seems to furnish a certain confirmation of their truth. In Mr. Cornford's case the theory in question forms part of a more elaborate and comprehensive hypothesis as to the origin of the Olympic games, concerning which I must for the present suspend my judgment.

274

Herodian, v. 6. 3-5.

275

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter. The following account of funeral games is based on my note on Pausanias i. 44. 8 (vol. ii. pp. 549 sq.). Compare W. Ridgeway, The Origin of Tragedy (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 32 sqq.

276

Clement of Alexandria, l. c.

277

Pausanias, v. 13. 1 sq.

278

Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. i. 146.

279

Varro, cited by Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 67.

280

F. Bonney, “On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884) pp. 134 sq.; Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 507, 509 sq.; (Sir) G. Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and Western Australia (London, 1841), ii. 332.

281

Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vi. (Cambridge, 1908) pp. 135, 154.

282

Hyginus, Fabulae, 74; Apollodorus, iii. 6. 4; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth., Introduction; Pausanias, ii. 15. 2 sq.; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter.

283

Scholiast on Pindar, Isthm., Introduction, p. 514, ed. Boeckh; Pausanias, i. 44. 8; Apollodorus, iii. 4. 3; Zenobius, iv. 38; Clement of Alexandria, l. c.; J. Tzetzes, Scholia on Lycophron, 107, 229; Scholia on Euripides, Medea, 1284; Hyginus, Fabulae, 2.

284

Clement of Alexandria, l. c.; Hyginus, Fabulae, 140.

285

Homer, Iliad, xxiii. 255 sqq., 629 sqq., 651 sqq.

286

Herodotus, vi. 38.

287

Pausanias, iii. 14. 1.

288

Plutarch, De sera numinis vindicta, 17.

289

Thucydides, v. 10 sq.

290

Plutarch, Timoleon, 39.

291

Aulus Gellius, x. 18. 5 sq.

292

Arrian, vii. 14. 10.

293

Herodotus, i. 167.

294

Plutarch, Aristides, 21; Strabo, ix. 2. 31, p. 412; Pausanias, ix. 2. 5 sq.

295

Philostratus, Vit. Sophist. ii. 30; Heliodorus, Aethiopica, i. 17; compare Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 58.

296

Herodotus, v. 8.

297

Livy, xxiii. 30. 15.

298

Livy, xxxi. 50. 4.

299

Livy, xxxix. 46. 2 sq.

300

Census of India, 1901, vol. iii., The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, by Lieut. – Col. Sir Richard C. Temple (Calcutta, 1903), p. 209.

301

Letter of the missionary Chevron, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xv. (1843) pp. 40 sq.

302

É. Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos (Paris, 1895-1897), ii. 325 sq.; C. Bock, Temples and Elephants (London, 1884), p. 262.

303

A. de Levchine, Description des hommes et des steppes des Kirghiz-Kazaks ou Kirghiz-Kaisaks (Paris, 1840), pp. 367 sq.; H. Vambery, Das Türkenvolk (Leipsic, 1885), p. 255; P. von Stenin, “Die Kirgisen des Kreises Saissanak im Gebiete von Ssemipalatinsk,” Globus, lxix. (1906) p. 228.

304

T. de Pauly, Description ethnographique des peuples de la Russie (St. Petersburg, 1862), Peuples ouralo-altaïques, p. 29.

305

Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vi. 111.

306

I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien (Halle a. S., 1888-1890), ii. 328 sq. However, Prof. Goldziher believes that the festival is an ancient heathen one which has been subsequently grafted upon the tradition of the orthodox prophet Salih.

307

J. Potocki, Voyage dans les steps d'Astrakhan et du Caucase (Paris, 1829), i. 275 sq.; Edmund Spencer, Travels in Circassia, Krim Tartary, etc. (London, 1836) ii. 399.

308

G. Radde, Die Chews'uren und ihr Land (Cassel, 1878), pp. 95 sq.; Prince Eristow, “Die Pschawen und Chewsurier im Kaukasus,” Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, Neue Folge, ii. (1857) p. 77.

309

C. v. Hahn, “Religiöse Anschauungen und Totengedächtnisfeier der Chewsuren,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899) pp. 211 sq.

310

N. v. Seidlitz, “Die Abchasen,” Globus, lxvi. (1894) pp. 42 sq.

311

(Sir) John Rhys, Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), pp. 409 sq.; H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de littérature celtique, vii. (Paris, 1895) pp. 309 sqq.; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland (London, 1903), ii. 438 sqq. “The aenach or fair was an assembly of the people of every grade without distinction; it was the most common kind of large public meeting, and its main object was the celebration of games, athletic exercises, sports, and pastimes of all kinds” (P. W. Joyce, op. cit. ii. 438). The Irish name is Tailltiu, genitive Taillten, accusative and dative Tailltin (Sir J. Rhys, op. cit. p. 409 note 1).

