The Mission to Siam, and Hué the Capital of Cochin China, in the Years 1821-2

The globular form of the cranium, and the orbicular shape of the face are peculiarly characteristic of the Cochin Chinese. The head projects more backwards than in the Siamese; it is smaller and more symmetrical, in regard to the body, than in the tribes already noticed, and the transverse diameters both of the occiput and sinciput are very nearly equal. The forehead is short and small, the cheeks round, the lower part of the face broad. The whole countenance is in fact very nearly round, and this is more particularly striking in women, who are reckoned beautiful in proportion as they approach this form of face. The eyes are small, dark, and round. They want the tumid, incumbent eyelid of the Chinese, and hence they derive a sprightliness of aspect unknown to the latter. The nose is small, but well formed. The mouth is remarkably large, the lips are prominent but not thick. The beard is remarkably scanty, yet they cultivate it with the greatest care. There are amongst them those who can number scarce one dozen of hairs upon the chin, or on the whole of the lower jaw. That on the upper lip is somewhat more abundant. The neck is for the most part short. Before quitting this part of the subject, I may remark that there is in the form of the head a degree of beauty, and in the expression of the countenance a degree of harmony, sprightliness, intelligence, and good-humour, which we should look for in vain either in the Chinese or Siamese.

The shape of the body and limbs in the Cochin Chinese, differs but little from that of the tribes already noticed. The chest is short, large, and well expanded; the loins broad; the upper extremities are long, but well formed; the lower are short, and remarkably stout. There is this remarkable difference from the others of the same race, that here the tendency to obesity is of rare occurrence. The limbs, though large, are not swollen with fat. The muscular system is large and well developed, and the leg in particular is almost always large and well formed. The Cochin Chinese, though a laughing, are not a fat, people.

The costume of the Cochin Chinese may be described in a few words. The subject is more deserving of attention, in that it also presents them to us in a peculiar light different from that under which their neighbours appear. Though living not only in a mild, but warm climate, the partiality for dress is universal. There is no one, however mean, but is clothed at least from the head to the knee, and if their dress is not always of the smartest, it is owing more to their poverty than to their want of taste. Nor is it comfort or convenience alone that they study. They are not above the vanity of valuing themselves on the smartness of their dress, a failing which often leads them into extravagance. You will often see a well-dressed man without a single quhan in his possession.

The principal and most expensive article in their dress is the turban. That of the men is made of black crape, of the women of blue. On occasions of mourning, it is made of white crape.

A loose jacket, somewhat resembling a large shirt, but with wide sleeves, reaching nearly to the knee, and buttoning on the right side, constitutes the principal covering of the body. Two of these, the under one of white silk, are generally worn, and they increase the number according to their circumstances and the state of the weather. Women wear a dress but little different from this, though lighter, and both wear a pair of wide pantaloons, of various colours. The dress of the poorer class is made of coarse cotton, but this is not very common, coarse silks being more in vogue. Those of China and Tonquin are worn by the more opulent classes. Shoes also are worn only by the wealthy, and are of Chinese manufacture, clogs, in fact, rather than shoes.

After this account of the physical exterior of the Cochin Chinese, I shall add a few words respecting their moral character. Any account of a matter so intricate, must, on so short an acquaintance, be necessarily imperfect. The subject, in its different bearings, is besides so extensive, that I can at most but hint at a few points.

Of these the most important and most remarkable is religion. The nation may, in fact, be said to be without any religion whatever. They have neither religious instruction nor instructors, priests, nor any body of men, whose function is to encourage its cultivation, or by their conduct to set an example to the great body of the people. Every man is free to act in this matter as he thinks fit. The better sort affect to follow the precepts of Confucius. The theism of the Chinese is as cold-hearted and unaccompanied by feeling, as it is crude, undefined, and uncertain in its principles. It appears to have no effect whatever on their conduct, nor do they entertain any intelligible notions on the subject. It would appear to be fashionable to profess it; but they neither talk of it, nor have any means of knowing what fashion perhaps alone induces them to profess.

