Historical Romance of the American Negro

The Boston Massacre, March, 5th, 1770, may be regarded as the first act of the great drama of the American Revolution. "From that moment," said Daniel Webster, "we may date the severance of the British Empire." The presence of the British soldiers in King street excited the patriotic indignation of the people. The whole community was stirred, and sage counsellors were deliberating, and writing, and talking about the public grievance. But it was not for "the wise and prudent" to be the first to act against the encroachments of arbitrary power. "A motley rabble of saucy boys, Negroes and mulattoes, Irish teagues, and outlandish Jacktars" (as John Adams described them in his plea in defence of the soldiers) could not restrain their emotion, or stop to inquire if what they must do was according to the letter of any law. Led by Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, and shouting, "The way to get rid of these soldiers is to attack the mainguard; strike at the root; this is the nest!" with more valor than discretion, they rushed to King street, and were fired upon by Captain Preston's company. Crispus Attucks was the first to fall; he and Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell were killed on the spot; Samuel Maverick and Patrick Carr were mortally wounded.

The excitement which followed was intense. The bells of the town were rung; an impromptu town meeting was held, and an immense assembly was gathered. Three days after, on the 8th, a public funeral of the martyrs took place. The shops of Boston were closed, and all the bells of Boston and the neighboring towns were rung. It is said that a greater number of persons assembled on this occasion than were ever before gathered on this continent for a similar purpose. The body of Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, had been placed in Faneuil Hall, with that of Caldwell, both being strangers in the city. Maverick was buried from his mother's house, on Union street, and Gray from his brothers, in Royal Exchange Lane. The four hearses formed a junction in King street, and there the procession marched in columns six deep, with a long file of coaches belonging to the most distinguished citizens, to the Middle burying-ground, where the four victims were deposited in one grave, over which a stone was placed with this inscription:

"Long as in Freedom's cause the wise contend,Dear to your country shall your fame extend;While to the world the lettered stone shall tellWhere Caldwell, Attucks, Gray, Maverick fell."

The anniversary of this event was publicly commemorated in Boston by an ovation and other exercises every year until after our national independence was achieved, when the Fourth of July was substituted for the Fifth of March, as the more proper day for a general celebration. Not only was the event commemorated, but the martyrs who then gave up their lives were remembered and honored.

For half a century after the close of the war, the name of Crispus Attucks was honorably mentioned by the most noted men of the country, who were not blinded by foolish prejudice. At the battle of Bunker Hill, Peter Salem, a Negro, distinguished himself by shooting Major Pitcairn, who, in the midst of the battle, having passed the storm of fire without mounting the redoubt, and waving the sword, cried to the rebels to surrender. The fall of Pitcairn ended the battle in favor of liberty.

A single passage from Mr. Bancroft's history will give a succinct and clear account of the condition of the army in respect to colored soldiers, at the time of the battle of Bunker Hill:

"Nor should history forget to record that as in the army of Cambridge, so also in this gallant band, the free Negroes of the colony had their representatives. For the right of free Negroes to bear arms in the public defence was at that day as little disputed in New England as their other rights. They took their place, not in a separate corps, but in the ranks with the white man; and their names may be read on the pension rolls of the country, side by side with those of other soldiers of the Revolution." – Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII, p. 421.

The capture of Major-General Prescott, of the British army, on the 9th of July, 1777, was an occasion of great joy throughout the country. Prince, the valiant Negro who seized that officer, ought always to be remembered with honor for his important service. The exploit was much commended at the time, as its results were highly important; and Colonel Barton very properly received from Congress the compliment of a sword for his ingenuity and bravery. It seems, however, that it took more than one head to plan and to execute the undertaking. The following account of the capture is historical:

"They landed about five miles from Newport, and three-quarters of a mile from the house, which they approached cautiously, avoiding the mainguard, which was at some distance. The Colonel went foremost, with a stout, active Negro close behind him, and another at a small distance; the rest followed so as to be near, but not seen.

"A single sentinel at the door saw and hailed the Colonel. He answered by exclaiming against and inquiring for rebel prisoners, but kept slowly advancing. The sentinel again challenged him, and required the countersign. He said he had not the countersign, but amused the sentry by talking about rebel prisoners, and still advancing till he came within reach of the bayonet, which, he presenting, the colonel suddenly struck aside and seized him. He was immediately secured, and ordered to be silent on pain of instant death.

