History of the Jews, Vol. 1 (of 6)

Sennacherib had marched his troops (then proceeding to the attack on Egypt) through the Philistine lowland southward without turning towards Jerusalem, while he himself put up his headquarters at Lachish, which was one of the most important of the provincial cities of Judah. He had no reason to besiege the town of Jerusalem, fortified as it was by nature and human art. When the country was completely conquered, the capital would be forced to surrender of itself. If this plan had succeeded, Jerusalem would have suffered a fate similar to that of Samaria, and the few remaining tribes would have been carried off into captivity and scattered abroad, to be irretrievably lost amongst the various nationalities. In spite of this hopeless prospect, Isaiah held firm to the prediction that Judah would not fall. It would suffer under the dominion of Sennacherib, but these very sufferings would tend to the reformation of a part of the nation, if not of the whole of it.

Isaiah was not the only prophet who, at this day of oppression and imminent destruction, held aloft the banner of hope, and predicted a glorious future for Israel, in which all the nations of the earth would take part. Micah spoke in a similar strain, though his speeches were not so artistic or striking. But amidst the din of battle he spoke yet more decidedly than Isaiah of the everlasting peace of the world, and thus endeavoured to raise the fallen hopes of Jerusalem (Micah iv. – v.).

The actual present, however, formed a striking contrast to Isaiah's and Micah's high-soaring predictions of a most brilliant and noble future. King Hezekiah, seeing the distress of Jerusalem resulting from the subjection and devastation of the country, sent messengers to Sennacherib in Lachish, to ask pardon for his rebellion and give assurances of his submission. The Assyrian king demanded in the first place the immense sum of 300 khikars (talents) of silver, and 30 khikars of gold. Hezekiah succeeded in collecting this sum, but he did it with a heavy heart, for he found himself obliged to remove the golden ornaments which adorned the temple. When Sennacherib had received this sum, he demanded more – unconditional surrender. In order to add weight to his demand, he sent a division of his army to Jerusalem. This detachment was stationed to the north-east of the city on the way to the upper lake, and made preparations for a siege. Before beginning it, however, the Assyrians summoned King Hezekiah to an interview. Rab-shakeh, one of the Assyrian officials, representing Sennacherib, spoke with as much disdain as if the conquest of Jerusalem were as easy as robbing a bird's nest. The Judæan warriors stationed on the outer wall waited with great anxiety for the result of the interview. In order to daunt their courage, Rab-shakeh uttered his bold and daring speech in the Hebrew or Judæan tongue, in order that the listeners might understand him. When Hezekiah's officers requested Rab-shakeh to address them rather in the Aramæan language, he replied that he desired to speak in their own language, so that the warriors on the outer wall might understand him, and be disabused of Hezekiah's delusion. In order to win them to his side, Rab-shakeh called aloud to them that they should not be persuaded by Hezekiah into the belief that God would save them. Were the gods of those countries subdued by the Assyrians able to save their people? Nor had the God of Israel been able even to rescue Samaria from the king of Assyria. Rab-shakeh openly demanded of the Judæan warriors that they should desert their king and acknowledge Sennacherib, and he would then lead them into a land as fruitful as that of Judah. The people and the warriors silently listened to those words. But when they became known in Jerusalem, they spread fear and consternation amongst all classes of the inhabitants. Hezekiah, therefore, appointed a fast and a penitent procession to the Temple, to which he himself repaired in mourning garments. Isaiah made use of this opportunity in order to appeal to the blinded princes of Judah, whose danger could not wean them from sin, and to impress on them that mere outward piety, such as sacrifices and fasts, was of no avail (Isaiah i.). The address he gave could not but have a crushing effect. Safety and rescue, said the prophet, could only be brought about by a thorough moral regeneration; but how could this be effected in a moment? Rab-shakeh insisted on a decision, and the troops as well as the nation were disheartened. What if, in order to save their lives they opened the gates and admitted the enemy? All eyes were, therefore, turned on the prophet Isaiah. The king sent the highest dignitaries and the elders of the priests to him, that he might pray in behalf of the unworthy nation, and speak a word of comfort to the remnant of the people that was crowded together in Jerusalem. Isaiah's message was brief but reassuring. He exhorted the king to throw off his terror of the scornful victor, and predicted that Sennacherib, scared by some report, would raise the siege and return to his own country. This announcement appears to have pacified not only the king, but also the terror-stricken nation. Hezekiah then sent to Rab-shakeh a reply for which the latter was unprepared. He refused to surrender. How exasperated the great sovereign must have been when Rab-shakeh reported to him the decision of Hezekiah! A petty prince, who had nothing left to him but his capital, had dared defy him! He immediately sent a messenger with a letter to Hezekiah, in which he gave utterance to his contempt for the little state and for the God in whom Hezekiah trusted. He enumerated therein the fortresses which had been subdued by the Assyrians: "Have their gods been able to save them, and dost thou hope that confidence in thy God will save thee?"

