Discussion on American Slavery

That as the American Colonization Society has been demonstrated to be in its principles unrighteous, unnatural, and proscriptive, the attempt now made to give permanency to this institution is a fraud upon the ignorance and an outrage upon the intelligence of the public, and as such deserves the severest reprobation.

The verbiage of this resolution showed its parentage. No one who had ever heard one of Mr. Thompson's speeches could for a moment doubt the authorship of the resolution. But what were they to think of an individual who, being almost a perfect stranger in America, came forward at a public meeting, and spoke in terms like these of a society, supported and encouraged by the great majority of the nation – embracing in that majority most of what is distinguished by rank, by knowledge, or by virtue, in the country? What but universal execration from the violent, and pity and contempt from all – could be expected to follow such proceedings. And yet London, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, celebrate the prudence of Mr. George Thompson in America, and praise his conduct there on their behalf! It was not demonstrated that the scheme was either unnatural, proscriptive, or foolish. He wished much to hear Mr. Thompson attempt that demonstration. He (Mr. B.) would attempt to prove, on the other hand, that in itself the scheme was good, wise, and benevolent. His first reason was that it was good for the free black population of America, for whose benefit it was intended, whatever might be the opinions entertained regarding slavery; whatever might be the opinion as to the duty of admitting the free colored population to all the rights and privileges of white people; taking it for granted that slavery should be abolished, taking it for granted that the free colored population should have the same rights and privileges as the white population; admitting, as so many have declared, that these free people of color are generally very little elevated above the condition of the slaves; granting the existence of the absurd prejudice among the white population against people of color; taking as true, all the assertions of all, or any parties, on this subject, and then say, if it is not a good, a wise, a humane reason for encouraging the society, that they are able to snatch 1000 or 10,000 of these degraded, ruined, undone, and unhappy people from the condition they are placed in, and plant them in comfort, freedom, and peace in Africa? While Mr. Thompson and his friends were trying their schemes to terminate slavery, and break down prejudice against color – schemes which were likely to be long in progress, if we were to judge by the past – it seemed most extraordinary that they should object to our efforts to take a portion of these people out of the grasp of their present sorrows, and do for them in Africa all that has been done for ourselves in America. Above all things, is it not inexplicable, that they should consider slavery on one side of the Atlantic, better than freedom on the other, – a thought, proving him who held it unworthy of freedom anywhere. If this was not a scheme, full of wisdom, of goodness and benevolence, he know not what wisdom, goodness, or benevolence meant. They proposed to do nothing without the free consent of the colored people. And now, if a similar offer were made to every poor and unfortunate inhabitant of Glasgow, and all of them chose to remain here, except one, and that one were captivated by the account of some distant El Dorado, and chose to push his fortune there, could the rest assume over this one the right of saying, you shall not go; we are determined not to go, and equally determined not to let you go. Yet the abolitionists have been going about, from Dan to Beersheba, not only attacking and vilifying the whites, for proposing to colonize the blacks with their own free consent; but equally attacking the blacks for availing themselves of the offer. And though the colony had been stigmatized as a grave, as a place of skulls, it was the very place fitted by nature for the black population, the land granted by God to their fathers. It is in one sense, then, a matter of no moment, what the causes are which induce the society to make the offer, or the black population to emigrate to Africa – even on the showing of the abolitionists themselves, the colored population are kept in a state of degradation; and it is certainly just and good that means should be afforded them for getting rid of that degradation. In the second place, he maintained that this colonization scheme naturally tended to promote the cause of general emancipation. To illustrate this, Mr. Breckinridge read the following extract from the Maryland report of 1835, p. 17: —

The number of manumissions in the state reported to the board since the last annual report, is two hundred and ninety-nine, making the whole number reported as manumitted, since the passage of the act of 1831, eleven hundred and one.

This extract showed that the scheme did not prevent manumission, but had tended gradually to increase its amount. That this was the intention and actual effect of the colonization scheme, he would now prove to the meeting in so far as regarded Maryland; and if he did so of that state, he supposed they would not find it difficult to believe the same thing of other states, as it was against Maryland that Mr. Thompson had expended his peculiar virulence. Mr. B. then read the following: —

Resolved, That this society believe, and act upon the belief that colonization has a tendency to promote emancipation, by affording to the emancipated slave a home, where he can be happier and better, in every point of view, than in this country, and so inducing masters to manumit, for removal to Africa, who would not manumit unconditionally. – 3rd A. Rep. page 5.

