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The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire
The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empireполная версия

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The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire

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69

Pliny the elder on Magic, N.H. xxx, opening sections; N.H. xxviii, 10, on incantations, polleantne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum.

70

Livy, xxix, 11, 14; Ovid, fasti, iv, 179 f. The goddess was embodied in a big stone.

71

Lucretius, ii, 608 f.

72

Cf. Strabo, c. 470; Juvenal, vi, 511 f.

73

See Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 397. The Latins used the word divinus in this way – Seneca, de teata vita, 26, 8.

74

(Lucian) Asinus, 37. The same tale is amplified in Apuleius' Golden Ass, where the episode of these priests is given with more detail, in the eighth book. Seneca hints that a little blood might make a fair show; see his picture of the same, de beata vita, 26, 8.

75

Tertullian, ad Natt. i, 10; Apel. 6. He has the strange fancy that Serapis was originally the Joseph of the book of Genesis, ad Natt. ii, 8.

76

Valerius Maximus, i, 3, 4.

77

Dio C. xlvii, 15.

78

Tibullus, i, 3, 23 f. Cf. Propertius, ii, 28, 45; Ovid, A.A. iii, 635.

79

Juvenal, vi, 522 f.

80

Lucan, viii, 831, Isin semideosque canes.

81

Ovid, Am. ii, 13, 7.

82

Unless Isiaci coniectores is Cicero's own phrase, de Div. i, 58, 132.

83

Cicero, Div. ii, 59, 121. For egkolmesis or incubatio see Mary Hamilton, Incubation (1906)

84

Clem. Alex. Pædag. iii, 28, to the same effect. Tertullian on the temples, de Pud. c. 5. Reference may be made to the hierodules of the temples in ancient Asia and in modern India.

85

Corp. Inscr. Lai. ii, 3386. The enumeration of the jewels was a safeguard against theft.

86

Flinders Petrie, Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 44; Hamilton, Incubation, pp. 174, 182 f.

87

Julian, Or. iv, 136 B.

88

Lucr. v, 1194.

89

Lucr. i, 62-79.

90

See Patin, La Poésie Latine, i, 120.

91

Lucr. iii, 60 f.

92

Pliny, N.H. xxx, 12, 13. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, pp. 111 f. on the Argei and the whole question of human sacrifice. For Plutarch's explanation of it as due not to gods but to evil demons who enforced it, see p. 107.

93

Pliny, N.H. xxviii, 12; Plutarch, Marcellus, 3, where, however, the meaning may only be that the rites are done in symbol; he refers to the actual sacrifice of human beings in the past. See Tertullian, Apol. 9 on sacrifice of children in Africa in the reign of Tiberius.

94

Strabo, c. 239. Strabo was a contemporary of Augustus. Cf. J. G. Frazer, Adonis Attis Osiris, p. 63, for another instance in this period.

95

Lucr. v, 1204-1240. We may compare Browning's Bp. Blougram on the instability of unbelief: —

Just when we are safest, there's a sunset-touch,A fancy from a flower-bell, some one's death,A chorus-ending from Euripides —And that's enough for fifty hopes and fearsAs old and new at once as nature's self,To rap and knock and enter in our soul,Take hands and dance there, a fantastic ring,Round the ancient idol, on his base again, —The grand Perhaps! We look on helplessly.

96

Lucr. iii, 53.

97

Seneca, Ep. 95, 33.

98

Hist. i, 2.

99

Tac. Ann. iv, 33, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet.

100

Hdt. iii, 80. Cf. Tac. A. vi, 48, 4, vi dominationis convulsus et mutatus.

101

Suetonius, Gaius, 29.

102

Sen. de ira, iii, 15, 3.

103

Lecky, European Morals, i, 275; Epictetus, D. iii, 15.

104

Seneca, Ep. 90, 36-43.

105

Tacitus, Germany, cc. 18-20.

106

Tac. A. i, 72. Suetonius (Tib. 59) quotes specimens.

107

See Boissier, Tacite, 188 f.; l'opposition sous les Cesars, 208-215.

108

Persius, v, 73, libertate opus est.

109

Horace, Sat. ii, 2, 79.

110

See Edward Caird, Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers, vol. ii, lectures xvii to xx, and Zeller, Eclectics, pp. 235-245. Seneca, B.V. 20, 3.

111

Epictetus, D. ii, 8, su apóspasma eî tou theoû.

112

Lucan, ix, 564-586, contains a short summary of Stoicism, supposed to be spoken by Cato.

