History of the Jews, Vol. 1 (of 6)

The strong arm of the Maccabæan hero was sorely missed. Had King Demetrius wished to make any important changes in the religious condition of the Judæans, he could not have chosen a more opportune moment; the strength of the people was broken, and their leaders were banished from the scene of action. But the successor of Antiochus Epiphanes, sunk in a life of debauchery, was content with having assured himself of the sovereignty over Judæa, and of the annual payment of the tribute-money. The Syrian court, even after the death of Alcimus, troubled itself but little, if at all, about the religion of the Judæans. Although disliked by the people, the high-priest Alcimus had not belonged to the extreme Hellenists. He was merely an ambitious man who always worshipped the rising power. An offence with which he was reproached appears, on careful examination, hardly to have been a sin against the religion of the Judæans. It appears that between the inner and outer courts of the Temple there was a sort of wooden screen, of lattice-work, called "Soreg." This screen, the work of the prophets, as it was called, was the boundary, beyond which no heathen, nor any one who had become unclean by contact with a corpse might pass. But Alcimus gave orders for the destruction of this partition, probably with the intention of admitting the heathen within the sacred precincts. The pious Judæans were so highly incensed at this, that when Alcimus was seized, directly after this command, with paralysis of speech and of limbs, from which he never recovered, they attributed his fatal illness to the wrath of Heaven.

After the death of Alcimus, the Syrian court left the office of high-priest unfilled, evidently with the intention of removing even this semblance of Judæan independence. For seven years the Temple had no high-priest, and the country, no political head. Probably the priestly functions were carried on by a substitute for the high-priest, under the name of Sagan. We hear nothing of further Syrian interference. Bacchides left the country, and Judæa was at peace for two years (159–157).

Jonathan and Simon, the leaders of the Hasmonæans, made use of this pause to strengthen themselves, and to arm their followers. They fortified the oasis of Bethhagla, in the desert of Jericho, within the grateful shade of a wood and near a spring with an ample supply of sweet and limpid water. The river Jordan protected their rear.

In the conduct of this war Jonathan enjoyed no other authority than that of a Bedouin chief who extorts an armistice from the governing power; but as the sympathy of the people went with him, and as he carried his sword in a holy cause, he attained greater power. Without doubt the harm he did the Hellenists was considerable, for we hear of their carrying fresh complaints to the Syrian court. But as Demetrius was hopelessly indifferent, and as Bacchides was weary of carrying on a guerilla warfare at a great disadvantage, they remained inactive, whilst the Hellenists proposed to fall treacherously upon Jonathan and Simon, and to deliver them as prisoners to the Syrians. An ambush was laid for the two commanders, but the conspiracy was revealed, and the Maccabæans were able to take measures of defence upon this occasion. Fifty Hellenists were seized and executed. Bacchides, who had counted upon the rapid success of the conspiracy, felt himself involved in a new war, and proceeded to besiege the Hasmonæans in their fortress of Bethhagla. But the latter had attracted a number of followers, large enough to enable them to divide their forces. Jonathan and his followers defended the fortress, whilst Simon with his division, sallying out by an unguarded road, attacked the Syrians in the rear, and after defeating the Hellenists, burnt the siege-machines of the enemy. Threatened on both sides, Bacchides was forced, not without a considerable loss of soldiers, to raise the siege of Bethhagla, and as an outlet for his rage executed many of the Hellenists in his army. This was an appropriate moment for Jonathan to demand a truce, which was granted. The condition agreed upon was that Jonathan, after giving hostages as pledges of peace, might return to Judæa unmolested, but should not be permitted to dwell in Jerusalem. Prisoners were exchanged, and Bacchides marched out of the land, leaving his allies, the Hellenists, unprotected.

Jonathan took up his position in the fortress of Michmash, where Saul had once fixed his headquarters. He was tacitly acknowledged as the head of the Judæan people, and treated its enemies with relentless severity. For nearly four years "the sword rested in Israel." How this undecided state of things would finally have ended it is difficult to say, but it is certain that, without the aid of an unexpected piece of good fortune, the dream of the Hasmonæans could never have been realised.

A revolution in the Syrian kingdom effected a happy change in the fate of Judæa, and increased the power of Jonathan and the nation.