The reply to this blasphemous epistle was dictated by Isaiah. In it he predicted that Sennacherib would return to his country in abject defeat, for God was not willing to give up the city. Before Rab-shakeh could bring the answer to Sennacherib, a change had already taken place. Tirhakah, the Ethiopian king of Egypt, who desired to prevent the advance of the Assyrians, went to meet them with a large army. Hearing of the advance of the Egyptian and Ethiopian troops, Sennacherib left his encampment in Lachish, collected his scattered forces, and proceeded southward as far as the Egyptian frontier town, Pelusium, which he besieged.

Hezekiah's despair at Sennacherib's blasphemous letter was calmed by Isaiah's prediction that the land would indeed suffer want in this and in the coming year, but after this it would once more regain its fertility; 'yea, the remnant of Judah would again strike its root downward, and bear fruit upward, and this revival would proceed from Jerusalem; but Sennacherib would not be permitted to direct even an arrow against Jerusalem.' Whilst the king and the nobles who believed in Isaiah's prophecy, gave themselves up to hope, looking upon the departure of the besieging troops from before Jerusalem as the beginning of the realisation of the prophetic prediction, an event occurred which roused fresh terror in Jerusalem. Hezekiah was afflicted with a virulent tumour, and was in such imminent danger that even Isaiah advised him to put his house in order and arrange for the succession, as he would not recover from his sickness. The death of the king, without heirs, in this stormy time, would have been a signal for disunion among the princes of Judah, and would have occasioned a civil war in the distressed capital. The nation was strongly attached to its gentle and noble king. He was the very breath of its life; and the prospect of losing him made him doubly dear to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. At this sorrowful prediction, Hezekiah, lying on his sick bed, turned his face to the wall, and tearfully prayed to God. Then Isaiah announced to him that his prayers had been heard, that God would send him health, and that on the third day he would repair to the Temple. By the application of soft figs the ulcer disappeared, and he became well again. On his recovery the king composed a heartfelt psalm of praise, which was probably sung in the Temple. (Isaiah xxxviii. 10–20.)

The recovery of the king caused great rejoicing in Jerusalem; but it was not unmixed. Doubt and anxiety were still felt in the capital so long as Sennacherib's contest with Egypt remained unended. If he were victorious, the thrones of Judah and David would be lost. How long this war and the siege of Pelusium lasted is not certain. Suddenly the joyful news reached Jerusalem that Sennacherib with the remainder of his army was returning in hot haste to his country (711). What had happened to the numerous host? Nothing definite was known, and the scene of action lay far away. In Jerusalem it was related that a devouring pestilence or the Angel of Death had destroyed the entire Assyrian host, 185,000 men. In Egypt, the priests related that a numberless swarm of field-mice had gnawed to pieces the quivers, bows, and trappings of the army till they were useless, and that the soldiers, deprived of their weapons, were obliged to take to flight. Whatever may have caused the destruction of the mighty host of Sennacherib, his contemporaries appear to have considered it as a miracle, and as a punishment sent to the Assyrian king for his pride and blasphemy. In Jerusalem the joy following on anxiety was increased by the fact that the prophet had repeatedly and, from the very commencement of the attack, predicted that the Assyrians would not cast one arrow against Jerusalem, and that Sennacherib would return on the way by which he had come without having effected his intentions.

The exultation over their deliverance found vent in the hymns – beautiful in form and thought – which were composed by the Korahite Levites, and sung in the Temple. (Psalms xlvi. and lxxvi.)