113

Epictetus, D. i, 9 (some lines omitted).

114

phantasíai, impressions left on the mind by things or events.

115

Epictetus, D. i, 9.

116

Diogenes Laertius, vii, 1, 53; see Caird, op. cit. vol. ii, p. 124.

117

See Lecky, European Morals, i, 128, 129.

118

Ep. 108, 22, philosophiam oderat.

119

With these passages compare the fine account which Persius gives (Sat. v) of his early studies with the Stoic Cornutus.

120

Plutarch, de esu carnium, ii, 5.

121

Plutarch, de esu carnium, i, 6, on clogging the soul by eating flesh. Clem. Alex. Pæd. ii, 16, says St Matthew lived on seeds, nuts and vegetables, and without meat.

122

Plutarch, de esu carnium, ii, 1.

123

Sen. Ep. 108, 3, 13-23.

124

This is a quality that Quintilian notes in his style for praise or blame. Others (Gellius, N.A. xii, 2) found in him levis et quasi dicax argutia.

125

Ep. 78, 2, 3, patris me indulgentissimi senectus retinuit.

126

Ep. 58, 5.

127

Ep. 95, 65

128

His nephew Lucan, Quintilian severely says, was "perhaps a better model for orators than for poets."

129

Ep. 49, 2. Virgil made one speech.

130

ad Polybium, 13, 2, 3.

131

Juvenal, x, 16, magnos Seneca prædivitis hortos.

132

Ann. xiii, 12, 2.

133

Tac. Ann. xiii, 15-17.

134

Tac. Ann. xiv, 51.

135

Tac. Ann. xiii, 42.

136

B.V. 20, 3.

137

B.V. 23, 1.

138

Tac. Ann. xiv, 52-56.

139

de tranqu. animi, 10, 6.

140

Tac. Ann. xiv, 65; xv, 45-65.

141

B. W. Henderson, Nero, pp. 280-3.

142

Tac. Ann. xv, 65; Juvenal, viii, 212.

143

Tac. Ann. xv, 45, 6.

144

This is emphasized by Zeller, Eclectics, 240, and by Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus, 324, 326.

145

ae Clem. i, 6.

146

[Transcriber's note: this footnote missing from book]

147

Ep. 61, 1.

148

Lucian, Nigrinus, 19, says there is no better school for virtue, no truer test of moral strength, than life in the city of Rome.

149

Gellius, N.A. ii, 18, 10.

150

Gell. N.A. xv, 11, 5.

151

Manual, J. I have constantly used Long's translation, but often altered it. It is a fine piece of work, well worth the English reader's study.

152

D. iii, 26. Compare and contrast Tertullian, de Idol, 12, fides famem nan timet. Scit enim famem non minus sibi contemnendam propter Deum quam omne mortis genus. The practical point is the same, perhaps; the motive, how different!

153

D. iii, 24; iv, 1; M. 11, 26.

154

D. ii, 24. He maintains, too, against Epicurus the naturalness of love for children; once born, we cannot help loving them, D. i, 23.

155

D. iv, 1.

156

D. iv, 5, thélei tà allótrie mè eînai allótria.

157

D. i, 18. This does not stop his condemning the adulterer, D. ii, 4 (man, he said, is formed for fidelity), 10. Seneca on outward goods, ad Marciam, 10.

158

M. 40.

159

Fragment, 53.

160

D. i, id.

161

D. iii, 12, classing the korasidíon with wine and cake.

162

M. 33.

163

D. iv, 11.

164

Gell. N.A. i, 2, 6; xvii, 19, 1.

165

Lucian, adv. Indoct. 13.

166

D. iii, 9.

167

M. 46.

168

D. iii, 22, kakórygka.

169

D. iii, 22. Lucian says Epictetus urged Demonax to take a wife and leave some one to represent him in posterity. "Very well, Epictetus," said Demonax, "give me one of your own daughters" (v. Demon. 55).

170

Epict. D. iii, 24. strateía tís estin ho bios hekástou, kaì aute makrà kai toikile. tereîn se deî tò stratiôtou prosneuma kaì toû strategoû prássein hekasta, ei oîon..

171

Epict. D. iii, 23.

172

Sen. Ep. 112, 3.

173

de ira, iii, 36, 1-4.

174

Sen. de tranqu. animi, 1.

175

Epict. D. iii, 10. I have here slightly altered Mr Long's rendering.

