
Полная версия
The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire
69
Pliny the elder on Magic, N.H. xxx, opening sections; N.H. xxviii, 10, on incantations, polleantne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum.
70
Livy, xxix, 11, 14; Ovid, fasti, iv, 179 f. The goddess was embodied in a big stone.
71
Lucretius, ii, 608 f.
72
Cf. Strabo, c. 470; Juvenal, vi, 511 f.
73
See Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 397. The Latins used the word divinus in this way – Seneca, de teata vita, 26, 8.
74
(Lucian) Asinus, 37. The same tale is amplified in Apuleius' Golden Ass, where the episode of these priests is given with more detail, in the eighth book. Seneca hints that a little blood might make a fair show; see his picture of the same, de beata vita, 26, 8.
75
Tertullian, ad Natt. i, 10; Apel. 6. He has the strange fancy that Serapis was originally the Joseph of the book of Genesis, ad Natt. ii, 8.
76
Valerius Maximus, i, 3, 4.
77
Dio C. xlvii, 15.
78
Tibullus, i, 3, 23 f. Cf. Propertius, ii, 28, 45; Ovid, A.A. iii, 635.
79
Juvenal, vi, 522 f.
80
Lucan, viii, 831, Isin semideosque canes.
81
Ovid, Am. ii, 13, 7.
82
Unless Isiaci coniectores is Cicero's own phrase, de Div. i, 58, 132.
83
Cicero, Div. ii, 59, 121. For egkolmesis or incubatio see Mary Hamilton, Incubation (1906)
84
Clem. Alex. Pædag. iii, 28, to the same effect. Tertullian on the temples, de Pud. c. 5. Reference may be made to the hierodules of the temples in ancient Asia and in modern India.
85
Corp. Inscr. Lai. ii, 3386. The enumeration of the jewels was a safeguard against theft.
86
Flinders Petrie, Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 44; Hamilton, Incubation, pp. 174, 182 f.
87
Julian, Or. iv, 136 B.
88
Lucr. v, 1194.
89
Lucr. i, 62-79.
90
See Patin, La Poésie Latine, i, 120.
91
Lucr. iii, 60 f.
92
Pliny, N.H. xxx, 12, 13. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, pp. 111 f. on the Argei and the whole question of human sacrifice. For Plutarch's explanation of it as due not to gods but to evil demons who enforced it, see p. 107.
93
Pliny, N.H. xxviii, 12; Plutarch, Marcellus, 3, where, however, the meaning may only be that the rites are done in symbol; he refers to the actual sacrifice of human beings in the past. See Tertullian, Apol. 9 on sacrifice of children in Africa in the reign of Tiberius.
94
Strabo, c. 239. Strabo was a contemporary of Augustus. Cf. J. G. Frazer, Adonis Attis Osiris, p. 63, for another instance in this period.
95
Lucr. v, 1204-1240. We may compare Browning's Bp. Blougram on the instability of unbelief: —
Just when we are safest, there's a sunset-touch,A fancy from a flower-bell, some one's death,A chorus-ending from Euripides —And that's enough for fifty hopes and fearsAs old and new at once as nature's self,To rap and knock and enter in our soul,Take hands and dance there, a fantastic ring,Round the ancient idol, on his base again, —The grand Perhaps! We look on helplessly.96
Lucr. iii, 53.
97
Seneca, Ep. 95, 33.
98
Hist. i, 2.
99
Tac. Ann. iv, 33, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet.
100
Hdt. iii, 80. Cf. Tac. A. vi, 48, 4, vi dominationis convulsus et mutatus.
101
Suetonius, Gaius, 29.
102
Sen. de ira, iii, 15, 3.
103
Lecky, European Morals, i, 275; Epictetus, D. iii, 15.
104
Seneca, Ep. 90, 36-43.
105
Tacitus, Germany, cc. 18-20.
106
Tac. A. i, 72. Suetonius (Tib. 59) quotes specimens.
107
See Boissier, Tacite, 188 f.; l'opposition sous les Cesars, 208-215.
108
Persius, v, 73, libertate opus est.
109
Horace, Sat. ii, 2, 79.
110
See Edward Caird, Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers, vol. ii, lectures xvii to xx, and Zeller, Eclectics, pp. 235-245. Seneca, B.V. 20, 3.
111
Epictetus, D. ii, 8, su apóspasma eî tou theoû.
112
Lucan, ix, 564-586, contains a short summary of Stoicism, supposed to be spoken by Cato.
