Narrative of the Voyages and Services of the Nemesis from 1840 to 1843

The 26th regiment, under Major Pratt, which had occupied the factories until the 27th, had been brought up to Tsingpoo by the Nemesis on that day, and had joined Sir Hugh Gough upon the heights. The force which the general now took with him comprised that regiment, the 49th, except one company left at the joss-house on the heights, the 37th, M.N.I., and the company of Bengal Volunteers, supported by the Royal Marines. These two latter were to be held in reserve, so as to be in readiness to return towards the heights, and act upon the flank, should any attack be made from the town during the absence of so large a portion of our force.

The Chinese had descended from the heights in the rear upon which they had first appeared, and had taken up rather a strong position behind an embankment along the bed of a stream; they appeared to number about four thousand men. The 26th regiment, which had not yet been engaged, supported by the 37th M.N.I., were ordered to advance and drive them from this position, which they effected without any loss. Like most irregular troops, the Chinese patriots could not act together in a body, but took to flight, throwing away their spears as soon as a well directed fire was opened upon them. They attempted to rally for a moment at a sort of military post in their rear, but they did not make a stand. The buildings were immediately destroyed, together with a magazine, which was unexpectedly found in the adjoining village. The Chinese retreated to the heights upon which they had first appeared.

Sir Hugh Gough, having then directed the 49th and Bengal Volunteers to fall back upon our original position upon the heights, remained to watch in person the movements of the Chinese, with the 26th and the 37th M.N.I., amounting together to between five hundred and six hundred men.

The heat of the sun this day was excessive; it was so sultry that both officers and men suffered great exhaustion, and Major Beecher, the deputy quartermaster-general, whose exertions had been unremitting throughout the previous days, fell down and almost immediately expired; several other officers also fell sick. Within two or three hours after the first repulse of the Chinese, they again collected upon the heights in greater numbers than before, fresh bodies of them having now come up with banners, &c., amounting to from seven thousand to eight thousand men.

Captain Knowles of the artillery, who had been ordered to bring up some rockets, now threw them with great precision among the Chinese, but without being able to disperse them; indeed, they appeared determined to shew a bold front; and the general, therefore, directed Major Pratt, with the 26th, to attack a large body of them who had descended from the heights to some rice-fields on his left. Captain Duff, with the 37th M.N.I., supported by the Bengal Volunteers, was also directed to advance and disperse a large body in his front, who had attempted to reoccupy the military post which had been already burnt; they were then to push forward towards the hills, and clear them of the enemy.

These manœuvres were executed with complete success, the Chinese being dispersed at all points. The 37th M.N.I., however, pushed on rather further than had been intended, and got separated from the Bengal Volunteers. Captain Duff had, however, detached a company to open his communication with the 26th, who were at some distance on his left. But the day was now far advanced, and the thunder-storm, the approach of which had been surely indicated by the extreme sultriness and oppressive heat of the morning, now burst upon them with inconceivable fury. The rain also descended in such torrents that the firelocks got wet and scarcely a single musket would go off. The 26th were, in consequence, frequently compelled to charge with the bayonet, for the Chinese, who hovered about them, seeing that they could not use their firelocks, came boldly up to attack them with their long spears, which are formidable from their length. After several repulses, the Chinese at length withdrew, and our troops were directed to return to their positions.

It was on this occasion, and in the midst of this terrific storm, in the dusk of evening, that the gallant conduct and steadiness of the company of the 37th M.N.I., which, as before stated, had been detached to open a communication with the 26th, on their left, saved them from total destruction, and won for them the praise of all military men. The story has been so often told, and with so little variation in its details, that it is scarcely necessary to repeat it; a few words will do justice to their gallantry. The detached company having missed the road during the storm, did not succeed in joining the 26th, who, in the meantime, had, in fact, retired. Their muskets were found completely useless, owing to the wet, which emboldened the Chinese to attack their rear with their long spears, as they had done the 26th. They were soon surrounded; and one or two of the men were pulled over with a long crooked spear, something in the shape of a small reaping-hook, fixed upon a long pole. The musket of one of the men who had fallen was picked up by the Chinese, the powder being so damp in the pan that it would not go off with the flint and steel. The Chinese soldier, however, deliberately placed the musket to his shoulder, and, taking steady aim at one of the officers, Mr. Berkeley, applied his match to the damp powder, which ignited, and the musket went off, and unfortunately wounded Mr. Berkeley in the arm.