The human mind, under every condition of life, has formed to itself certain notions of a future state. The untutored mind, led away by its fears, soon becomes involved in the intricate mazes of superstition, in which the mind too often paints undefined, unreal terrors. Such is the case with the Cochin Chinese, whose religion, if it is ever thought of, consists in the ceremony of placing on a rude altar some bits of meat and a few straws covered with the dust of scented wood, or in scattering to the winds a few scraps of paper covered with gold foil; or in sticking a piece of writing on a post or door, or to a tree. You inquire in vain for the motives of such acts. The objects of their fear are as numerous as they are hideous. One form of superstition is observed by sea-faring people, another by those who live upon the coast, and a different form by those inhabiting agricultural districts.

Thus, if not absolutely without religion, the Cochin Chinese can scarcely be said to derive moral feeling from this source. It may, perhaps, with truth be observed, that it is better that a people should have no religion than a false one. The nation in question will furnish an argument in favour of this opinion. It might be supposed that the first, the necessary consequence of the want of religion, would be a total disregard of right and wrong: this, however, is not the case, for in many respects the Cochin Chinese are superior to their neighbours, who are devoted to their national religion. If they are destitute of that aid which is derived from true religion, they are likewise free from the degrading trammels of a false one. A more direct engine than that of religion itself, has modified, if not formed, the moral character of the people; it is that of an avaricious, illiberal, and despotic government, the effect of which, so sedulously pursued through a course of ages, it is melancholy and revolting to human nature to contemplate. It has involved the whole body of the people in perpetual and insurmountable poverty; it has debased the mind; it has destroyed every generous feeling; it has crushed in the bud the early aspirations of genius; it has cast a blasting influence over every attempt at improvement. Such being the character of the government, it will not appear surprising that the moral character of the people should in many respects be brutalized. What is defective in their character has been occasioned by perpetual slavery and oppression; yet notwithstanding all this, they display traits of moral feeling, ingenuity, and acuteness, which, under a liberal government, would seem capable of raising them to an elevated rank amongst nations. But they are perpetually reminded of the slavery under which they exist; the bamboo is perpetually at work, and every petty, paltry officer, every wretch who can claim precedence over another, is at liberty to inflict lashes on those under him. But the tameness with which they submit to this degrading discipline, alike applicable to the people as to the military, is the most extraordinary circumstance. Their obedience is unlimited, nor do they, by word or by action, manifest the slightest resistance to the arbitrary decisions of their tyrants. It will not appear surprising that this system should render them cunning, timid, deceitful, and regardless of truth; that it should make them conceited, impudent, clamorous, assuming, and tyrannical, where they imagine they can be so with impunity. Their clamorous boldness is easily seen through, and the least opposition or firmness reduces them to the meanest degree of submission and fawning.

Such are the more revolting traits in their character: they are in a great measure counter balanced by a large share of others that are of a more amiable stamp. They are mild, gentle and inoffensive in their character, beyond most nations. Though addicted to theft, the crime of murder is almost unknown amongst them. To strangers, they are affable, kind, and attentive; and in their conduct they display a degree of genuine politeness and urbanity quite unknown to the bulk of the people in other parts of India24. They are besides lively and good-humoured, playful, and obliging. Towards each other, their conduct is mild and unassuming, but the omission of accustomed forms or ceremonies, the commission of the slightest fault, imaginary or real, is followed by immediate punishment. The bamboo is the universal antidote against all their failings. Like the Chinese, this nation is addicted to the worship of ancestors, and reveres the memory of relations. This may, in fact, be considered as the only trait of religion that exists amongst them. Whatever may have been its origin, whether, like most institutions of a similar nature, it has degenerated into a set and formal ceremony that touches not the heart, we ought perhaps to consider it as of an amiable nature. The political aim of the institution, the only one of the kind in which the government takes a part, inculcating it strongly upon the minds of the people, is not be overlooked. It is that of preventing its subjects from going abroad, and thereby contributing to retain them in a state of ignorance and slavery.