113
Epictetus, D. i, 9 (some lines omitted).
114
phantasíai, impressions left on the mind by things or events.
115
Epictetus, D. i, 9.
116
Diogenes Laertius, vii, 1, 53; see Caird, op. cit. vol. ii, p. 124.
117
See Lecky, European Morals, i, 128, 129.
118
Ep. 108, 22, philosophiam oderat.
119
With these passages compare the fine account which Persius gives (Sat. v) of his early studies with the Stoic Cornutus.
120
Plutarch, de esu carnium, ii, 5.
121
Plutarch, de esu carnium, i, 6, on clogging the soul by eating flesh. Clem. Alex. Pæd. ii, 16, says St Matthew lived on seeds, nuts and vegetables, and without meat.
122
Plutarch, de esu carnium, ii, 1.
123
Sen. Ep. 108, 3, 13-23.
124
This is a quality that Quintilian notes in his style for praise or blame. Others (Gellius, N.A. xii, 2) found in him levis et quasi dicax argutia.
125
Ep. 78, 2, 3, patris me indulgentissimi senectus retinuit.
126
Ep. 58, 5.
127
Ep. 95, 65
128
His nephew Lucan, Quintilian severely says, was "perhaps a better model for orators than for poets."
129
Ep. 49, 2. Virgil made one speech.
130
ad Polybium, 13, 2, 3.
131
Juvenal, x, 16, magnos Seneca prædivitis hortos.
132
Ann. xiii, 12, 2.
133
Tac. Ann. xiii, 15-17.
134
Tac. Ann. xiv, 51.
135
Tac. Ann. xiii, 42.
136
B.V. 20, 3.
137
B.V. 23, 1.
138
Tac. Ann. xiv, 52-56.
139
de tranqu. animi, 10, 6.
140
Tac. Ann. xiv, 65; xv, 45-65.
141
B. W. Henderson, Nero, pp. 280-3.
142
Tac. Ann. xv, 65; Juvenal, viii, 212.
143
Tac. Ann. xv, 45, 6.
144
This is emphasized by Zeller, Eclectics, 240, and by Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus, 324, 326.
145
ae Clem. i, 6.
146
[Transcriber's note: this footnote missing from book]
147
Ep. 61, 1.
148
Lucian, Nigrinus, 19, says there is no better school for virtue, no truer test of moral strength, than life in the city of Rome.
149
Gellius, N.A. ii, 18, 10.
150
Gell. N.A. xv, 11, 5.
151
Manual, J. I have constantly used Long's translation, but often altered it. It is a fine piece of work, well worth the English reader's study.
152
D. iii, 26. Compare and contrast Tertullian, de Idol, 12, fides famem nan timet. Scit enim famem non minus sibi contemnendam propter Deum quam omne mortis genus. The practical point is the same, perhaps; the motive, how different!
153
D. iii, 24; iv, 1; M. 11, 26.
154
D. ii, 24. He maintains, too, against Epicurus the naturalness of love for children; once born, we cannot help loving them, D. i, 23.
155
D. iv, 1.
156
D. iv, 5, thélei tà allótrie mè eînai allótria.
157
D. i, 18. This does not stop his condemning the adulterer, D. ii, 4 (man, he said, is formed for fidelity), 10. Seneca on outward goods, ad Marciam, 10.
158
M. 40.
159
Fragment, 53.
160
D. i, id.
161
D. iii, 12, classing the korasidíon with wine and cake.
162
M. 33.
163
D. iv, 11.
164
Gell. N.A. i, 2, 6; xvii, 19, 1.
165
Lucian, adv. Indoct. 13.
166
D. iii, 9.
167
M. 46.
168
D. iii, 22, kakórygka.
169
D. iii, 22. Lucian says Epictetus urged Demonax to take a wife and leave some one to represent him in posterity. "Very well, Epictetus," said Demonax, "give me one of your own daughters" (v. Demon. 55).
170
Epict. D. iii, 24. strateía tís estin ho bios hekástou, kaì aute makrà kai toikile. tereîn se deî tò stratiôtou prosneuma kaì toû strategoû prássein hekasta, ei oîon..
171
Epict. D. iii, 23.
172
Sen. Ep. 112, 3.
173
de ira, iii, 36, 1-4.
174
Sen. de tranqu. animi, 1.
175
Epict. D. iii, 10. I have here slightly altered Mr Long's rendering.
