History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth. Vol. III

505

Thomas Perry to Ralph Vane: Ellis, second series, Vol. II. p. 140.

506

I should have distrusted the evidence, on such a point, of excited Protestants (see Original Letters on the Reformation, p. 626), who could invent and exaggerate as well as their opponents; but the promise of these indulgences was certainly made, and Charles V. prohibited the publication of the brief containing it in Spain or Flanders. “The Emperor,” wrote Cromwell to Henry, “hath not consented that the Pope’s mandament should be published neither in Spain, neither in any other his dominions, that Englishmen should be destroyed in body, in goods, wheresoever they could be found, as the Pope would they should be.” —State Papers, Vol. I. p. 608.

507

MS. Cotton.

508

Lord Russell to Cromwell: MS. Cotton. Cleopatra, E 4.

509

Ibid.

510

Pollard to Cromwell: Suppression of the Monasteries, p. 261.

511

Henry Fitz Roy, Duke of Richmond, died July 22, 1536.

512

“Animadvertens sua clementia quod maxime hoc convenerat parliamentum pro bono totius Regni publico et concordiâ Christianæ religionis stabiliendà non tam cito quam propter rei magnitudinem quæ non solum regnum ipsum Angliæ concernit verum etiam alia regna et universi Christianismi Ecclesias quantumvis diversarum sententiarum quæ in eam rem oculos et animum habebant intentos, sua Majestas putavit tam propriâ suâ regiâ diligentiâ et studio quam etiam episcoporum et cleri sui sedulitate rem maturius consultandam, tractandam et deliberandam.” – Speech of the Lord Chancellor at the Prorogation: Lords Journals, Vol. I. p. 137.

513

Brother of Jane Seymour; afterwards Protector.

514

“I am as glad of the good resolutions of the Duke of Cleves, his mother, and council, as ever I was of anything since the birth of the prince: for I think the King’s Highness should not in Christendom marry in no place meet for his Grace’s honour that should be less prejudicial to his Majesty’s succession.” – Hertford to Cromwell: Ellis, first series, Vol. II. p. 119.

515

“I find the council willing enough to publish and manifest to the world that by any covenants made by the old Duke of Cleves and the Duke of Lorraine, my Lady Anne is not bounden; but ever hath been and yet is at her free liberty to marry wherever she will.” – Wotton to the King: Ellis, first series, Vol. II. p. 121.

516

Ellis, first series, Vol. II. p. 121.

517

“The Duke of Cleves hath a daughter, but I hear no great praise, either of her personage nor beauty.” – Hutton to Cromwell: State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 5.

518

Stow.

519

Butler to Bullinger: Original Letters on the Reformation, p. 627.

520

Partridge to Bullinger: Ibid. 614.

521

The Elector of Saxony to Henry VIII.: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II. p. 437.

522

See a correspondence between Cranmer and a Justice of the Peace, Jenkins’s Cranmer, Vol. I.

523

“I would to Christ I had obeyed your often most gracious grave councils and advertisements. Then it had not been with me as now it is.” – Cromwell to the King: Burnet’s Collectanea, p. 510.

524

MS. Cotton. Cleopatra, E 4.

525

He required, probably, no information that his enemies would spare no means, fair or foul, for his destruction. But their plots and proceedings had been related to him two years before by his friend Allen, the Irish Master of the Rolls, in a report of expressions which had been used by George Paulet, brother of the lord treasurer, and one of the English commissioners at Dublin. Cromwell, it seems, had considered that estates in Ireland forfeited for treason, or non-residence, would be disposed of better if granted freely to such families as had remained loyal, than if sold for the benefit of the crown. Speaking of this matter, “The king,” Paulet said, “beknaveth Cromwell twice a week, and would sometimes knock him about the pate. He draws every day towards his death, and escaped very hardly at the last insurrection. He is the greatest briber in England, and that is espied well enough. The king has six times as much revenues as ever any of his noble progenitors had, and all is consumed and gone to nought by means of my Lord Privy Seal, who ravens all that he can get. After all the king’s charges to recover this land, he is again the only means to cause him to give away his revenues; and it shall be beaten into the king’s head how his treasure has been needlessly wasted and consumed, and his profits and revenues given away by sinister means.” “Cromwell,” Paulet added, “has been so handled and taunted by the council in these matters, as he is weary of them; but I will so work my matter, as the king shall be informed of every penny that he hath spent here; and when that great expence is once in his head, it shall never be forgotten there is one good point. And then I will inform him how he hath given away to one man seven hundred marks by the year. And then will the king swear by God’s body, have I spent so much money and now have given away my land? There was never a king so deceived by man. I will hit him by means of my friends.” —State Papers, Vol. II. p. 551. It is not clear how much is to be believed of Paulet’s story so far as relates to the king’s treatment of Cromwell. The words were made a subject of an inquiry before Sir Anthony St. Leger; and Paulet meant, it seemed, that the “beknaving and knocking about the pate” took place in private before no witnesses; so that, if true, it could only have been known by the acknowledgments of the king or of Cromwell himself. But the character of the intrigues for Cromwell’s destruction is made very plain.