"Meanwhile the rest of the men surrounding the house, the Negro, with his head, at the second stroke, forced a passage into it, and then into the landlord's apartment. The landlord at first refused to give the necessary intelligence, but on the prospect of present death, he pointed to the general's chamber, which, being instantly opened by the Negro's head, the Colonel calling the general by name, told him he was a prisoner." – Pennsylvania Evening Post, August 7th, 1777 (in Frank Moore's "Diary of the American Revolution," Vol. I, p. 468).

There is abundant evidence of the fidelity and bravery of the colored patriots of Rhode Island during the whole war. Before they had been formed into a separate regiment, they had fought valiantly with the white soldiers at Red Bank and elsewhere. Their conduct at the battle of Rhode Island, on the 29th of August, 1778, entitles them to perpetual honor. That battle has been pronounced by military authorities to have been one of the best-fought battles of the Revolutionary War. Its success was owing, in a great degree, to the good fighting of the Negro soldiers. Mr. Arnold, in his "History of Rhode Island," thus closes his account of it:

"A third time the enemy, with desperate courage and increased strength, attempted to assail the redoubt, and would have carried it, but for the timely aid of two Continental battalions despatched by Sullivan to support his almost exhausted troops. It was in repelling these furious onsets that the newly-raised black regiment, under Col. Greene, distinguished itself by deeds of desperate valor. Posted behind a thicket in the valley, they three times drove back the Hessians, who charged repeatedly down the hill to dislodge them; and so determined were the enemy in these successive charges that the day after the battle, the Hessian colonel, upon whom this duty had devolved, applied to exchange his command, and go to New York, because he dared not lead his regiment again to battle, lest his men should shoot him by having caused them so much loss." – Arnold's History of Rhode Island, Vol. II, pp. 427, 428.

Three years later, these soldiers are thus mentioned by the Marquis de Chastellux:

"The 5th (of January, 1781), I did not set out till eleven, although I had thirty miles' journey to Lebanon. At the passage to the ferry, I met with a detachment of the Rhode Island regiment – the same corps we had with us all the last summer; but they have since been recruited and clothed. The greatest part of them are Negroes, or mulattoes; they are strong, robust men, and those I have seen had a very good appearance."

When Colonel Greene was surprised and murdered near Point Bridge, New York, on the 14th of May, 1781, his colored soldiers heroically defended him till they were cut to pieces; and the Negro reached him over the dead bodies of his faithful Negroes. That large numbers of Negroes were enrolled in the army, and served faithfully as soldiers during the whole period of the war of the revolution, may be regarded as a well-established historical fact, and it should be borne in mind that the enlistment was not confined, by any means, to those who had before enjoyed the privileges of free citizens. Very many slaves were offered to and received by the army, on the condition that they were to be emancipated either at the time of enlistment, or when they had served out the term of their enlistment. The inconsistency of keeping in slavery any person who had taken up arms for the defence of our national liberty had led to the passing of an order forbidding slaves, as such, to be received as soldiers.

That colored men were equally serviceable in the last war with Great Britain is true, as the following historical document will show:

"GEN. JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION TO THE NEGROES.

"Headquarters, Seventh Military District,"MOBILE, September 21st, 1814.

"To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana: —

"Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights, in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist. As sons of freemen, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands and brothers, you are summoned to rally around the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence. Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you. To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United States, viz: one hundred and twenty dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations and clothes furnished to any American soldier.

"On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major-General commanding will select officers for your government from your white fellow citizens; your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves.

"Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen. To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of enrollment, and will give you every necessary information on the subject of this address.

"ANDREW JACKSON, Major-General Commanding."

Three months later General Jackson addressed the same troops as follows:

"To the Men of Color, Soldiers: —

"From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms. I invited you to share in the perils, and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds.

"Soldiers, the President of the United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of the Representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor, as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy is near! His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he finds us contending with ourselves, it will be for the prize of valor and fame – its noblest reward."

Black men served in the navy with great credit to themselves, receiving the commendation of Commodore Perry and other brave officers.

Extract of a letter from Nathaniel Shaler, commander of the private armed schooner General Tompkins, to his agent in New York, dated —

"AT SEA, January 1st, 1813.

