The Lives of the Saints, Volume II (of 16): February

9

Pertz, "Mon. Germ." vol. ii. p. 757.

10

Palgrave's "Normandy and England," vol. i. p. 419.

11

Palgrave's "Normandy and England," vol. i. p. 158.

12

'Annales Archeologiques,' Tom. xxiii. p. 232.

13

"Vie des Saints" Tom. ix. p. 22.

14

Elmasini 'Hist. Sarac.' Lugd. Batav. 1625, p. 267.

15

This article is condensed from an article by the Author in the Quarterly Review for October, 1867, on "Portraits of Christ."

16

For information on this Order, see Jan. 15, S. Alexander.

17

See for more information on the Iconoclastic heresy the life of S. Tarasius, Feb. 25th.

18

This very term "Symbol of Christ," as applied to the Holy Eucharist, is indication of heretical views on the Presence.

19

Gofredus in Vita S. Bernardi.

20

Eugenius III.

21

The story is without any foundation in fact. The brothers were probably no relations to S. Patrick. According to the fabulous history of the relatives of S. Patrick, his pretended sister Tigridia had seventeen sons all bishops, priests, or monks, and five daughters all nuns. Some of Darerca's sons are attributed to Tigridia, and some to Liemania. Lupita, another pretended sister is said by some to have remained a consecrated virgin, by others to have been the mother of bishops.

22

See Feb 1.

23

It is only found in Malmesbury's English Chronicle, lib. i., c. 2; and is not found in all copies of Malmesbury.

24

Paximatium. A cake baked under the ashes on the hearth.

25

Inclusus.

26

For an account of the conflict with S. Wilfrid, and the opposition of the Northumbrian Church and princes to his innovations, see his life, Oct. 12.

27

Montalembert, Monks of the West, iv. p. 412.

28

Dr. Lanigan's Eccles. Hist. of Ireland, Dublin, 1827; Vol. iii., p. 39, & i. p. 243.

29

Rees: Essay on the Welsh Saints, pp, 245-6.

30

In the original, the simplicity of this story is quite spoiled by what is evidently added by the monkish author, unable to see the beauty of the unadorned incident; for, it is said, this was a proof of miraculous power in the saint, that he was able to see through a stone wall the upsetting of a corn-cart.

31

Dialog. ii., c. 12, 23, 33.

32

The term used throughout in the Acts is "the Collect."

33

These were, by laying her head on the altar to offer it to God, and all her life after wearing her hair long, as did the ancient Nazarenes: Act. p. 417. S. Optatus, c. 6. S. Ambr. and Virg. c. 8. But in Egypt and Syria the ceremony of this consecration consisted in the virgin cutting off her hair in the presence of a priest.

34

An instance of a child being, in the fourth century, allowed to assist at Mass.

35

Lebito, or Levitonarium, described thus in the life of S. Pachomius, c. 14. Levitonarium est colobium lineum sine manticis, quali Monachi Ægyptii utuntur.

36

This is a mistake, as Bollandus has pointed out; the cross means the little-horse on which she was extended.

37

It is uncertain whether he was first at Sebaste or at Berœa. Socrates says he was translated from Berœa to Sebaste, but there are circumstances which make this statement impossible to reconcile with other facts.

38

Theodoret, lib. v. c. 2.

39

Lib. v., c. 7.

40

Lib. vii., c. 10.

41

See Jan. 26th.

42

See January 5th.

43

See Giraldus Cambrensis, who refers to the legend in his book, De Mirabilibus Hiberniæ, c. 28, but relates it of S. Keiven.

44

Colos. iv.

45

Ep. lxii. c. 2.

46

Ep. ad Ephes.

47

It is, perhaps, inaccurate to say that these were the names of the five brethren, Eusebius does not affirm as much. He says, "The governor asked the chief of them who he was, when, instead of his proper name, he heard him repeat some name of the prophets, which was done by them, if they happened to have had names given to them by their parents from the names of idols, in which case you would hear them calling themselves Elias, Jeremiah, Isaiah, Samuel and Daniel… When Firmilian had heard some name like this from the martyr, &c."

48

Portion lost.

49

A mistake of a copyist for Polychronius, apparently.

50

Lanigan, i. p. 222.

51

Lanigan. ii., p. 345.

52

Whence it appears that S. Fintan was a native of Ross, (in Wexford), for Ross is Ros-mhic-Trein; i. e., Ross of the Sons of Trein.

53

Montalembert: "Monks of the West."

54

To a great extent taken from Canon Bright's Church History.

55

This is stated by the author of his life, and Nithard himself (lib. 4) says of his father, "He begot me, Nithard, and my brother, Harnid, of the daughter of this great king, called Bertha"; but, on the other hand, Eginhard does not mention Angilbert, and this has led Bollandus to express a doubt on the matter.

56

Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 11.

57

Butler gives an account of his early life, and his ministry at Moncona, but nothing of all this is found in the two ancient lives. It is taken from a life by Ovid, a monk of Monte Vergine, quoted by Vincent Chiarlanti, but this seems to be no authority.

58

In Antrim.

59

Blandain, on the high road from Tournai to Lisle.

60

See further, S. Sigebert, (February 1st.)

61

He was Bishop of Trèves about 622, and is honoured as a saint on May 22nd.

62

He became afterwards Bishop of Trèves, and is venerated on July 5th.

63

Apparently a vulgar expression used at the period to mean, "All but a mere trifle."

64

Catella is the word in Ferrarius; in art it is a dog.

65

Alimentum indeficiens.

66

Alban Butler, in his life of S. Prætextatus, says that the bishop married Meroveus to his aunt, deeming the case one deserving a dispensation, and that he confessed this at the council; but S. Gregory of Tours, who is the authority for all that passed, says that the bishop denied having married them, and when he was persuaded to confess, he did not confess that he had done this, but that by giving money to Meroveus, he had encouraged him in his revolt.

67

Gotselinus: Vita S. Aug. c. 45.

68

"Didicerat enim a doctoribus auctoribusque suæ salutis, servitium Christ voluntarium, non coactum esse debere." Bede i. 26.

69

Or Diodorus.

70

The Iconoclastic party was not actuated by any religious feeling, but was simply that of free-thinkers, as the Protestant and very prejudiced ecclesiastical historian Gieseler is constrained to admit. He says, "the enlightenment party, the opponents of images, was not created by a religious feeling, but merely by the emperor's will, and thus partly fostered a superficial, free-thinking, rather than a beneficial reformatory tendency."

71

Chiefly from the Monks of the West, ii. p. 486, seq.