The Cochin Chinese are more industrious than we should be apt to suspect, considering the oppressive nature of the government. Where the government interferes but little, as in the fisheries on the coast, their industry is indeed very conspicuous, and there seems every reason to believe that, were they freed from oppression, they would be equally so in other branches. They are capable of supporting a large share of fatigue; and the quantum of daily labour, as for instance in the operation of rowing, or of running, is in general very considerable. But the greatest obstacle to the developement of industry proceeds from the oppressive nature of the military system, by which about two-thirds of the male population are compelled to serve as soldiers, at a low and inadequate rate of pay. Of all the grievances they labour under, it would appear that they consider this the most oppressive. It not only takes from agriculture and other occupations, the hands necessary for such labours, but by the idle habits which the military service generates in the men, it renders them unfit to return to that condition of life. The consequence of this system may easily be conjectured, though not perhaps to the full extent. Almost all kinds of labour are performed by women, whom it is not unusual to see guiding the plough and sowing the seed. Besides, the labour of women is paid at an equal rate with that of the men. The daily wages for either is one mas and their food, or two mas, without it. Another great evil arising out of the military system of levy, consists in the destruction of family connexions and ties. From the age of seventeen to twenty, a selection of the youth is made for military service, from which there is no retiring until age or infirmity has rendered them incapable of further service. It is true that, from time to time, they are allowed to return to their homes on leave of absence; but it is to be feared that a temporary residence of this nature affords a feeble barrier to the unsocial tendency of the system.

But in order to form correct notions of the effect of the military system, we ought to know precisely the proportion taken out of a certain number of the people. This proportion, however, has been so differently stated by different persons, that it is extremely difficult to assume any degree of probability on the subject. It has been stated that usually two-thirds of the male population from twenty to fifty are taken. It should be observed that the French gentlemen state that, in general, one-third of the soldiers are on leave of absence.

The answers to our inquiries respecting the population of the country, or of any particular town or district, have been attended with the same degree of uncertainty, and therefore I have for the most part passed the subject over in silence. It has rarely happened that we have had an opportunity of conversing with persons sufficiently enlightened to possess correct notions on this subject; and it seems very doubtful if any exact data, calculated to provide an accurate estimate of the amount, are in the possession even of the government. The French gentlemen, speaking from conjecture, estimated the population of the kingdom at 10,000,000. French writers have estimated it at three times that amount. It is agreed by all that Tonquin is more populous than Cochin China. The gold and silver mines alone of that country give employment to no less than 10,000 industrious Chinamen, with their families.

Oct. 12th.– The Tacoon, or Mandarin of Strangers, sent to say, that the letter for the Governor General of Bengal, and the papers relating to commercial affairs were in readiness, and that he wished to deliver them. A boat was sent for us at an early hour, and we set out for the Tacoon’s house immediately after breakfast. We were several hours in reaching the place, on account of the rapidity of the current. From the 5th instant, with but one or two days of intermission, it had rained almost constantly, and in such quantity, that the rains we had experienced near to the line, in Siam and in Bengal, where they are periodical, seemed insignificant compared with these. The waters poured down in drenching torrents, frequently for two days and nights without intermission. They were accompanied with but little lightning. For the most part a strong wind from the north-east prevailed. The barometer which, previous to this change in the weather, had scarcely indicated any perceptible variation, even in its ordinary diurnal tide, being almost constantly at 29.8, or from that to 29.85, now gradually fell to 29.635, at which it continued stationary during the rain. The thermometer at the same time scarcely varied from 77.5°.