176
D. iv, 6.
177
Cf. Persius, iii, 66-72, causas cognoscite rerum, quid sumus aut quidnam victuri gignimur … quem te deus esse iussit et humana qua parte locatus es in re.
178
D. ii, 11. See Davidson, Stoic Creed, pp. 69, 81, on innate ideas. Plutarch, de coh. ira, 15, on Zeno's doctrine, tò spérma súmmigma kaì kèrasma tôn tés phuchês dynaméon hyparchein apespasménon.
179
The qualification may be illustrated from Cicero's Stoic, de Nat. Deor, ii, 66, 167, Magna di curant parva neglegunt.
180
Ep. 95, 47-50. Cf. Ep. 41; de Prov. i, 5. A very close parallel, with a strong Stoic tinge, in Minucius Felix, 32, 2, 3, ending Sic apud nos religiosior est ille qui iustior.
181
Nat. Quæst. ii, 45. Cf. Tertullian, Apol. 21, on Zeno's testimony to the Logos, as creator, fate, God, animus Iovis and necessitas omnium rerum.
182
Cf. Sen. Ep. 41, 1. Prope est a te deus, tecum est, intus est. Ita dico, Lucili, sacer intra nos spiritus sedet malorum bonorumque nostrorum observator et custos.
183
Epict. D. i, 14. See Clem. Alex. Strom, vii, 37, for an interesting account of how phthánei he theía dynamis, katháper phôs diidein tèn phychen.
184
Ep. 110, 1, pædagogam dari deum.
185
D. iii, 24,
186
D. ii, 14.
187
de providentia, 2, 6-9.
188
de Prov. 4, 1.
189
de Prov. 5, 7. See Justin Martyr's criticism of Stoic fatalism, Apol. ii, 7. It involves, he says, either God's identity with the world of change, or his implication in all vice, or else that virtue and vice are nothing – consequences which are alike contrary to every sane eeenoia, to logos and to noûs.
190
de Prov. 5, 8.
191
Plutarch, adv. Stoicos, 33, on this Stoic paradox of the equality of God and the sage.
192
de Prov. 6, 5-7. This Stoic justification of suicide was repudiated alike by Christians and Neo-Platonists.
193
D. i, 1.
194
D. i, 12. See also D. ii, 16 "We say 'Lord God! how shall I not be anxious?' Fool, have you not hands, did not God make them for you? Sit down now and pray that your nose may not run."
195
Cf. Cicero's Stoic, N.D. ii, 66, 167, Nemo igitur vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit.
196
Ep. 41, 1, 2. (The line is from Virgil, Aen. viii, 352.) The rest of the letter develops the idea of divine dependence. Sic animus magnus ac sacer et in hoc demissus at propius quidem divina nossemus, conversatur quidem nobiscum sed hæret origini suæ, etc.
197
Ep. 73, 15, 16.
198
Epictetus, D. i, 6.
199
D. i, 9.
200
D. iv, 1.
201
D. iv, 1.
202
D. ii, 16 end, with a variant between sós eimi and ísos eimi, the former of which, Long says, is certain.
203
D. i, 16. Contrast the passage of Clement quoted on p. 286.
204
D. ii, 16.
205
D. ii, 16.
206
D. iii, 13.
207
D. ii, 22.
208
Ep. 95, 51-53.
209
de ira, iii, 28, 1.
210
Ep. 95, 33, homo sacra res homini.
211
See Lecky, European Morals, i, 294 ff.: Maine, Ancient Law, p. 54 f.
212
See, by the way, Plutarch's banter on this "polity" – the stars its tribesmen, the sun, doubtless, councillor, and Hesperus prytanis or astynomus, adv. Sto. 34.
213
Epict. D. ii, 5; M. Aurelius, viii, 34.
214
Ep. 63, 14.
215
D. iii, 24.
216
D. iv, 1.
217
ib.
218
D. iv, 6.
219
M. 16.
220
Cf. Theophilus (the apologist of about 160 A.D.), ii, 4, who, though not always to be trusted as to the Stoics, remarks this identification of God and conscience.
221
D. i, 29.
222
Cf. D. i, 1; iii, 19; iv, 4; iv, 12, and very many other passages.
223
D. iv, 9, end.
224
Ep. 31, 5.
225
Plutarch, Progress in Virtue, c. 2, 76 A, on the absurdity of there being no difference between Plato and Meletus. Cf. also de repugn. Stoic. 11, 1037 D.