Maryland, through her State Society, is about trying the important experiment, whether, by means of colonies on the coast of Africa, slave-holding states may become free states. The Board of Managers cannot doubt of success, however; and in exercising the high and responsible duties devolving upon them, it is with the firm belief that the time is not very remote, when, with the full and free consent of those interested in this species of property, the state of Maryland will be added to the list of the non-slave-holding states of the Union. – 3 A. R. page 6.

It has been charged, again and again, against the general scheme, that its tendencies were to perpetuate slavery; and, at this moment, both in this country and in Europe, there are those who stigmatize the labors of men like Finley, Caldwell, Harper, Ayres, Ashmun, Key, Gurley, Anderson and Randall, as leading to this end. Unfounded as is the charge, it has many believers. The colonization law of Maryland is based upon a far different principle; for the immigration of slaves is expressly prohibited, and the transportation of those who are emancipated is amply provided for. In accordance, therefore, with the general sentiment of the public, and anxious that colonization in the state should be relieved from the imputation put upon the cause, resolutions were unanimously adopted, avowing that the extirpation of slavery in Maryland was the chief object of the society's existence. – 3 A. R. page 33.

Throughout the report the same current of events was referred to; and they were found to be everywhere the same as to the effects of the colonial scheme on the manumission of slaves. To show the cause of the objections to the scheme by free persons of color, Mr. B. read the following extract: —

The Board would here remark, that in collecting emigrants from among the free persons of color in the state, the greatest difficulty they have experienced has grown out of the incredulity of these with regard to the accounts given to them of Africa. Even when their friends in Liberia have written to them, inviting them to emigrate, and speaking favorably of the country, they have believed that a restraint was upon the writers, and that the society's agents prevented any letter from reaching America, which did not speak in terms of praise of Africa. The ingenuity of the colored people in this state devised a simple test of the reliance that was to be placed in letters, purporting to be written by their friends; which they have, during the last year or eighteen months, been putting into practice. When the emigrant sailed from the United States, he took with him one half of a strip of calico, the other half being retained by the person to whom he was to write when he reached Africa. If he was permitted to write without restraint, and if he spoke his real sentiments in his letter, he enclosed his portion of the calico, which, matching with that from which it had been severed, gave authenticity and weight to the correspondence. Many of these tokens, as they are called, have been received, and their effect has been evident in the greater willingness manifested by the free people of color to emigrate; especially those of them who are at all well judging and well informed. – 4 A. R. page 6.

Whatever difficulties now exist as to getting free people of color to avail themselves of the society's scheme and emigrate to Africa, arise in a great degree from the efforts of the abolition party to misrepresent the intentions of the society, and the state and prospects of the colony, to the free colored people of the United States, – thus showing the double atrocity of preventing these people from being benefited, and of traducing those persons who wish to benefit them. In an address from Cape Palmas, by the Colonists to their brethren in America, dated in October, 1834, there was a distinct avowal of the fact that it was better for them that they had gone there; and urging others to come also. Mr. B. then read the following extract from the address: —

Dear Brethren – Agreeably to a resolution of our fellow citizens herewith enclosed, we now endeavor to lay before you a fair and impartial statement of the actual situation of this colony; of our advantages and prospects, both temporal and spiritual.

We are aware of the great difference of opinion which exists in America with respect to colonization. We are aware of the fierce contentions between its advocates and opposers; and we are of opinion that this contention, among the well meaning, is based principally upon the various and contradictory accounts concerning this country and its advantages; receiving on the one hand from the enthusiastic and visionary new comers, who write without having made themselves at all acquainted with the true state of affairs in Africa; and on the other, from the timorous, dissipated and disheartened, who long to return to their former degraded situation, and are willing to assign any reason, however false and detrimental to their fellow citizens, rather than the true one, viz: – that they are actually unfit, from want of virtue, energy and capacity, to become freemen in any country.

We judge that the time which has elapsed since our first arrival, (eight months,) has enabled us to form a pretty correct opinion of this our new colony, of the climate, and of the fitness of our government. Therefore we may safely say we write not ignorantly. And as to the truth of our assertions we here solemnly declare, once for all, that we write in the fear of God, and are fully sensible that we stand pledged to maintain them both here and hereafter.