Thus Jerusalem was delivered from the Assyrians. Isaiah's prediction that "Assur's yoke shall be removed from the shoulder of Judah" was fulfilled to the letter. The inhabitants of the country, part of whom had been shut up in the capital, and part of whom had fled for refuge to the neighbouring hollows and caves, now returned to their homes, and tilled the land in safety. All fear of the frowning eye of the Assyrian king having passed away, the Judæans, whose territory was but small, could now seek out other dwelling places where they could settle down and spread. Hezekiah's thoughts were not directed towards war; his was the mission of a prince of peace. It appears that the neighbouring people, indeed, called on him as an arbiter in their disputes, and that fugitives and persecuted men sought protection with him. Although Judah could not be said to boast of victories under Hezekiah, it yet attained to an important position amongst the nations.

After the defeat of Sennacherib, a king from distant parts endeavoured to form an alliance with Judah. The king of Babylon, Merodach-baladan (Mardo-kempad), son of Baladan (721–710), sent an embassy with letters and presents to Hezekiah, ostensibly under the pretext of congratulating him on his recovery, but doubtless in order to form an alliance with him against their common foe. Hezekiah being naturally gratified at this sign of respect from a distant land, received the Babylonian embassy with the customary honours, and showed them his treasures. This manifestation of joy and pride displeased Isaiah, who prophesied injury to Judah from the land with which it was forming a treaty. The king received the reproof of the prophet with humility.

The fifteen years of Hezekiah's reign after the downfall of the Assyrian kingdom was a golden age for the inner development of the remnant of Israel. They could dwell without disturbance under their vines and fig-trees. As in the days of David and Solomon, strangers immigrated into the happy region of Judah, where they were kindly received, and where they attached themselves to the people of Israel. The poor and the sorrow-stricken, the mourner and the outcast were the objects of the king's special care. He could now put into execution his heartfelt desire 'to have the faithful of the land, the God-fearing and the true, to dwell with him in his palace.' The disciples of Isaiah, imbued as they were with their master's spirit, were the friends and advisers of Hezekiah, and were called "Hezekiah's people."

The second part of Hezekiah's reign was altogether a time of happy inspiration for the poet. The fairest blossoms of psalmody flourished at this period. Besides songs of thanksgiving and holy hymns which flowed from the lips of the Levites, probably written for use in the Temple, half-secular songs were dedicated in love and praise to King Hezekiah. On the occasion of his marriage with a beautiful maiden, whose charms had touched the king's heart, one of the Korahites composed a love-song. The two kinds of poetry, the peculiar property of the Hebrew people, which the literature of no other nation has paralleled, the poetical and rhythmical expression of prophetic eloquence and the psalm, reached their culmination under Hezekiah. The Proverbs, that third branch of Hebrew poetry, were not only collected, but also amplified by the poets of Hezekiah's time.

Hezekiah ruled in quiet and peace until the end of his days. The defeat of Sennacherib had been so complete that he could not think of undertaking another expedition against Judah. Great joy was felt when Sennacherib, who had hurled such proud and blasphemous utterances at Israel's God and nation, was murdered by his own sons, Adrammelech and (Nergal-) Sharezer, in the temple of one of the Assyrian gods. Nothing is known of the last days of Hezekiah (696). He was the last king whose remains were interred in the royal mausoleum. The people, who were strongly attached to him, gave him a magnificent burial. It appears that he left an only son named Manasseh, whom his wife, Hephzi-bah, had borne to him after the close of the Assyrian war.

CHAPTER XV.

THE LAST KINGS OF JUDAH

Manasseh – Fanatical Hatred of Hezekiah's Policy – Assyrian Worship Introduced – The Anavim – Persecution of the Prophets – Esarhaddon – The Colonisation of Samaria – Amon – Josiah – Huldah and Zephaniah – Affairs in Assyria – Regeneration of Judah under Josiah – Repairing of the Temple – Jeremiah – The Book of Deuteronomy – Josiah's Passover – Battle at Megiddo.