The gallant little company of Sepoys were now moved to some rising ground, where they could better defend themselves. For a moment, the rain ceased; and then with the utmost difficulty they were enabled to get a few muskets off, with unerring effect upon the dense mass of Chinese who surrounded them. But fortune was determined to prolong their trial still. The rain again descended in torrents, just as they had begun their retreat; and the Chinese, taking fresh courage, resumed their attacks. Nothing now remained but to form a square, and stand true to each other, until the morning dawned, and enabled them to fight their way through the enemy.

The absence of this company, when all the rest of the force was concentrated, caused great anxiety concerning their fate. It was rightly attributed to the severity of the storm, but it was feared that they might possibly have been cut off by the Chinese.

Without loss of time, Sir Hugh Gough ordered up two companies of marines, who were comparatively fresh, and armed with percussion muskets, to return with Captain Duff in search of the missing company. As they advanced they fired an occasional shot, as a signal to their comrades of their approach, and to animate their spirits. At length, an occasional shot was heard ahead of them, and they soon afterwards came up with the missing company, drawn up in a square, surrounded by thousands of Chinese. A couple of volleys sent into the midst of the confused crowd, by the unerring percussion-muskets50 of the marines, accompanied by a loud "hurra," dispersed them with great loss, and they fled in confusion.

The generals own words will best do justice to this little incident: – "The Sepoys," says he, "in this critical situation, nobly upheld the high character of the native army, by unshrinking discipline, and cheerful obedience, and I feel that the expression of my best thanks is due to Lieutenants Hadfield and Devereux, and Ensign Berkeley, who zealously supported them during this trying scene."

They did not, however, escape without some loss, as one private was killed, and one officer and fourteen men were severely wounded.

This open hostility of the Chinese, during the operation of a truce, could not be permitted to continue; and, moreover, it was evident that no good purpose could be attained by merely dispersing these irregular bodies of the Chinese. Accordingly, on the following morning, the 31st, the general sent to inform the Kwang-chow-foo, or prefect, that if these hostile demonstrations were continued, he should be under the necessity of at once hauling down the flag of truce, and of recommencing hostilities against the city. In the course of the day, before any further arrangements had been made with the prefect, who promised to come and meet the general and Captain Elliot under the walls, the Chinese again collected upon the hills, displaying their banners, &c., and firing off their guns. Detached parties were also thrown in advance, as if they had some design of communicating with the Tartar troops, who, to the number of 7000, had already marched out of the city, and were still moving.

In the afternoon, the number of Chinese had still further increased, upon the same hills upon which they had appeared the day before. At length, the prefect arrived, and assured the general that the movements of these peasants were quite without the knowledge or sanction of the authorities, and that he would immediately send off an officer of rank to order them to disperse to their homes. It was agreed that one of our own officers should also accompany him, to endeavour to effect this object by their joint efforts; and Captain Moore, of the 34th Bengal N.I., volunteered to undertake this hazardous and responsible duty. Some treachery might possibly have been intended, although, as there was reason to believe, without the sanction of the prefect, who was personally, at that time, completely in our power. These irregular bodies were at length induced to disperse, and no further collision took place.51

During all the operations upon the heights, the greater part of the wounded were brought down and put on board the Nemesis, where they received every attention from the surgeon of the vessel, and particularly from Mr. Peter Young, who was then on board merely as a volunteer. The Nemesis was employed to convey them daily to their respective ships and transports. The total number of casualties amounted to fifteen killed, and one hundred and twelve wounded; among the latter were no less than fifteen officers.52 The Chinese must have suffered very severely, as almost every shot told upon their heavy masses.