The country was speedily deluged with water, and in a short time the rooms we occupied were scarce an inch above the level of the inundation, it having already overflowed the other parts of the house. Our neighbours in the same street were in still worse plight, the water having already entered their houses. The people were now seen moving about the streets in boats, where but the day before they had passed on dry ground. The lower orders make use of a dress well calculated to defend the body against injury from wet; and in no country perhaps is such a dress more required. It is made of palm-leaves closely sewed together, and reminds you, by its appearance, of the Siberian dressed in shaggy skins. It consists of a hat, in the shape of a basket, that comes down over the shoulders, and is from two and a-half to three feet or more in diameter. It is bound under the chin. The body is covered by a round jacket without sleeves. The hat and jacket are impervious to water. There were few to be seen abroad at this time who were not dressed in these useful, but rude habiliments. From these they derive so much protection, that the rain apparently occasions but little interruption to their occupations.

When we arrived at the Tacoon’s house we found the two French mandarins in their boats, and ready to enter with us. The Tacoon was seated as before, and dressed in plain robes of blue silk. Behind him was suspended, against the wall, a board on which were written some Chinese characters; the letters were executed in mother-of-pearl, and from the manner in which the light was reflected from their surface, appeared as if they were embossed in the richest style. The workmanship was of extreme beauty; the chief seeing that it attracted my attention, took care to inform us that he had caused it to be made in his own house. We had already seen some very elegant boxes inlaid with mother-of-pearl. Some of them displayed a correctness of taste, and a degree of beauty which we had but little expected. They were not to be compared with what we now saw. These boxes are only to be procured from the chiefs. The best of them are said to come from Tonquin, and the shell, an extremely thin, translucent, and elegant species of Mya, is brought from the mouth of the river of Saigon. If the Japan boxes are more elegant, these are the most durable. The colours never change, and the varnish is excellent.

On this occasion there were but few people in attendance at the house of the Tacoon. He received us as on the former occasion, without quitting his seat, and we took our places at a table opposite to him, upon a form covered with carpets, and opposite to four mandarins, who were seated at the table with us.

It seemed as if the old man were pleased at having brought the affairs of the mission to a favourable conclusion. He was in high spirits, talked and laughed much and very heartily, and evidently wished to impress us with notions favourable to himself and his countrymen. He commenced the conversation, by observing that whatever might be the custom in Europe, it was quite contrary to their notions of propriety to open a letter intended for the king, and that the letter from the Governor General of Bengal to the king of Cochin China had been opened at Saigon. It was explained to him that this was done, contrary to the inclination and to the great inconvenience of the Agent of the Governor General, by the governor of Saigon, who insisted upon seeing the original letter. It was added that the governor of Saigon had received us in a very friendly manner, and that his motive in wishing to see the letter seemed to arise from some doubts that he probably entertained respecting the real objects of the mission. No further notice was taken of the matter.

Some papers were lying before him on the table. He observed that these were copies of the letter to the Governor General, and of the commercial regulations; that correct copies should be delivered to the Agent of the Governor General, but that it was their custom carefully to seal up and enclose in a box the original letters, which were to be delivered in that state to the Governor General.

The papers were now delivered to be read. The letter for the Governor General was not in the name of the King, but from the Tacoon himself; the general import was as follows: that Mr. Crawfurd had brought a letter for the king, which, being in the English language, they could not understand; but that having a Chinese interpreter with him, they understood through the latter that the object of the letter was to obtain for the English commercial intercourse with Cochin China; that Mr. Crawfurd had offered, on the part of the Governor General, 500 muskets and two chandeliers. The English should be permitted to trade on the same conditions as the Chinese, Portuguese, and French nations. The King sent as a present to the Governor General, a few catties of cinnamon of the first quality, some of inferior quality, some agila wood, two rhinoceros’ horns, elephants’ teeth, and a few peculs of sugar-candy. The Agent of the Governor General had been presented with some agila wood, two elephants’ teeth, and the horn of a rhinoceros. Such was the subject of the letter.