An obscure youth of Smyrna, Alexander Balas, was the cause of this revolution. He happened to bear an extraordinary likeness to the late king of Syria, Antiochus Eupator. This resemblance prompted Attalus, king of Pergamum, to induce Alexander to play the part of pretender to the Syrian throne. Alexander, richly supplied by Attalus with money and troops, was recognised by the Roman Senate as heir to the kingdom of Syria. Demetrius, roused from his indolence, began to look about him for allies. Above all he was anxious to win Jonathan over to his side. This led him to write a flattering epistle to the Hasmonæan commander, in which he called him his ally, and authorised him to raise troops and procure weapons. The Judæan hostages were at once to be set free.

Jonathan did not neglect so favourable an opportunity. He hurried to Jerusalem, repaired the walls, and fortified the city. The Hellenists sought refuge in the fortress of Bethzur. But Alexander, who was also in want of help, was equally eager for Jonathan's alliance, and succeeded in gaining it. He nominated Jonathan high-priest, sent him a robe of purple and a crown of gold, thus declaring him tributary prince of the Syrian kingdom and friend of its monarch.

Jonathan donned his priestly garment, and officiated for the first time as high-priest in the Temple upon the Feast of Tabernacles (152); he was the first of the Hasmonæans to gain so great a distinction.

Thus Judæa, thanks to the valour and self-sacrifice of a handful of warriors, was raised, after a war of nearly twenty years, from the brink of destruction to an influential position. The sufferer's part which she had played for so long was now to be exchanged for one active and heroic.

Jonathan greatly contributed to the growing power of the nation during his rule (152–144). He justly divined which side he should espouse in the struggle for the Syrian crown. He allied himself to Alexander, although Demetrius, like all who have nothing left to lose, was profuse in the most liberal offers. Ignoring the high-priest, Demetrius wrote "to the Judæan people," promising to relieve them from most of their taxes and imposts, to restore to their jurisdiction three districts that had been added to Samaria, to recognise Jerusalem as an asylum, and even to give up the important Acra. He declared that he would defray the expenses for conducting divine service in the Temple out of the royal treasury, reserving for that purpose the revenues of the town of Ptolemais. The Judæan army was to be levied at Syrian cost, promotions and rewards were to be given according to Syrian custom, and the forces consisting of 30,000 men were naturally to serve as his allies. Even the Judæans settled in the Syrian provinces were, in consideration of this alliance, to be protected from the oppression of their neighbours, and were to be exempt, on all Sabbaths and festivals, and for three days before and after the festivals, from duties in any court of justice.

But nothing could bribe the Judæan people to desert Jonathan; they were not blinded by these brilliant prospects, and their leader was too well acquainted with the character of Demetrius to give heed to his promises. He allied himself with Alexander, aided him in crushing his rival, and never had cause to regret the step that he had taken. The usurper loaded Jonathan with marks of favour, and plainly showed his gratitude to the Maccabæan leader. When he entered the city of Ptolemais, to receive the daughter of the Egyptian monarch, Ptolemy VI. Philopator, as his bride, he invited Jonathan to meet him, and the two kings entertained the Judæan warrior as their equal.

During the reign of Alexander Balas (152–146) Judæa recovered from the cruel blows which despotism and treachery had dealt her, and was soon able to call 10,000 men into the field. Jonathan, on his side, repaid Alexander with unalterable loyalty. For when Demetrius II., the son of Demetrius I., contested, as rightful heir to the throne, the sovereignty of Syria, Jonathan upheld Alexander's cause most strenuously, although that monarch was deserted by Egypt and Rome.

The Maccabæan chieftain began by opposing the advance of Demetrius's general Apollonius on the shores of the Mediterranean. He besieged and took the fortress of the seaport town of Joppa, destroyed the old Philistine city of Ashdod, which had declared for Apollonius, and burnt the Temple of the god Dagon. As a reward for his services, Jonathan received from Alexander the city of Ekron, with the surrounding country, which from that time was incorporated with Judæa (147).

The Syrian people were now divided in their allegiance, some of them acknowledging the rightful king Demetrius II., others clinging to the house of the usurper Alexander, even after the latter had been treacherously slain. In this general confusion Jonathan was able to besiege the Acra, the stronghold of the Hellenists.