312

(Sir) John Rhys, Celtic Heathendom, p. 411; H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de littérature celtique, vii. 313 sqq.; P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland, ii. 434 sq., 441 sqq.

313

P. W. Joyce, op. cit. ii. 435.

314

P. W. Joyce, op. cit. ii. 434. Compare (Sir) J. Rhys, Celtic Heathendom, p. 411.

315

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Cours de littérature celtique, vii. 313.

316

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, op. cit. vii. 310.

317

P. W. Joyce, op. cit. ii. 389, 439.

318

(Sir) J. Rhys, Celtic Heathendom, p. 410.

319

(Sir) J. Rhys, Celtic Heathendom, pp. 411 sq., quoting the substance of a note by Thos. Hearne, in his edition of Robert of Gloucester's Chronicles (Oxford, 1724), p. 679. As to the derivation of the word see New English Dictionary (Oxford, 1888-) and W. W. Skeat, Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (Oxford, 1910), s. v. “Lammas.”

320

See above, p. 100.

321

See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, ii. 459 sqq.

322

See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, ii. 460, 463, 464 sq.

323

See above, pp. 14 sqq., 21, 27, 33, 36 sq.

324

See above, p. 98.

325

See above, p. 93.

326

Pausanias, v. 1. 4, v. 8. 1.

327

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, pp. 183-185 ed. R. Wagner (Epitoma, ii. 3-9); Diodorus Siculus, iv. 73; Hyginus, Fabulae, 84; Schol. on Pindar, Olymp. i. 114; Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 7. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 299 sq.

328

Strabo, vi. 3. 9, p. 284; K. O. Müller, Aeschylos Eumeniden (Göttingen, 1833), p. 144.

329

Pausanias, vi. 21. 9-11.

330

P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strasburg, 1890), pp. 263 sqq.; id., Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen (Berlin, 1900), pp. 3 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 407 sqq.; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology, pp. 53 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament (Berlin, 1902), pp. 488 sqq.; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905); pp. 366 sqq.

331

P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 304-306; H. Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit (Göttingen, 1895), pp. 114 sqq.; id., Genesis übersetzt und erklärt (Göttingen, 1901), pp. 107 sqq.; Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. “Creation,” i. coll. 938 sqq.; S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis4 (London, 1905), pp. 27 sqq. The myth is clearly alluded to in several passages of Scripture, where the dragon of the sea is spoken of as Rahab or Leviathan. See Isaiah li. 9, “Art thou not it that cut Rahab in pieces, that pierced the dragon?”: id. xxvii. 1, “In that day the Lord with his sore and great and strong sword shall punish leviathan the swift serpent, and leviathan the crooked serpent; and he shall slay the dragon that is in the sea”: Job xxvi. 12, “He stirreth up the sea with his power, and by his understanding he smiteth through Rahab”: Psalm lxxxix. 10, “Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces as one that is slain”: Psalm lxxiv. 13 sq., “Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength: thou brakest the heads of the dragons in the waters. Thou brakest the heads of leviathan in pieces.” See further H. Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos, pp. 29 sqq.

332

A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 58-60, 158 sq. Compare H. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, pp. 134 sqq.

333

See M. Winternitz, “Der Sarpabali, ein altindischer Schlangencult,” Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xviii. (1888) pp. 44 sq.

334

A. Kuhn, “Wodan,” Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, v. (1845) pp. 484-488.

335

P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 315 sq.; H. Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos, p. 25; id., Genesis übersetzt und erklärt, pp. 115 sq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 411 sq., 429 sq., 432 sq.; H. Zimmern, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. “Creation,” i. coll. 940 sq.; id., in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 370 sq., 500 sq.; S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis4 (London, 1905), p. 28.

336

Virgil, Georgics, ii. 336-342.

337

P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp. 84 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 677 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 371, 384 note 4, 402, 427, 515 sqq.; R. F. Harper, Babylonian and Assyrian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 136, sq., 137, 140, 149; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 285 sqq.

338

L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology, pp. 88 sqq.

339

See C. P. Tiele, Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst in de Oudheid, i. (Amsterdam, 1903) pp. 159 sq.; L. W. King, op. cit. p. 21; H. Zimmern. in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 p. 399; M. Jastrow, Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens, i (Giessen, 1905) pp. 117 sqq.

340

P. Jensen, op. cit. pp. 85 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 679; H. Zimmern, op. cit. p. 515; M. J. Lagrange, op. cit. p. 286.

341

P. Jensen, op. cit. p. 87; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 681; H. Zimmern, op. cit. pp. 402, 415; R. F. Harper, op. cit. p. 136.

342

P. Jensen, Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen, p. 29; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology, p. 74.

343

This appears to be substantially the view of H. Zimmern (op. cit. p. 501) and of Karppe (referred to in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. “Creation,” i. coll. 941 note 1).

344

A. Moret, Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), pp. 18 sqq., 33 sqq.

345

Clement of Alexandria. Strom. v. 7. p. 671, ed. Potter.