Mr. Crawfurd now expressed his satisfaction at the hospitality and kind treatment we had experienced since our arrival, as well as with the manner in which the objects of the mission had been conducted; that he had no doubt, the more the two nations were acquainted with each other, the better friends they would become; that he should accept of the presents which the King had been pleased to offer to him, with all becoming respect, and consider them as an honourable mark of personal distinction; that with regard to the presents intended for the Governor General, the mandarins must well know that things of this sort were by no means necessary to ensure the friendship of powers so well disposed towards each other; that he hoped, therefore, the King would not take it amiss if he declined receiving them; that he would, however, do what might be considered equivalent, he would go, as proposed at first, to the hall of ceremonies to view them, and that he would report to the Governor General that such things had been offered.

It seems as if the mandarins had been prepared to receive an answer of this nature, and the French gentlemen observed that they had stated it as their opinion that the presents for the Governor General would not be received. The mandarin, in a good-humoured way, used every argument that he could think of to induce Mr. Crawfurd to accept them; but being assured repeatedly that this could not be done without an express order to that effect, he desisted, and the matter seemed amicably, if not satisfactorily, adjusted on both sides. The Tacoon said that the letters should be delivered on the following day, and that at an early hour a boat should be sent to convey us to the hall of ceremonies, in the palace, where the presents would be laid out for inspection. He had asked, on our entrance, whether we wished to return by sea or by land; and on its being answered by land, he said that it was not at present very practicable to go by sea; and that he would give us his boat to convey us the first stage of our journey, which it would be more agreeable to accomplish by water, the navigation being inland. Palanquins and bearers should be provided to convey us the rest of the way. Satisfied with this arrangement, we fixed our departure for the morning of the 14th. He observed, that a certain number of bullocks, hogs, goats, ducks, fowls, rice, and sugar, would be offered for the use of the ship, and conveyed to Turon.

Mr. Crawfurd answered that he would accept them with pleasure, and again expressed his satisfaction at the liberality of the commercial regulations. During the time we remained here, the Mandarin had sent his assistant to communicate respecting the commercial regulations. It was agreed that the English should be permitted to trade to all the ports of Cochin China; and that their ships should be measured in the manner that the Chinese junks were. The Mandarin now observed that permission had been granted to trade to the ports of Saigon, Han, (Bay of Turon,) and Hué. This is, in fact, restricting it to the two former; the difficulties attending the entrance of the latter, impeded by a shallow bar at its mouth, and exposed to a wide and open sea, rendering the permission almost of no avail. He observed that Tonquin being a lately conquered country, the King had thought proper to restrict the trade in the manner mentioned.

From the readiness with which leave had in the first instance been granted to trade to all the ports in the kingdom, and from the surprise which that communication excited in our very obliging friends, but very certainly also our political enemies, the French gentlemen, when the matter was mentioned to them incidentally by Mr. Crawfurd, there appeared reason to suspect that the restrictions now made were of their counselling. Mr. Crawfurd expressed his assent to these restrictions.

Whilst the latter part of the conversation was going forward, preparations were making for a repast. The table was soon covered with sweetmeats, jellies, roasted ducks and fowls, and a great variety of fruits, of which we were requested to partake. The Mandarin now laid aside the distant and formal manner which he had hitherto observed, and, approaching the table, conversed with much familiarity, laughing as before very loudly at times. Four or five young children had collected round him. He observed that these were part of thirty-six children who were now alive and in his house, and that the entire number of whom he had been the parent was fifty-four. He said that he was now sixty-six years of age, that he had served three kings, and had filled the office he now holds for the last twenty-one years, and that he expected to have more children born to him. All his children had been born, he said, since the late king had ascended the throne. Previous to that period, being engaged in war, flying from place to place, pursuing or pursued, he had found how unfavourable such a life is to the increase of families, but that he hoped he had profited by the quiet which followed.