695–608 B. C. E

It was not destined that the Judæan nation should enjoy uninterrupted happiness for even a few generations. Its strength was tried by rapid changes from prosperity to misfortune. Close upon the power and unity of the second half of Hezekiah's reign came weakness and disintegration; quiet and peace were followed by wild disturbances, and the spring-time of mental culture by a destructive drought. It is true that no disasters of a political nature disturbed the country under the rule of Hezekiah's successor, and what perils threatened the land from abroad, soon passed over. But at home, unfortunate circumstances arose which brought about a schism, and thus led to lasting weakness. What can be worse for a commonwealth than jealousy and hatred among its members, and the antipathy of the rural population to the capital? Such feelings arose under the government of Hezekiah's son, who, to the injury of the land, reigned for more than half a century (695–641). Manasseh's youth was in part the cause of this disaffection.

Under the sway of a boy of twelve, whose government lies in the hands of his servants, ambition, avarice, and even worse passions are apt to rule, unless those in power are men of great moral worth, whose patriotism surpasses their self-love. The princes of the house of Judah had not, however, attained to this moral height. They were, in fact, filled with resentment at the neglect which they had suffered during Hezekiah's reign, and only anxious to regain their former position, by removing the intruders and satisfying their vengeance. Courtiers and officers now came into power who seemed to find their chief occupation in reversing everything which had been introduced under Hezekiah. The order of things established by this king, whether it be defined as a restoration or an innovation, rested on the ancient Israelitish doctrines of the unity of God, of His incorporeality, of a rejection of all idolatry, and on a centralised worship.

It was the aim of the fanatics who stood at the head of the government to overturn this system. An idolatrous faction was formed, which was not only influenced by force of habit, love of imitation, or misdirected religious feeling, but also by passionate hatred of all that appertained to the ancient Israelitish customs, and love for all that was foreign. At the head of this party were the princes, under whose influence and care the young king was placed. Not long after Manasseh's accession to the throne, the nobles, who acted in the king's name, proceeded with the innovations which they had planned. Their first step was to proclaim lawful the use of high altars, which Hezekiah had so strongly reprobated. They then introduced the wild orgies of idolatry into Jerusalem and the Temple. Not only the ancient Canaanitish, but also the Assyrian and Babylonian modes of worship became customary at the Temple, as if in scorn of the God of Israel. In the courts of the Temple, altars were erected to Baal and Astarte, and smaller altars on the roofs of houses in honour of the five planets. In the court of the Temple, a large image (Ssemel), probably of the Assyrian goddess Mylitta, was erected, as if to give offence to the God of Israel.

More pernicious even than this wild medley of idolatry in itself, were its influences on morality. The profligate temple-servants and priestesses (Kedeshoth) of Astarte were provided with cells, where they led a wild and dissolute life. The pyre (Tôpheth) was once more raised in the beautiful vale of Ben-Hinnom, where tender children were cast into the fire as offerings to Moloch to avert calamity. Everything was done to cause the memory of the God of Israel to fall into oblivion. The faction of idolaters persuaded themselves and others that God had become powerless, and that He could neither bring them good nor bad fortune. The desire of imitation had no mean share in this religious and moral perversion. Habit and compulsion exercised on the disaffected soon spread the evil, which proceeded from the court and the prince till it extended over the whole land. The priests of the family of Aaron were probably at first unwilling to participate in this secession from the God of Israel. Idolatrous priests (Khemarim) were therefore brought into the country, who, as in the days of Jezebel and Athaliah, were permitted to take part in the service of the Temple. Nor were false prophets wanting to lend their voices to these abominations. What cause, however bad, if enjoying the favour of the great, has not found eloquent tongues to shield, justify, or even recommend it as the only true and good one? This state of things, if unopposed, would have led to the utter oblivion of all the past, and to the destruction of the nation which was to bring blessings to the entire human race.

Happily there existed in Jerusalem a strong party who respected the law so despised and scoffed at by the court faction. These formed a striking contrast to the representatives of idolatry, and were determined to seal their convictions even with their blood. These "disciples of the Lord," whom Isaiah had taught and educated as his own children, were the long-suffering Anavim, small in numbers and low in rank, whose determination, however, rendered them a strong power. They may be called the Anavites or prophetic party; they called themselves "the community of the upright" (Sod Jescharim w' Edah). This community was subjected to many hard trials through the change under Manasseh. The least of their troubles was that the men whom Hezekiah had placed as judges and officers of state were turned out of their positions by the court party, and that Aaronides, of the family of Zadok the high-priest, who refused to take part in the idolatrous worship, were dismissed from the Temple, and deprived of their incomes from sacrifices and gifts. Prophets raised their voices in denunciation of these crimes, and other members of this community manifested their horror at the daring of the court party; but Manasseh and the princes of Judah did not stop short of any crime, and, like the abhorred Jezebel, drowned the voices of the prophets in blood. The prophetic utterances of this period have not been preserved; the zealous men of God had no time to write them down. A violent death overtook them before they could seize the pencil, or they were obliged to hide their thoughts in veiled language. As though these sad times were doomed to be forgotten, the historians have noted down but little of public interest. An event of great import to Judæa occurred during Manasseh's reign, and the books of history have given but slight or no account of it.