346

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion (Berlin, 1905), pp. 10, 25.

347

John Parkinson (late Principal of the Mineral Survey of Southern Nigeria), “Southern Nigeria, the Lagos Province,” The Empire Review, vol. xv. May 1908, pp. 290 sq. The account in the text of the mystery surrounding the Awujale is taken from A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1894), p. 170.

348

M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 680; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 374, 515; C. Brockelmann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 sq., 396 sq.

349

Athenaeus, xiv. 44, p. 639 c; Dio Chrysostom, Or. iv. pp. 69 sq. (vol. i. p. 76, ed. L. Dindorf). Dio Chrysostom does not mention his authority, but it was probably either Berosus or Ctesias. The execution of the mock king is not noticed in the passage of Berosus cited by Athenaeus, probably because the mention of it was not germane to Athenaeus's purpose, which was simply to give a list of festivals at which masters waited on their servants. A passage of Macrobius (Saturn. iii. 7. 6) which has sometimes been interpreted as referring to this Babylonian custom (F. Liebrecht, in Philologus, xxii. 710; J. J. Bachofen, Die Sage von Tanaquil, p. 52, note 16) has in fact nothing to do with it. See A. B. Cook, in Classical Review, xvii. (1903) p. 412; id. in Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 304, 384. In the passage of Dio Chrysostom ἐκρέμασαν should strictly mean “hanged,” but the verb was applied by the Greeks to the Roman punishment of crucifixion (Plutarch, Caesar, 2). It may have been extended to include impalement, which was often inflicted by the Assyrians, as we may see by the representations of it on the Assyrian monuments in the British Museum. See also R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, p. 41, with the plate facing p. 54. The proper word for impalement in Greek is ἀνασκολοπίζειν (Herodotus, iv. 202). Hanging was also an Oriental as well as Roman mode of punishment. The Hebrew word for it (חלה) seems unambiguous. See Esther, v. 14, vii. 9 sq.; Deuteronomy, xxi. 22 sq.; Joshua, viii. 29, x. 26; Livy, i. 26. 6.

350

See above, pp. 21, 26 sqq.

351

Bruno Meissner, “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Purimfestes,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, I. (1896) pp. 296-301; H. Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, Zweite Reihe, Bd. ii. p. 345; C. Brockelmann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvi. (1902) pp. 391 sq.

352

Meantime I may refer the reader to The Golden Bough, Second Edition, ii. 254, iii. 151 sqq. As I have there pointed out (iii. 152 sq.) the identification of the months of the Syro-Macedonian calendar (that is, the ascertainment of their astronomical dates in the solar year) is a matter of some uncertainty, the dates appearing to have varied considerably in different places. The month Lous in particular is variously said to have corresponded in different places to July, August, September, and October. Until we have ascertained beyond the reach of doubt when Lous fell at Babylon in the time of Berosus, it would be premature to allow much weight to the seeming discrepancy in the dates of Zagmuk and the Sacaea. On the whole difficult question of the identification or dating of the months of the Syro-Macedonian calendar see L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 393 sqq.; K. F. Hermann, “Über griechische Monatskunde,” Abhandlungen der histor. – philolog. Classe d. kön. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, ii. (1843-44) pp. 68 sqq., 95, 109, 111 sqq.; H. F. Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, iii.2 351 sqq.; article “Calendarium,” in W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,3 i. 339. The distinction between the dates of the Syro-Macedonian months, which differed in different places, and their order, which was the same in all places (Dius, Apellaeus, etc.), appears to have been overlooked by some of my former readers.

353

P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, p. 84; C. Brockelmann, “Wesen und Ursprung des Eponymats in Assyrien,” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvi. (1902) p. 392. However, there is no mention of Zagmuk in Prof. R. F. Harper's translation of the inscription (Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, p. 87).

354

C. Brockelmann, op. cit. pp. 389-401.

355

H. Winckler, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (Leipsic, 1902), p. 212; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, pp. xxxviii. sq., 206-216; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums2, i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909), pp. 331 sq. It was the second, not the first, year of a king's reign which in later times at all events was named after him. For the explanation see C. Brockelmann, op. cit. pp. 397 sq.

356

The eponymate in Assyria and elsewhere may have been the subject of superstitions which we do not yet understand. Perhaps the eponymous magistrate may have been deemed in a sense responsible for everything that happened in the year. Thus we are told that “in Manipur they have a noteworthy system of keeping count of the years. Each year is named after some man, who – for a consideration – undertakes to bear the fortune, good or bad, of the year. If the year be good, if there be no pestilence and a good harvest, he gets presents from all sorts of people, and I remember hearing that in 1898, when the cholera was at its worst, a deputation came to the Political Agent and asked him to punish the name-giver, as it was obvious that he was responsible for the epidemic. In former times he would have got into trouble” (T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. 1901, p. 302).