The besieged turned for help to the Syrian king, and Demetrius II., eager to overthrow the powerful Maccabæan, listened to their appeal, marched to their rescue, and commanded Jonathan to meet him at Ptolemais. But when Jonathan obeyed and came with rich presents, Demetrius thought that his alliance might be of use to himself, and not only did he abandon his march upon the Acra, but he confirmed Jonathan in his priestly office.

Jonathan, well aware that the king was in sore need of money, offered him 300 talents in exchange for a few districts of land, and for the promise of exempting the Judæans from all taxation. The compact was made, written, and placed for security in the Temple; but Demetrius, in spite of his solemn protestation, soon regretted having freed the Judæans from their imposts. No Syrian monarch was ever known to be loyal to his word, or to refrain from recalling favours granted in some pressing moment of danger. The Judæan army meanwhile was soon to enjoy the unexpected triumph of inflicting the same degradation upon the Syrian capital which the Syrians had so often inflicted upon Jerusalem. Demetrius had excited the discontent of his people to such a degree that they actually besieged him in his own palace at Antioch, and his troops, who were clamouring for pay, refused to aid in his deliverance. Thus he felt himself in the unpleasant position of being compelled to seek the help of Jonathan's Judæan troops. The 3000 men sent by the high-priest destroyed a portion of the Syrian capital by fire, and forced the inhabitants and the rebellious soldiers to release their king and sue for pardon. But no sooner was Demetrius at liberty than he treated his deliverer with the basest ingratitude. Jonathan, therefore, refused to come to his rescue, when a general of Alexander Balas, Diodotus Tryphon by name, conspired against him, attempting to place Antiochus VI., the young son of Alexander Balas, on the throne of Syria. Demetrius was forced to flee from his capital. Embittered at the faithlessness of the Syrian monarch, and grateful to the memory of Alexander, Jonathan espoused the cause of the young king and his regent Tryphon. The latter confirmed him in his priestly office, and permitted him to wear the gold clasp, the distinguishing mark of an independent prince. Simon, his brother, was made commander of the Syrian forces on the shores of the Mediterranean, from the ladder of Tyre to the Egyptian confines.

Bravely did the Hasmonæan brothers fight for Antiochus, upon the triumph of whose cause the freedom of the Judæans depended. Victory and defeat succeeded each other; but at last the Hasmonæans remained victorious; they besieged and took several towns on the coast, and finally entered Damascus. They drove the Hellenists out of Bethzur, and garrisoned it. But their greatest desire was to make Jerusalem impregnable. They increased the height of the walls, extending them eastward to the vale of Kidron, thus creating a defence for the Holy Mount; they erected a rampart in the middle of the city, facing the Acra, to keep out the Hellenists, and they filled up the moat "Chaphenatha," which divided the Holy Mount from the city, and which was but partially bridged over, thus practically bringing the Temple closer to the town.

Jonathan would not attempt the siege of the Acra, partly because he might have given umbrage to his Syrian allies, and partly because he did not dare concentrate all his forces at one point so long as the generals of the fallen Demetrius maintained a threatening attitude. At that time Judæa could boast of an army 40,000 strong (144–143).