Upon the heights of Canton forty-nine guns were captured, besides a great number of ginjals. But if we reckon all the guns taken and destroyed in the Canton river and its numerous branches, from Chuenpee to Canton, they will be found to amount to not less than twelve hundred pieces, besides ginjals, &c.

The resources of the Chinese seemed endless, and the rapidity with which they erected batteries and field-works was not a little remarkable. It cannot be said that they yielded without first making the most strenuous efforts to defend all the approaches to Canton; and they were rather wanting in skill, and the knowledge of the best mode of applying their abundant resources, than in courage or determination to resist. The Chinese are capable of becoming a formidable enemy, and we cannot forget that, like the Russians, who were once so easily conquered, they may soon learn the art of war from their conquerors, and become formidable from the experience which their first disasters taught them.

On the 31st of May, nearly 18,000 Tartars had marched out of Canton, according to the terms agreed on. Five million dollars had also been paid, and security given for the other million which was still to be paid. Preparations were therefore made, at the request of Captain Elliot, for the re-embarkation of our forces, and their withdrawal from before Canton. With the assistance of eight hundred Chinese labourers, who were furnished for the purpose by the prefect, the guns, ammunition, and stores were brought down to Tsingpoo on the morning of the 1st of June, under a strong escort; and the British flag having been lowered in the forts upon the heights, the whole of our force was re-embarked in the afternoon, under the superintendence of Captain Bourchier and Captain Maitland.

Sir Hugh Gough particularly noticed the absence of excess of every kind which distinguished the men during the eight days they were on shore. Although placed in situations where temptation was abundant, only two instances of drunkenness occurred during the whole period.

The treaty, or perhaps rather the truce, which had been made, by no means implied the conclusion of peace between the two nations; it had reference solely to the city and river of Canton, the whole of the forts and defences of which were to be restored to the Chinese as soon as the ransom had been paid; it was, however, stipulated that they were not to be re-armed "until affairs between the two countries should be finally settled." Accordingly, as soon as our forces, both military and naval, had been again concentrated at Hong-Kong, preparations were immediately recommenced for the resumption of the projected expedition against Amoy.

CHAPTER XXIV

In the first week in June, all our ships of war and transports had left the Canton River, and were again assembled at Hong-Kong. All the forts from Chuenpee upwards had been restored to the Chinese, without any other stipulation except that all those below Whampoa should be suffered to remain in statu quo.

The emperor seems to have been much displeased with the latter part of this agreement; and, in reply to the memorial of Yih-shan upon the subject, his majesty directed that "secret means of defence should be prepared as soon as the foreign ships had withdrawn from the river, and that they were then to build new and strong forts, and repair the old ones." On our side, however, nothing of this kind was permitted below Whampoa; so that, until the ratifications of the treaty of peace had been actually exchanged, the whole of the defences of the Bogue remained in the same dilapidated state in which they were left when our squadron quitted the river in June, 1841.

Sickness had already begun to prevail among our troops before they had reached Hong-Kong. The eight days' exposure which they had endured upon the heights of Canton sowed the seeds of ague and dysentery, which proved far more formidable energies to us than any troops the Chinese could bring against us. After the lapse of a few days, and when the excitement of active operations on shore, and the cheering influence of hope and novelty had subsided, the sickness spread among the men with alarming rapidity, so that, at length, out of our small force, no less than eleven hundred men were upon the sick-list at Hong-Kong. Part of this alarming state of things must be attributed certainly to the pernicious influence of the atmosphere of Hong-Kong itself at that season of the year. But every allowance must be made for the exposure which the men had undergone at Canton, and for the susceptibility of constitution produced by long confinement on board ship. The germs of disease were planted in their bodies before the men returned to the harbour of Hong-Kong; and, therefore, an undue stress was laid at the time upon the unhealthiness of Hong-Kong itself. It is worth while here to mention, that the three imperial commissioners laid particular stress upon the known unhealthiness of the neighbourhood of Canton at that season, as a ground for the impossibility of keeping any large body of troops long together; and it happened, remarkably enough, that two of the high officers died as nearly as possible at the same time – one on the part of the Chinese, and one on our side. Lung-Wan, one of the imperial commissioners, died of fever at Canton about the middle of June; and Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, the senior naval officer, also died of fever at Hong-Kong on the 13th of that month.