176

D. iv, 6.

177

Cf. Persius, iii, 66-72, causas cognoscite rerum, quid sumus aut quidnam victuri gignimur … quem te deus esse iussit et humana qua parte locatus es in re.

178

D. ii, 11. See Davidson, Stoic Creed, pp. 69, 81, on innate ideas. Plutarch, de coh. ira, 15, on Zeno's doctrine, tò spérma súmmigma kaì kèrasma tôn tés phuchês dynaméon hyparchein apespasménon.

179

The qualification may be illustrated from Cicero's Stoic, de Nat. Deor, ii, 66, 167, Magna di curant parva neglegunt.

180

Ep. 95, 47-50. Cf. Ep. 41; de Prov. i, 5. A very close parallel, with a strong Stoic tinge, in Minucius Felix, 32, 2, 3, ending Sic apud nos religiosior est ille qui iustior.

181

Nat. Quæst. ii, 45. Cf. Tertullian, Apol. 21, on Zeno's testimony to the Logos, as creator, fate, God, animus Iovis and necessitas omnium rerum.

182

Cf. Sen. Ep. 41, 1. Prope est a te deus, tecum est, intus est. Ita dico, Lucili, sacer intra nos spiritus sedet malorum bonorumque nostrorum observator et custos.

183

Epict. D. i, 14. See Clem. Alex. Strom, vii, 37, for an interesting account of how phthánei he theía dynamis, katháper phôs diidein tèn phychen.

184

Ep. 110, 1, pædagogam dari deum.

185

D. iii, 24,

186

D. ii, 14.

187

de providentia, 2, 6-9.

188

de Prov. 4, 1.

189

de Prov. 5, 7. See Justin Martyr's criticism of Stoic fatalism, Apol. ii, 7. It involves, he says, either God's identity with the world of change, or his implication in all vice, or else that virtue and vice are nothing – consequences which are alike contrary to every sane eeenoia, to logos and to noûs.

190

de Prov. 5, 8.

191

Plutarch, adv. Stoicos, 33, on this Stoic paradox of the equality of God and the sage.

192

de Prov. 6, 5-7. This Stoic justification of suicide was repudiated alike by Christians and Neo-Platonists.

193

D. i, 1.

194

D. i, 12. See also D. ii, 16 "We say 'Lord God! how shall I not be anxious?' Fool, have you not hands, did not God make them for you? Sit down now and pray that your nose may not run."

195

Cf. Cicero's Stoic, N.D. ii, 66, 167, Nemo igitur vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit.

196

Ep. 41, 1, 2. (The line is from Virgil, Aen. viii, 352.) The rest of the letter develops the idea of divine dependence. Sic animus magnus ac sacer et in hoc demissus at propius quidem divina nossemus, conversatur quidem nobiscum sed hæret origini suæ, etc.

197

Ep. 73, 15, 16.

198

Epictetus, D. i, 6.

199

D. i, 9.

200

D. iv, 1.

201

D. iv, 1.

202

D. ii, 16 end, with a variant between sós eimi and ísos eimi, the former of which, Long says, is certain.

203

D. i, 16. Contrast the passage of Clement quoted on p. 286.

204

D. ii, 16.

205

D. ii, 16.

206

D. iii, 13.

207

D. ii, 22.

208

Ep. 95, 51-53.

209

de ira, iii, 28, 1.

210

Ep. 95, 33, homo sacra res homini.

211

See Lecky, European Morals, i, 294 ff.: Maine, Ancient Law, p. 54 f.

212

See, by the way, Plutarch's banter on this "polity" – the stars its tribesmen, the sun, doubtless, councillor, and Hesperus prytanis or astynomus, adv. Sto. 34.

213

Epict. D. ii, 5; M. Aurelius, viii, 34.

214

Ep. 63, 14.

215

D. iii, 24.

216

D. iv, 1.

217

ib.

218

D. iv, 6.

219

M. 16.

220

Cf. Theophilus (the apologist of about 160 A.D.), ii, 4, who, though not always to be trusted as to the Stoics, remarks this identification of God and conscience.

221

D. i, 29.

222

Cf. D. i, 1; iii, 19; iv, 4; iv, 12, and very many other passages.

223

D. iv, 9, end.

224

Ep. 31, 5.

225

Plutarch, Progress in Virtue, c. 2, 76 A, on the absurdity of there being no difference between Plato and Meletus. Cf. also de repugn. Stoic. 11, 1037 D.