Subsequent events showed only too plainly that the prudence evinced by the Hasmonæans in fortifying the country, and maintaining a powerful army at the outset of this campaign had not been superfluous. As soon as the rebellious general, Diodotus Tryphon, had possessed himself of the supreme power in Syria, he determined to overthrow the puppet king Antiochus, and to place the crown upon his own head. But the greatest hindrance to the attainment of these ends was Jonathan himself, who, true to the memory of Alexander, was the devoted champion of the rights of Antiochus, and who, moreover, was in possession of a great part of the sea-coast. Tryphon was well aware that Jonathan would not become party to his treachery, so he determined to rid himself of the high-priest, and thus weaken the followers of the young king. But a course of open violence being impossible, he resorted to craft, and actually succeeded in outwitting the wariest of all the Hasmonæans, and getting him into his power. Upon the news of Tryphon's entry into Scythopolis, at the head of a powerful army, Jonathan hurried to oppose him with 40,000 picked warriors. To his amazement he was most courteously received by the Syrian commander, and loaded with presents. Entirely duped by so flattering a reception, he was persuaded by Tryphon to dismiss the greater number of his troops, and to follow his host into the fortified seaport city of Acco (Ptolemais), which Tryphon promised to surrender to him. Of the 3,000 soldiers remaining with Jonathan, 2,000 were now sent to Galilee, 1,000 alone following their chief. But hardly had they passed the gates of the fortress before Jonathan was seized, and made prisoner by the treacherous Tryphon, whilst the Syrian garrison fell upon his men, and massacred them. After the accomplishment of this infamous deed, the troops rushed out in pursuit of the Judæan soldiers, who were stationed in the plain of Jezreel and in Galilee. But the Judæans had already heard of the fate that had befallen their brethren, and they turned, and gave battle to the Syrians, putting them to flight. With the report of Jonathan's death they entered Jerusalem, and great was the consternation of their sorrow-stricken brethren. They believed that their beloved Jonathan had fallen, like his thousand followers at Acco, a victim to the faithless commander. Syrian domination, with its usual terrible consequences, seemed impending. The Hellenists were suspected of being implicated in these disastrous events, and, in fact, there was a secret understanding between Tryphon and the remnant of the Hellenists; the Syrian commander appears to have promised them aid from without, while they were to assist him from within, should the Judæan capital be besieged. But Simon Tharsi, the last of the Hasmonæans, successfully averted this twofold danger. In spite of his advanced age, he was a man of lofty enthusiasm and singular heroism, so that he was able to rouse the people from despair to hope. When he exclaimed to the multitude assembled in the outer court of the Temple, "I am no better than my brothers who died for the Sanctuary and liberty," the Judæans replied with one voice: "Be our leader, like Judas and Jonathan, your brothers." Placed at the head of the nation by the people themselves, Simon was determined to secure Jerusalem from a sudden attack on the part of the Hellenists, and at the same time to block Tryphon's entry into Judæa. He sent a Judæan contingent, under the leadership of Jonathan ben Absalom, to Joppa, in order to prevent the landing of the Syrian army, whilst he assembled his forces at Adida.

Tryphon, accompanied by his prisoner Jonathan, had already passed out of Acco with the intention of falling upon Judæa, which, he thought, would be paralysed by his act of treachery. He was determined, moreover, to frighten the Judæans into subjection by threatening to assassinate their high-priest. But upon hearing, to his amazement, that all Judæa was in arms, and that Simon was the leader of the people, he began artfully to enter into negotiations with the enemy. He pretended to have made Jonathan prisoner only for the purpose of securing one hundred talents of tribute-money which the Judæans had formerly paid to Syria, and promised that if this indemnity were forthcoming, and Jonathan's two sons were delivered up as hostages, he would release his prisoner. Simon was in no way deceived by this artifice of Tryphon, but trembling to incur the reproach of having caused his brother's death, he paid the tribute-money, and delivered up the hostages. Tryphon, however, had no intention of making peace with the Judæans; on the contrary, he was at that very moment taking a circuitous road to Jerusalem, not daring to run the risk of meeting the Judæan forces in the open field. He might have reached the capital in safety, had not a heavy snowfall, most unusual in that hot climate, made the mountain roads of Judæa impassable, and forced him into the trans-Jordanic country.

Enraged at this defeat of his plans, he caused Jonathan to be executed at Bascama (143). The remains of the great Maccabæan high-priest and commander were ultimately recovered, and buried by Simon and the whole people at Modin, in the tomb of the Hasmonæans. Thus ended the fourth of the Hasmonæan brothers. He achieved more than his predecessors had done, and more than his successors could do; for he raised the Judæan republic from the very lowest depths to an eminence whence, if not entirely abandoned by fortune, it could easily rise higher. It is true that Judas Maccabæus had performed more numerous deeds of valour, and had gained a more brilliant military renown than Jonathan, but the younger brother had given his people power and importance, and by virtue of his priestly office had conferred lasting distinction upon his family.

After the death of Judas, the Judæan nation was as near dissolution as it had been in the days of the sanguinary reign of Antiochus; but after Jonathan's death, there existed the fundamental conditions upon which a State can be based.

If we may compare Judas Maccabæus to the Judges of the Biblical age, then we may liken Jonathan to King Saul, who was able to avert ruin and attain safety. As Saul, through the kingly crown, united the dispersed tribes, and moulded them into a powerful people, so Jonathan, by his mitre, united the divided factions, and made of them a strong and self-reliant nation. And although both were deeply mourned by the people, neither King Saul's death nor that of the high-priest Jonathan put an end to the nation's unity, because in neither of these parallel cases did the unity of Judæa rest upon one individual, but upon the whole nation, conscious of its resources. As Saul found a worthy successor in his son-in-law David, so did Jonathan in his brother Simon.