526

Foxe’s History of Cromwell.

527

A paper of ten interrogatories is in the Rolls House, written in Cromwell’s hand, addressed to a Mr. John More. More’s opinion was required on the supremacy, and among the questions asked him were these: —

What communication hath been between you and the Bishop of Winchester touching the primacy of the Bishop of Rome?

What answers the said Bishop made unto you upon such questions as ye did put to him?

Whether ye have heard the said Bishop at any time in any evil opinion contrary to the statutes of the realm, concerning the primacy of the Bishop of Rome or any other foreign potentate? —Rolls House MS. A 2, 30, fol. 67.

In another collection I found a paper of Mr. More’s answers; but it would seem (unless the MS. is imperfect) that he replied only to the questions which affected himself. The following passage, however, is curious: “The cause why I demanded the questions (on the primacy) of my Lord of Winchester was for that I heard it, as I am now well remembered, much spoken of in the parliament house, and taken among many there to be a doubt as ye, Mr. Secretary, well know. And for so much as I esteemed my lord’s wisdom and learning to be such, that I thought I would not be better answered, because I heard you, Mr. Secretary, say he was much affectionate to the Papacy.” —Rolls House MS. first series, 863.

528

“The Bishop of Winchester was put out of the Privy Council, because my Lord Privy Seal took displeasure with him because he should say it was not meet that Dr. Barnes, being a man defamed of heresy, should be sent ambassador. Touching the Bishop of Chichester there was not heard any cause why he was put forth from the Privy Council.” – Depositions of Christopher Chator: Rolls House MS. first series.

529

“Then said Craye to me, there was murmuring and saying by the progress of time that my Lord Privy Seal should be out of favour with his prince. Marry, said I, I heard of such a thing. I heard at Woodstock of one Sir Launcelot Thornton, a chaplain of the Bishop of Durham, who shewed me that the Earl of Hampton, Sir William Kingston, and Sir Anthony Brown were all joined together, and would have had my Lord of Durham to have had rule and chief saying under the King’s Highness. Then said Craye to me, It was evil doing of my lord your master that would not take it upon hand, for he might have amended many things that were amiss; for, if the Bishop of Winchester might have had the saying, he would have taken it upon hand. Well, said I, my lord my master is too good a lawyer, knowing by his book the inconstancy of princes, where there is a text that saith: Lubricus est primus locus apud Reges.” —MS. ibid.

530

“There was an honest man in London called Dr. Watts, which preacheth much against heresy; and this Dr. Watts was called before my Lord of Canterbury, and Dr. Barnes should be either his judge or his accuser.” —Rolls House MS., first series.

531

“There was an alderman in Gracechurch-street that came to my Lord of Canterbury, and one with him, and said to my Lord of Canterbury: Please your Grace that we are informed that your Grace hath our master Watts by hold. And if it be for treason we will not speak for him, but if it be for heresy or debt we will be bound for him in a thousand pound; for there was ten thousand of London coming to your lordship to be bound for him, but that we stayed them.” —MS. ibid.

532

Butler to Bullinger: Original Letters on the Reformation, p. 627.

533

“As to the matter concerning the Duchess of Milan, when his Highness had heard it, he paused a good while, and at the last said, smiling, ‘Have they remembered themselves now?’ To the which I said, ‘Sir, we that be your servants are much bound to God, they to woo you whom ye have wooed so long.’ He answered coldly: ‘They that would not when they might, percase shall not when they would.’” – Southampton to Cromwell, Sept. 17, 1539: State Papers, Vol. I.

534

“There should be three causes why the Emperor should come into these parts – the one for the mutiny of certain cities which were dread in time to allure and stir all or the more part of the other cities to the like; the second, for the alliance which the King’s Majesty hath made with the house of Cleves, which he greatly stomacheth; the third, for the confederacy, as they here call it, between his Majesty and the Almayns. The fear which the Emperor hath of these three things hath driven him to covet much the French king’s amity.” – Stephen Vaughan to Cromwell: State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 203.

535

“There is great suspicion and jealousy to be taken to see these two great princes so familiar together, and to go conjointly in secret practices, in which the Bishop of Rome seemeth to be intelligent, who hath lately sent his nephew, Cardinal Farnese, to be present at the parlement of the said princes in France. The contrary part cannot brook the King’s Majesty and the Almains to be united together, which is no small fear and terror as well to Imperials as the Papisticals, and no marvel if they fury, fearing thereby some great ruin.” – Harvel to Cromwell from Venice, December 9.