226

"Unconditional eradication," says Zeller, Eclectics, p. 226. "I do not hold with those who hymn the savage and hard Apathy (tén agrion kaì skleràn)," wrote Plutarch. Cons, ad Apoll. 3, 102 C. See Clem. Alex. Str. ii, 110, on páthê; as produced by the agency of spirits, and note his talk of Christian Apathy. Str. vi, 71-76.

227

Justin Martyr (Apol. ii, 8) praises Stoic morality and speaks of Stoics who suffered for it.

228

Cf. Epict. D. iii, 25.

229

Sen. Ep. 50, 4.

230

Persius, iii, 38.

231

Ep. 6, 1.

232

e. g. Ep. 57, 3, he is not even homo tolerabilis. On the bondage of the soul within the body, see Ep. 65, 21-23.

233

Cf. Seneca, Ep. 53, 7, 8 – quo quis peius habet minus sentit. "The worse one is, the less he notices it."

234

D. i, 5.

235

Plut. de repugn. Stoic. 34, 105 °C. Cf. Tert. de exh. castit. 2.

236

Cf. Plutarch, non suaviter, 1104 F. kataphronoûntes eautôn ôs ephêmérôn kthe– of the Epicureans.

237

Cf. Plutarch, non suaviter, 1104 C. tês aidiótetus elpìs kaì ho póthos tou eînai mántôn epótôn prespytatos ôn kaì melstos. Cf. ib. 1093 A.

238

Sen. Ep. 117, 6.

239

Ep. 102, 2.

240

Ep. 102, 21; the following passages are from the same letter. Note the Stoic significance of naturale.

241

Compare Cons. ad Marc. 25, 1, integer ille, etc.

242

The last words of the "Consolation." Plutarch on resolution into pûr noeròn, non suaviter, 1107 B.

243

ad Polyb. 9, 3.

244

D. iii, 13. Plutarch (non suaviter, 1106 E) says Cocytus, etc., are not the chief terror but hê toû mè ontos apeilé.

245

D. iii, 24.

246

See Plutarch on this, non suaviter, 1105 E.

247

Seneca, N.Q. ii, 45.

248

Manual, 31. Plutarch, de repugn. Stoic. 6, 1034 B, C, remarks on Stoic inconsistency in accepting popular religious usages.

249

D. ii, 9. In D. v, 7, he refers to "Galilaeans," so that it is quite possible he has Christians in view here.

250

M. 32; D. iii, 22.

251

Plut. de repugn. Stoic. 37, 1051 C.

252

Tertullian, Apol. 12, idem estis qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et amarioribus de vestra superstitione perorantem reprehendistis.

253

See Plutarch, de comm. not. adv. Stoicos, c. 31, and de def. orac. 420 A, c. 19; Justin M. Apol. ii, 7.

254

Dial. c. Tryphone, 2.

255

Sen. Ep. 11, 8.

256

Ep. 25, 5.

257

Ep. 62, 2, cf. 104, 21.

258

M. 33, tì nan epoíesen en toútô Sôkrates hè Zénôn.

259

M. 50.

260

D. ii, 18. The tone of Tertullian, e. g. in de Anima, 1, on the Phædo, suggests that Socrates may have been over-preached. What too (ib. 6) of barbarians and their souls, who have no "prison of Socrates," etc?

261

Plut. de Stoic. repugnantiis, 31, 1048 E. Cf. de comm. not. 33.

262

Plutarch, Amat. 13, 757 C. horâs dépou tòn upolambánonta búthon hemâs atheótetos, an eis pathe kaì dynameis kaì aretàs diagraphômen ekaston tôn theôn.

263

Amatorius, 13, 756 A, D; 757 B. The quotation is from Euripides, Bacchæ, 203.

264

Non suaviter, 21, 1101 E-1102 A.

265

de Iside, 68, 378 A.

266

de def. orac. 8, 414 A.

267

Mahaffy, Silver Age of Greek World, p. 45.

268

Horace is the best known of Athenian students. The delightful letters of Synesius show the hold Athens still retained upon a very changed world in 400 A.D.

269

Life of Antony, 68.

270

Symp. i, 5, 1.

271

Symp. iv, 4, 4.

272

v. Ant. 28.

273

Symp. iii, 7, 1.

274

Symp. ii, 8, 1.

275

Symp. viii, 6, 5, hubristès òn kaì philogelôs physei. Symp. ix, 15, 1.

276

de fraterno amore, 16, 487 E. Volkmann, Plutarch, i, 24, suggests he was the Timon whose wife Pliny defended on one occasion, Epp. i, 5, 5.

277

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