"Before I could get our light sails in, and almost before I could turn round, I was under the guns, not of a transport, but of a large frigate, and not more than a quarter of a mile from her! Her first broadside killed two men, and wounded six others. My officers conducted themselves in a way that would have done honor to a more permanent service. The name of one of my poor fellows who was killed ought to be registered in the book of fame, and remembered with reverence as long as bravery is considered a virtue. He was a black man, by the name of John Johnson. A twenty-four pound shot struck him on the hip, and took away all the lower part of his body. In this state, the poor, brave fellow lay on the deck, and several times exclaimed to his shipmates, 'Fire away, my boy! No haul a color down!' The other was also a black man, by the name of John Davis, and was struck in much the same way. He fell near me, and several times requested to be thrown overboard, saying he was only in the way of others. When America has such tars she has little to fear from the tyrants of the ocean."

"NICK" BIDDLE

The title of "First Defenders" has been given to the five companies of Pennsylvania troops, two of which were from Schuylkill Co., one from Reading, one from Allentown, and one from Lewistown, Pa., that marched through Baltimore on the day before the Massachusetts soldiers were mobbed in the streets on the way to defend the national capital. After running the gauntlet of a furious rabble, the five companies reached Washington on the evening of the 18th, and were quartered in the Capitol Building. A pool of blood, which ran from the wounded cheek of "Nick" Biddle, marked the spot on the Capitol floor, where he lay that night. It was the first blood shed in the war for the Union. His grave is in the colored churchyard in Pottsville, Pa.

The grave of "Nick" Biddle a Mecca should be,To Pilgrims who seek in this land of the free,The tombs of the lowly as well as the great,Who struggled for freedom in war or debate;For there lies a black man distinguished from allIn that his veins furnished the first blood to fallIn war for the Union, when traitors assailedIts brave "First Defenders," whose hearts never quailed.The eighteenth of April, eighteen sixty-one,Was the day "Nick" Biddle his great laurels won,In Baltimore city, where riot ran high,He stood by our banner to do or to die;And onward, responsive to liberty's call —The Capital City to reach ere it fall.Brave Biddle with others as true and as brave,Marched through the wild tempest, the nation to save.Their pathway was fearful, surrounded by foes,Who strove in fierce madness their course to oppose;Who hurl threats and curses defiant of law,And think by such methods they may overaweThe gallant defenders, who neverthelessHold back their resentment as forward they press,And conscious of noble endeavor, despiseThe flashing of weapons and traitorous eyes.Behold now the crisis! The mob thirsts for blood!It strikes down "Nick" Biddle, and opens the flood;The torrents of crimson from hearts that are true,That shall deepen and widen, shall clean and renew,The land of our fathers by slavery cursed.The blood of "Nick" Biddle – yes, it is the first,The patter of raindrops presaging the storm,That will rage and destroy till the nation reform.How strange, too, it seems that the Capitol floor,Where slave-holders sat in the Congress of yore,And forged for his kindred chains heavy to bear,To bind down the black man in endless despair,Should be stained with his blood, and thus sanctified,Made sacred to Freedom, through time to abide,A temple of justice, with every rightFor all of the nation – black, red men and white.The grave of "Nick" Biddle, though humble it be,Is nobler by far in the sight of the freeThan tombs of those chieftains whose sinful crusade,Brought long years of mourning, and countless graves made;In striving to fetter their black fellow-men,And make of the Southland a vast prison pen,Their cause was unholy, but "Nick" Biddle was just —And hosts of pure spirits watch over his dust.

Deeds are indestructible; ideas are imperishable, and mind is immortal. "Children," says George Eliot, "may be strangled, deeds never; they have an indestructible life, both in mind and outside of our consciousness." It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that many of the ancients of the distant past should have predicated eternal life upon deeds and ideas. Deeds which are formidable, and ideas which grow and expand, and gather strength, until they become the very life of the social, moral and religious structure of the nation. To my mind there can be no truer measurement of a man, or a race, or a nation, than the standard of ideas which formulate themselves into deeds. "Deeds and ideas," which, according to Disraeli, "render a man independent of his constituencies, independent of dissolution, independent even of the course of time."