Sir Le Fleming Senhouse had partaken of all the privations of the troops on shore, and exposed himself on every occasion in which his zeal and example could serve the cause. He was, moreover, undoubtedly chagrined at the unlooked-for termination of his labours by a truce, the provisions of which, right or wrong, scarcely accorded with his own views of the exigencies of the moment. All these causes combined, acting upon a not over-strong constitution, sufficed to hurry him by sickness to his grave. On the 17th, his remains were removed to Macao, according to a wish which he had expressed before his death, as if he retained a lurking doubt whether Hong-Kong would not some day or other be restored to the Chinese. The Nemesis was employed upon this melancholy occasion, to carry over his remains. At Macao, the body of the gallant veteran was buried, with all the honours due to his rank, in the English burial-ground.

The loss of Sir Le Fleming Senhouse and other officers, as well as a good many men, and the prevailing sickness on board all the vessels of war and transports, at length threw a gloom over the whole expedition, which was hardly to be relieved until the expected movement upon Amoy should take place: this was accordingly looked forward to with great anxiety.

The island of Hong-Kong, which was originally ceded to us by the terms of our treaty with Keshen, but, in consequence of the disallowance of that treaty by the emperor, was afterwards only held by us by right of occupancy during the progress of hostilities, was at length confirmed as a possession of the crown of Great Britain by the ratification of the treaty of Nankin. It was proclaimed as a part of the British empire, and, together with its dependencies, erected into a separate colony, on the 26th of June, 1843, under the designation of the "Colony of Hong-Kong."

It is difficult to ascertain what are the actual dependencies of Hong-Kong. They, probably, include all the small islands immediately adjacent to it, particularly on its southern side; but whether Lamma Island is comprised in them or not, we have little means of judging. In the proclamation, dated at its capital town, Victoria, and published by the authority of Sir Henry Pottinger, the colony is said to be situated between twenty-two degrees, nine minutes, and twenty-two degrees, twenty-one minutes, north latitude, which would give it an extent of twelve miles from north to south; so that Lamma Island, as well as the smaller adjacent islands, would appear to be included in the dependencies. The extent of the colony from east to west is not distinctly laid down, as only one meridian of longitude is given-namely, 114° 18' east longitude from Greenwich.

The position assigned to the island of Hong-Kong in the maps is, probably, incorrect, as it does not coincide with that laid down by Sir Henry Pottinger in the proclamation. The greatest length of the island itself is from east to west – namely, eight miles; but the breadth is extremely irregular, varying from six miles to about two miles only.53

The present capital, Victoria, extends for a considerable distance along its northern shore, and, from the nature of the ground, has of necessity been, built in a very extended, straggling manner. The distance across to the mainland of China, if it can be so called, (for part of the opposite coast is probably an island,) varies considerably. The breadth of the Lyemoon Passage to the eastward is little more than a quarter of a mile, but from the town to the nearest point opposite to it is about a mile and a quarter, while the greatest breadth is upwards of four miles.

The roads of Hong-Kong and the Bay of Victoria form an excellent anchorage, having deep water very near the shore, and only one small shoal having sixteen feet water upon it. There are, however, two disadvantages under which it labours: it is exposed to the full fury of the typhoons whenever they occur; and the high mountains of Hong-Kong intercept the genial breezes of the south-west monsoon during the hot season, when a movement in the atmosphere is most necessary, not only to moderate the sultry summer heat of a tropical climate, but to dissipate the unhealthy vapours which are generated after the heavy rains which occur, particularly during the night, at that season.