Of Jonathan's descendants, only one daughter is mentioned. She was married to Mattathias ben Simon Psellus, and became the ancestress of the historian Flavius Josephus.

During the period in which the Judæan State was developing through political trials, the Jewish religion was attaining, on another theatre, the sovereign position whence it influenced the civilisation of the whole world. Politically, Judaism was being matured in Judæa, intellectually, in Egypt.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE JUDÆANS IN ALEXANDRIA AND THE GOVERNMENT OF SIMON

The Judæan Colonies in Egypt and Cyrene – Internal Affairs of the Alexandrian Community – King Philometor favours the Judæans – Onias and Dositheus – The Temple of Onias – Translation of the Pentateuch into Greek – Struggle between the Judæans and Samaritans in Alexandria – Affairs in Judæa – Independence of Judæa – Simon's League with the Romans – Overthrow of the Acra and of the Hellenists – Simon's Coinage – Quarrel between Simon and the Syrian King – Invasion by Cendebæus – Assassination of Simon.

160–135 B. C. E

The magic land of the Nile, once the school of suffering of the children of Israel and the cradle of Israel's religion, became at this period the school of wisdom for the Judæan nation.

The settlement of the Judæans in Egypt was as much encouraged by the Greek rulers of that country as it had been in former ages by the Pharaohs. They spread over the entire district between the Lybian desert in the north and the confines of Ethiopia in the south. They increased as rapidly as they had done in the days of their forefathers, and they numbered one million of souls at the expiration of a century from their first arrival in their adopted country.

In Egypt and Cyrene the Judæans enjoyed rights similar to those of the Greek colonists. They were so proud of this equality that they watched over their privileges with a jealous eye. It is impossible to say from whom they originally held them, whether from Alexander or his successors. The Judæan colony in Egypt began to play an active part at the time when the Egyptian and Syrian courts were hostile to each other, when both were eager for the possession of Judæa, and each was, therefore, anxious to secure the alliance of the Judæans. But the Egyptian Judæans had always been faithful adherents of the Ptolemaic royal house, and Philometor, the sixth prince of that dynasty, had cordially received the numerous fugitives who had fled from Judæa during the persecutions of Antiochus.

Conspicuous amongst those emigrants were several Judæans of distinguished families, as well as the son of the high-priest Onias. They were treated with respect by the Egyptian rulers, and were able, at a later date, to give proof of their intelligence and their learning. Political prudence demanded the friendliest reception of the Judæan malcontents, in order to make sure of their undivided support in the re-conquest of Judæa from Syria. Neither Egypt nor Syria, however, could possibly have divined that the opposition of the Judæan patriots to the Syrian armies would lead to the independence of Judæa.

The Judæans were principally concentrated in Alexandria, second only to Rome in political importance and commerce, and to Athens in love of art and knowledge. Of the five divisions or districts of Alexandria, which were designated by the first letters of the Greek alphabet, the Judæans occupied nearly the whole of two; the district of the Delta, lying upon the sea-coast, had indeed become an exclusively Judæan colony, and its commanding position determined the occupation of its inhabitants. The cargoes of grain that Rome imported for her legions from the rich plains of Egypt were undoubtedly laden upon Judæan ships, and taken into the market by Judæan merchants. They carried the wealth of Egyptian harvests to less fertile countries, as Joseph, their ancestor, had done before them. Prosperity and refinement were the fruits of their enterprise. But commerce was not monopolised by the Judæans, nor was it their only pursuit. Their eagerness to learn and their aptitude enabled them to acquire the skill of the Greeks, and to succeed in the manufacture of delicate fabrics. Judæan artisans and skilled workmen were leagued in a kind of guild, and when labour was required in the Temple of Jerusalem, the Alexandrian-Judæan community supplied the master-hands. Moreover, the Alexandrian Judæans applied themselves to the Grecian arts of war and of statecraft. They acquired the melodious Greek tongue, and made a profound study of Greek learning, many of them reading and understanding Homer and Plato as easily as the books of Moses and the writings of King Solomon.