Measure from this standard Theodore Roosevelt, the President of the United States of America, is the most unique figure before the American people to-day. No President since the days of Lincoln, the emancipator, merits in a larger degree the unselfish praise and devotion, not only of his countrymen, but of the whole civilized world. In the strictest sense of the term, he is a man of destiny. Born, like all true leaders and reformers, at a particular time, for a particular purpose; endowed by nature with a constitution which defies the encroachment of disease; with an intellect which craves the most rigid discipline; with a courage which knows no daring, and a conscience which repels the slightest innovation which might result to the detriment of his fellow-man, regardless of race, color or creed. It was for Abraham Lincoln to issue the proclamation of freedom, and thus save the nation from disintegration; it is for Theodore Roosevelt to preserve that proclamation, and preserve the amendments to the Constitution, which is the very life of the freedom guaranteed to the emancipated. From the time of President Grant down to the present time, there has been a persistent attempt on the part of the South to paralyze the spirit and practice of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution, without which freed men would have no legal standing in the nation.

The amendments received a dangerous wound during the administration of President Hayes. From the effects of this wound it hardly ever recovered. When, by a strange Providence, Theodore Roosevelt was called suddenly to occupy the place of the martyred President McKinley, a most lovable and peaceful man, black men and their friends, all over the country, rejoiced in the hope of a better day, when right and justice would succeed policy and conciliation. In this we were not mistaken. Not that Theodore Roosevelt loves the black man any more than any of his predecessors, but that Theodore Roosevelt has convictions and the courage of his convictions, regardless of consequences. The appended correspondence, which explains itself, will render him immortal, and will keep his memory fresh in the recollection of his fellow-men, and when future historians chronicle his acts, they shall speak of him as "Theodore, the Great and the Good."

COLOR IS NO BAR TO OFFICE

President Roosevelt Defines His Attitude – In a Letter to a South Carolinian, Who Includes in a Number of Objections to the Appointment of Dr. Crum as Collector of the Port of Charleston the Statement That He is a Negro, the President Declares That He Will Continue to Appoint Colored Men of Intelligence and Standing – Incentive to Good Citizenship.

Washington, November 27. – The President has sent the following communication to a prominent citizen of Charleston, S. C.:

"Personal.

"WHITE HOUSE,

"Washington, November 26th, 1902.

"My Dear Sir: – I am in receipt of your letter of November 10th, and one from Mr. – , under date of November 11th, in reference to the appointment of Dr. Crum as collector of the port of Charleston.

"In your letter you make certain specific charges against Dr. Crum, tending to show his unfitness in several respects for the office sought. These charges are entitled to the utmost consideration from me, and I shall go over them carefully before taking any action. After making these charges, you add, as a further reason for opposition to him, that he is a colored man; and after reciting the misdeeds that followed carpet-bag rule and Negro domination in South Carolina, you say that 'we have sworn never again to submit to the rule of the African, and such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum to any such office forces us to protest unanimously against this insult to the white blood,' and you add that you understood me to say that I would never force a Negro on such a community as yours. Mr. – puts the objection of color first, saying, 'First, he is a colored man, and that of itself ought to bar him from the office.'

"In view of these last statements, I think I ought to make clear to you why I am concerned and pained by your making them, and what my attitude is as regards all such appointments. How anyone could have gained the idea that I had said I would not appoint reputable and upright colored men to office when objection was made to them solely on account of their color, I confess I am wholly unable to understand. At the time of my visit to Charleston last spring, I had made, and since that time I have made, a number of such appointments from several States in which there was considerable colored population. For example, I made one such appointment in Mississippi, and another in Alabama shortly before my visit to Charleston. I had at that time appointed two colored men as judicial magistrates in the District of Columbia. I have recently announced another such appointment for New Orleans, and have just made one from Pennsylvania. The great majority of my appointments in every State have been of white men. North and South alike it has been my sedulous endeavor to appoint only men of high character and good capacity, whether white or black. But it has been my consistent policy in every State where their numbers warranted it to recognize colored men of good repute and standing in making appointments to office. These appointments of colored men have in no State made more than a small proportion of the total number of appointments. I am unable to see how I can legitimately be asked to make an exception for South Carolina. In South Carolina, to the four most important positions in the State, I have appointed three men and continued in office a fourth, all of them white men – three originally Gold Democrats; two of them, as I am informed, the sons of Confederate soldiers. I have been informed by the citizens of Charleston whom I met that these four men represent a high grade of public service.

"I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. So far as I legitimately can I shall always endeavor to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the people of each locality, but I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope – the door of opportunity – is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or color. Such an attitude would, according to my convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not yet fit in point of character and influence to hold such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while putting a premium upon the effort among them to achieve the character and standing which will fit them.