536

Epist. Reginaldi Poli, Vol. V. p. 150. In this paper Pole says that the Duke of Norfolk stated to the king, in a despatch from Doncaster, when a battle seemed imminent, “that his troops could not be trusted, their bodies were with the king, but their minds with the rebels.” His information was, perhaps, derived from his brother Geoffrey, who avowed an intention of deserting.

537

“The said Helyard said to me that the Emperor was come into France, and should marry the king’s daughter; and the Duke of Orleans should marry the Duchess of Milan, and all this was by the Bishop of Rome’s means; and they were all confedered together, and as for the Scottish king, he was always the French king’s man, and we shall all be undone, for we have no help now but the Duke of Cleves, and they are so poor they cannot help us.” – Depositions of Christopher Chator: Rolls House MS. first series.

538

Sir Thos. Wyatt to Henry VIII.: State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 219 &c.

539

Southampton’s expressions were unfortunately warm. Mentioning a conversation with the German ambassadors, in which he had spoken of his anxiety for the king’s marriage, “so as if God failed us in my Lord Prince, we might have another sprung of like descent and line to reign over us in peace,” he went on to speak to them of the other ladies whom the king might have had if he had desired; “but hearing,” he said, “great report of the notable virtues of my lady now with her excellent beauty, such as I well perceive to be no less than was reported, in very deed my mind gave me to lean that way.” These words, which might have passed as unmeaning compliment, had they been spoken merely to the lady’s countrymen, he repeated in his letters to the king, who of course construed them by his hopes.

540

Deposition of Sir Anthony Brown: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II. p. 252, &c.

541

Those who insist that Henry was a licentious person, must explain how it was that, neither in the three years which had elapsed since the death of Jane Seymour, nor during the more trying period which followed, do we hear a word of mistresses, intrigues, or questionable or criminal connexions of any kind. The mistresses of princes are usually visible when they exist, the mistresses, for instance, of Francis I., of Charles V., of James of Scotland. There is a difficulty in this which should be admitted, if it cannot be explained.

542

Deposition of Sir Anthony Denny: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II.

543

Cromwell to the King: Burnet’s Collectanea, p. 109.

544

Deposition of the Earl of Southampton: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II.

545

Questions to be asked of the Lord Cromwell: MS. Cotton. Titus, B 1, 418.

546

Compare Cromwell’s Letter to the King from the Tower, Burnet’s Collectanea, p. 109, with Questions to be asked of the Lord Cromwell: MS. Cotton. Titus, B 1, 418. Wyatt’s report of his interview and the Emperor’s language could not have arrived till the week after. But the fact of Charles’s arrival with Brancetor in his train, was already known and was sufficiently alarming.

547

Cromwell to the King: Burnet’s Collectanea. The morning after his marriage, and on subsequent occasions, the king made certain depositions to his physicians and to members of the council, which I invite no one to study except under distinct historical obligations. The facts are of great importance. But discomfort made Henry unjust; and when violently irritated he was not careful of his expressions. – See Documents relating to the Marriage with Anne of Cleves: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II.

548

Hall.

549

The discharge of heretics from prison by an undue interference formed one of the most violent accusations against Cromwell. He was, perhaps, held responsible for the general pardon in the summer of 1539. The following letter, however, shows something of his own immediate conduct, and of the confidence with which the Protestants looked to him.

“God save the king.

“Thanks immortal from the Father of Heaven unto your most prudent and honourable lordship, for your mercy, and pity, and great charity that your honourable lordship has had on your poor and true orator Henry King, that almost was in prison a whole year, rather of pure malice and false suspicion than of any just offence committed by your said orator, to be so long in prison without any mercy, pity, or succour of meat and drink, and all your said orator’s goods taken from him. Moreover, whereas your said orator did of late receive a letter from your most honourable lordship by the hands of the Bishop of Worcester, that your said orator should receive again such goods as was wrongfully taken from your said orator of Mr. George Blunt (the committing magistrate apparently); thereon your said orator went unto the said George Blunt with your most gentle letter, to ask such poor goods as the said George Blunt did detain from your poor orator; and so with great pain and much entreating your said orator, within the space of three weeks, got some part of his goods, but the other part he cannot get. Therefore, except now your most honourable lordship, for Jesus sake, do tender and consider with the eye of pity and mercy the long imprisonment, the extreme poverty of your said orator, your said orator is clean undone in this world. For where your said orator had money, and was full determined to send for his capacity, all is spent in prison, and more. Therefore, in fond humility your said orator meekly, with all obedience, puts himself wholly into the hands of your honourable lordship, desiring you to help your orator to some succour and living now in his extreme necessity and need; the which is not only put out of his house, but also all his goods almost spent in prison, so that now the weary life of your said orator stands only in your discretion. Therefore, exaudi preces servi tui, and Almighty God increase your most honourable lordship in virtue and favour as he did merciful Joseph to his high honour Amen. Your unfeigned and true orator ut supra. Beatus qui intelligit super egenum et pauperem. In die malâ liberabit eum Dominus.” —MS. State Paper Office, Vol. IX. first series.