226
"Unconditional eradication," says Zeller, Eclectics, p. 226. "I do not hold with those who hymn the savage and hard Apathy (tén agrion kaì skleràn)," wrote Plutarch. Cons, ad Apoll. 3, 102 C. See Clem. Alex. Str. ii, 110, on páthê; as produced by the agency of spirits, and note his talk of Christian Apathy. Str. vi, 71-76.
227
Justin Martyr (Apol. ii, 8) praises Stoic morality and speaks of Stoics who suffered for it.
228
Cf. Epict. D. iii, 25.
229
Sen. Ep. 50, 4.
230
Persius, iii, 38.
231
Ep. 6, 1.
232
e. g. Ep. 57, 3, he is not even homo tolerabilis. On the bondage of the soul within the body, see Ep. 65, 21-23.
233
Cf. Seneca, Ep. 53, 7, 8 – quo quis peius habet minus sentit. "The worse one is, the less he notices it."
234
D. i, 5.
235
Plut. de repugn. Stoic. 34, 105 °C. Cf. Tert. de exh. castit. 2.
236
Cf. Plutarch, non suaviter, 1104 F. kataphronoûntes eautôn ôs ephêmérôn kthe– of the Epicureans.
237
Cf. Plutarch, non suaviter, 1104 C. tês aidiótetus elpìs kaì ho póthos tou eînai mántôn epótôn prespytatos ôn kaì melstos. Cf. ib. 1093 A.
238
Sen. Ep. 117, 6.
239
Ep. 102, 2.
240
Ep. 102, 21; the following passages are from the same letter. Note the Stoic significance of naturale.
241
Compare Cons. ad Marc. 25, 1, integer ille, etc.
242
The last words of the "Consolation." Plutarch on resolution into pûr noeròn, non suaviter, 1107 B.
243
ad Polyb. 9, 3.
244
D. iii, 13. Plutarch (non suaviter, 1106 E) says Cocytus, etc., are not the chief terror but hê toû mè ontos apeilé.
245
D. iii, 24.
246
See Plutarch on this, non suaviter, 1105 E.
247
Seneca, N.Q. ii, 45.
248
Manual, 31. Plutarch, de repugn. Stoic. 6, 1034 B, C, remarks on Stoic inconsistency in accepting popular religious usages.
249
D. ii, 9. In D. v, 7, he refers to "Galilaeans," so that it is quite possible he has Christians in view here.
250
M. 32; D. iii, 22.
251
Plut. de repugn. Stoic. 37, 1051 C.
252
Tertullian, Apol. 12, idem estis qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et amarioribus de vestra superstitione perorantem reprehendistis.
253
See Plutarch, de comm. not. adv. Stoicos, c. 31, and de def. orac. 420 A, c. 19; Justin M. Apol. ii, 7.
254
Dial. c. Tryphone, 2.
255
Sen. Ep. 11, 8.
256
Ep. 25, 5.
257
Ep. 62, 2, cf. 104, 21.
258
M. 33, tì nan epoíesen en toútô Sôkrates hè Zénôn.
259
M. 50.
260
D. ii, 18. The tone of Tertullian, e. g. in de Anima, 1, on the Phædo, suggests that Socrates may have been over-preached. What too (ib. 6) of barbarians and their souls, who have no "prison of Socrates," etc?
261
Plut. de Stoic. repugnantiis, 31, 1048 E. Cf. de comm. not. 33.
262
Plutarch, Amat. 13, 757 C. horâs dépou tòn upolambánonta búthon hemâs atheótetos, an eis pathe kaì dynameis kaì aretàs diagraphômen ekaston tôn theôn.
263
Amatorius, 13, 756 A, D; 757 B. The quotation is from Euripides, Bacchæ, 203.
264
Non suaviter, 21, 1101 E-1102 A.
265
de Iside, 68, 378 A.
266
de def. orac. 8, 414 A.
267
Mahaffy, Silver Age of Greek World, p. 45.
268
Horace is the best known of Athenian students. The delightful letters of Synesius show the hold Athens still retained upon a very changed world in 400 A.D.
269
Life of Antony, 68.
270
Symp. i, 5, 1.
271
Symp. iv, 4, 4.
272
v. Ant. 28.
273
Symp. iii, 7, 1.
274
Symp. ii, 8, 1.
275
Symp. viii, 6, 5, hubristès òn kaì philogelôs physei. Symp. ix, 15, 1.
276
de fraterno amore, 16, 487 E. Volkmann, Plutarch, i, 24, suggests he was the Timon whose wife Pliny defended on one occasion, Epp. i, 5, 5.
277