One of the sons of Sennacherib, whose parricidal act destroyed the proud conqueror in the temple, had placed himself on the tottering throne of Nineveh. He also died a violent death at the hand of his brother Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon (680–668) utilised the confusion and civil war which had broken out in Babylonia, to reduce that old mother-country to a mere dependence on Assyria. Thus strengthened Esarhaddon commenced a war with Egypt, the conquest of which his father had been obliged to relinquish. Some of his generals appear to have landed on the Judæan coast, in order to effect Manasseh's subjection by means of threats. Manasseh went to him to secure a fair peace, but, as is related, he was made a captive, and led in chains to Babylon. It was a bad omen for the house of David, which had become faithless to its origin, and had shown a blind love of the stranger.

Sennacherib's son is supposed to have sent the prisoners of the countries he had subdued, such as Babylon, Cuthah, Sepharvaim, and Hamath, to Samaria in order to colonise it. This event, which, at the time, seemed without significance to Judæa, was destined to be important in the future. These exiles, who were called Cuthæans, from their origin, and Samaritans, from their dwelling-places, gradually adopted Israelitish customs, probably from the small remnant of Israelites who remained after the destruction of the kingdom of the Ten Tribes. The Cuthæans made pilgrimages to the holy places of Bethel, where Israelitish priests performed the service. They, however, continued to worship idols, and some of them sacrificed human beings.

Manasseh himself was delivered from captivity, and sent back to his country by Esarhaddon or his successor; but his character had not improved. Idolatrous worship and the unfortunate conditions brought about by immorality and cruel persecution lasted until his death. When he died (641), he was not buried in the city of David, as his predecessors had been, but in the garden of Uzza, attached to the royal palace in the suburb of Millo. He had himself selected this spot for his tomb, and had thereby tacitly acknowledged himself unworthy to rest in the grave of his forefather David.

He was succeeded by his eldest son Amon (640–639), who, although older than his father had been at his accession, yet appears to have had no more aptitude for reigning than his predecessor. The idolatrous aberrations, which had brought with them consequences so injurious to morality in his father's reign, continued under his rule, but, unlike his father, he does not appear to have persecuted the prophet party. However, he reigned for so short a time that but little is known of him, his deeds or sentiments. His servants – that is to say, the captain of the palace and the chief courtiers around him – conspired against him, and killed him in his own palace (639). The nation appears to have loved Amon, for the people rose in rebellion against the conspirators, killed them, and placed Amon's son Josiah, who was eight years of age, on the throne (638–608). This change of rule was not immediately felt. The nobles and princes of Judah continued to govern in the name of the king during his minority, and maintained the innovations of Manasseh, which they sought to establish firmly.

But the number of 'the sufferers of the land,' who clung to the precepts of the God of Israel, increased daily, and these formed themselves into an active body. From this circle various prophets arose under Josiah. They lent their words of fire to the promulgation of the pure doctrines of God, and opened their lips in the cause of right, and endeavoured to bring about a better state of things. A prophetess named Huldah also arose at this time, and her counsel, like that of Deborah, was much sought after. Zephaniah was the eldest of the later prophets. He was descended from a respected family in Jerusalem, whose forefathers were known as far back as the fourth generation. He openly declaimed against the weakness, the moral degradation, and the idolatrous ways of his contemporaries, particularly of the nobles and princes, who took pride in the imitation of all foreign customs. Like the older prophets, Amos and Joel, he predicted the advent of "a terrible day of the Lord, a day of darkness and obscurity." In his prophecies concerning other nations, he especially predicted the total destruction of the proud city of Nineveh.