In other respects, the lake-like appearance of the harbour is beautiful; it forms a sort of basin, lying between the mountains of Hong-Kong and the mountains of the mainland opposite. For this reason, however, the rains which fall are sometimes excessively heavy: the dark, threatening clouds seem banded across from one side to the other, pouring down their waters in torrents upon the basin between them. The mountain sides of Hong-Kong, steep though they are, occasionally appear almost covered with a sheet of moving water, so torrent-like do the streams pour down their declivities. To this succeeds the burning, tropical sun of July, with a sort of death-like stillness in the atmosphere, which, little influenced as it is on that side of the island by the south-west monsoon, cannot fail, if it last long without any change, to produce fever and sickness.

Almost all tropical countries are occasionally subject to these visitations; but, as a proof that Hong-Kong is not always exposed to them, I may be permitted to mention that a gentleman who was once at anchor there, in company with a fleet of full fifty sail of merchant ships during a period of nine months, including the whole summer season, declared that he observed no prevailing fever or sickness of any kind.

The extremely barren appearance of nearly all the islands at the mouth of the Canton River, the deep and rugged furrows which seem to plough up their mountain sides, the exposed, rocky surface of their summits, and the absence of soil, except in sheltered spots or hollows, seem at once to point out that they are situated within the influence of hurricanes and tropical rains. In this respect, the contrast between this part of China and the Chusan Islands to the northward, is very remarkable. The latter look as rich and inviting, both near and at a distance, as the former appear inhospitable and barren. In the one case, there is an industrious and thriving population, who contrive to cultivate the surface of the mountains, frequently to their very summits, with the greatest care and nicety; in the other case, there is a hardy and adventurous population of fishermen, smugglers, and pirates; the unwilling soil is only cultivated in scattered patches, and the villages are few, and comparatively of mean appearance.

The southern side of the island of Hong-Kong was visited by Capt. Hall, in the squadron which conveyed Lord Amherst's embassy to China in 1816; and it is, therefore, worth while to repeat here the observations of Dr. Clarke Abel Smith upon that occasion. The bay in which the vessels anchored was near the village of Shekpywan, and was then called Hong-Kong Sound. It was described as "being formed by several small islands, by which it is land-locked on every side, and of which Hong-Kong is the principal." "As seen from the deck," says Dr. Smith, "this island was chiefly remarkable for its high, conical mountains rising in the centre, and for a beautiful cascade, which rolled over a fine blue rock into the sea."

This was in the beginning of July. The rocks on that side of the island were found approaching to basalt in compactness of structure. In ascending the principal mountain which was near, he followed the course of a delightful stream, which rises near its summit; and was much struck with the extreme barrenness of the surface of the mountain, and, indeed, of every part of the island which he was able to visit. "Yet, at a distance," says he, "it appears fertile, from the abundance of fern, which I believe to be the polypodium trichotomum, [of Kæmpfer,] which supplies the place of other plants."

By the side of the stream, however, he found several interesting plants. Among them the Beckia chinensis; myrtus tomentosus in abundance, and in full flower; melastoma quinquenervia; and several orchideous plants, of which he could not determine the varieties. There were a great number of ferns, but not a single moss of any description. He adds that he was unable to reach the summit of the mountain, in consequence of the excessive heat, which, at eight a. m., raised the thermometer to 83° in the shade, while the sun's rays, to which he was necessarily exposed, darted through an unclouded atmosphere with an almost intolerable effect, and raised the mercury to 120°.

On his way down from the mountain, he followed a path which led over a small hill, or rather mound, differing in structure from the rocks in its neighbourhood, being composed of very friable stone, of reddish white colour, much resembling disintegrated felspar. He describes the scenery of the island as composed of barren rocks, deep ravines, and mountain torrents, with few characters of a picturesque kind. The only inhabitants he saw were some poor weather-beaten fishermen spreading their nets, and drying the produce of their toils, on the rocks which supported their miserable huts. Its cultivation corresponded with the apparent state and number of its population. Patches of rice, small plantations of yams, and a little buck-wheat, were all their visible means of vegetable support.