550

Traheron to Bullinger: Original Letters, p. 316; Hall, p. 837.

551

Foxe, Vol. V. p. 431.

552

Hall, p. 837.

553

“The bishop was ably answered by Dr. Barnes on the following Lord’s-day, with the most gratifying and all but universal applause.” – Traheron to Bullinger: Original Letters, p. 317.

554

Wyatt to Henry VIII.: State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 240, &c.

555

Henry VIII. to the Duke of Norfolk: State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 245, &c. Henry held out a further inducement. “If the duke shall see the French king persevere in his good mind and affection towards the King’s Highness, he shall yet further of himself say that his opinion is, and in his mind he thinketh undoubtedly that in such a case as that a new strait amity might now be made between the French king and the king his master, his Majesty would be content to remit unto him the one half of his debt to his Highness, the sum whereof is very great; and also the one half of the pensions for term of the said French king’s life, so as it may please him to declare what honourable reciproque he could be content to offer again to his Majesty.” —State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 251.

556

State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 318. The Queen of Navarre, who was constant to the English interests, communicated to the secretary of Sir John Wallop (the resident minister at Paris), an account of a conversation between herself and the Papal nuntio.

Ferrara had prayed her “to help and put her good hand and word that the French king might join the Emperor and his master for the wars against the Almayns and the King of England, which king was but a man lost and cast away.”

“Why, M. l’Ambassadeur,” the queen answered, “what mean you by that? how and after what sort do you take the King of England?” – “Marry,” quoth he, “for a heretic and a Lutheryan. Moreover, he doth make himself head of the Church.” – “Do you say so?” quoth she. “Now I would to God that your master, the Emperor, and we here, did live after so good and godly a sort as he and his doth.” The nuntio answered, “the king had pulled down the abbeys,” “trusting by the help of God it should be reformed or it were long.” She told him that were easier to say than to do. England had had time to prepare, and to transport an army across the Channel was a difficult affair. Ferrara said, “It could be landed in Scotland.” – “The King of Scotland,” she replied, “would not stir without permission from France;” and then (if her account was true) she poured out a panegyric upon the Reformation in England, and spoke out plainly on the necessity of the same thing in the Church of Rome. State Papers, Vol. VIII. p. 289, &c.

557

Hall, p. 839. The case broke down, and Sampson was afterwards restored to favour; but his escape was narrow. Sir Ralph Sadler, writing to Cromwell, said, “I declared to the King’s Majesty how the Bishop of Chichester was committed to ward to the Tower, and what answer he made to such things as were laid to his charge, which in effect was a plain denial of the chief points that touched him. His Majesty said little thereto, but that he liked him and the matter much the worse because he denied it, seeing his Majesty perceived by the examinations there were witnesses enough to condemn him in that point.” —State Papers, Vol. I. p. 627.

558

The Bishop of Chichester to Cromwell: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II. p. 381.

559

Another instance of Tunstall’s underhand dealing had come to light. When he accepted the oath of supremacy, and agreed to the divorce of Queen Catherine, he entered a private protest in the Register Book of Durham, which was afterwards cut out by his chancellor. Christopher Chator, whose curious depositions I have more than once quoted, mentions this piece of evasion, and adds a further feature of some interest. Relating a conversation which he had held with a man called Craye, Chator says, “We had in communication the Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More attainted of treason. Craye said to me he marvelled that they were put to death for such small trespasses; to whom I answered that their foolish conscience was so to die. Then I shewed him of one Burton, my Lord of Durham’s servant, that told me he came to London when the Bishop of Rochester and Thomas More were endangered, and the said More asked Burton, ‘Will not thy master come to us and be as we are?’ and he said he could not tell. Then said More, ‘If he do, no force, for if he live he may do more good than to die with us.’” —Rolls House MS. first series.

560

Lords Journals, 32 Henry VIII.

561

32 Henry VIII. cap. 1.

562

32 Henry VIII. cap. 2.

563

32 Henry VIII. cap. 3. “Many goes oft begging,” “and it causeth much robbing.” – Deposition of Christopher Chator. Here is a special picture of one of these vagabonds. Gregory Cromwell, writing to his father from Lewes, says, “The day of making hereof came before us a fellow called John Dancy, being apparelled in a frieze coat, a pair of black hose, with fustian slops, having also a sword, a buckler, and a dagger; being a man of such port, fashion, and behaviour that we at first took him only for a vagabond, until such time as he, being examined, confessed himself to have been heretofore a priest, and sometime a monk of this monastery.” —MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. VII.

564

32 Henry VIII. cap. 12.