Of our Government – We declare that we have enjoyed (and the same is for ever guaranteed to us by our Constitution) all and every civil and religious right and privilege, which we have ever known enjoyed by the white citizens of the United States, excepting the election of our chief magistrate, who is appointed by the board of managers of the Maryland State Colonization Society. Other officers are appointed or elected from the colonists. – Freedom of speech and the press, election by ballot, trial by jury, the right to bear arms, and the liberty of worshipping God agreeably to the dictates of our own consciences, are rendered for ever inviolate by the Constitution.

That we may not weary your patience or be suspected of a desire to set forth matters in too favorable a light, we have been thus brief in our statements. It will naturally be supposed, brethren, that the object of this address is to induce you to emigrate and join us. To deny this would be a gross want of candor, and not in unison with our professions at the outset. We do wish it, and we tender you both the heart and hand of good fellowship.

But here again, let us be equally candid with you. It is not every man we could honestly advise or desire to come to this colony. To those who are contented to live and educate their children as house servants and lackeys, we would say, stay where you are; here we have no masters to employ you. To the indolent, heedless and slothful, we would say, tarry among the flesh pots of Egypt; here we get our bread by the sweat of the brow. To drunkards and rioters, we would say, come not to us; you can never become naturalized in a land where there are no grog shops, and where temperance and order is the motto. To the timorous and suspicious, we would say, stay where you have protectors; here we protect ourselves. But the industrious, enterprising and patriotic of what occupation or profession soever; the merchant, the mechanic, and farmer, (but more particularly the latter,) we would counsel, advise and entreat to come and be one with us, and assist in this glorious enterprise, and enjoy with us that liberty to which we ever were, and the man of color ever must be, a stranger in America. To the ministers of the gospel, both white and colored, we would say, come to this great harvest, and diffuse amongst us and our benighted neighbors, that light of the gospel, without which liberty itself is but slavery, and freedom but perpetual bondage.

Accept, brethren, our best wishes; and, praying that the Great Disposer of events will direct you to that course, which will tend to your happiness and the benefit of our race throughout the world,

We subscribe ourselvesYours, most affectionately,JACOB GROSS,WILLIAM POLK,CHARLES SCOTLAND,ANTHONY WOOD,THOMAS JACKSON.

The report having been read, it was then moved by James M. Thompson and seconded, that the report be approved and accepted. The yeas and nays were presented as follows: —

Yeas – Jeremiah Stewart, James Martin, Samuel Wheeler, H. Duncan, Daniel Banks, Joshua Stewart, John Bowen, James Stewart, Henry Dennis, Eden Harding, Robert Whitefield, Nathan Lee, Nathaniel Edmondson, Charles Scotland, Nathaniel Harmon, Bur. Minor, Anthony Howard, James M. Thompson, Anthony Wood, Jacob Gross, Wm. Polk, Thomas Jackson.

Nays – Nicholas Thomson, William Reynolds, William Cassel.

N. B. Those who voted in the negative, declared that the statements contained in the report were true, both in spirit and letter, but they preferred returning to America – whereupon the meeting adjourned, sine die.

A true copy of the record of the proceedings.

WM. POLK.

If any weight was due to human testimony, it was made probable, at least, if not certain, that the intentions of the promoters of the scheme were that it should be most kind to the black man, in all its direct action, and by its indirect influences, the precursor of the abolition of slavery; and if the society had fallen into a mistake, the colonists themselves had also fallen into the same; as in this address they say the scheme has proved successful. He would, therefore, conclude this second reason, by maintaining that he had sufficiently proved that the scheme had been productive of good, not only to the colored population, but also to the cause of universal freedom.

The reasons he would now offer would be more general. And in bringing forward the third head of argument, he observed, that the uniform method which God had selected to civilize and enlighten mankind, and to carry through the world a knowledge of the arts and laws, with all the kindred blessings of civilization, was colonization. Amongst the first commands given by God to man, was to replenish and subdue the earth; and there was a striking fulness of meaning in the expression. While there seemed to exist in the whole human family an instinctive obedience to this command, God had so directed its manifestation, that he believed he might safely challenge any one to show him any one nation which had located the permanent seat of its empire in the native land of its inhabitants. Every nation had been a conquered nation; every people has been in turn enlightened from others, and in turn colonists again. This nation, which has reputed itself the most enlightened in the world, and far be it from him to controvert the opinion in their presence, might trace its superior enlightenment in part to the fact of its having been so much oftener conquered than any other, and the consequent greater mixture of nations among the inhabitants. Again, he observed, that God had kept several races of men distinct, from the time of Noah down to the present day; and in their mutual action upon each other, there was this extraordinary fact, that wherever the descendants of Shem had colonized a country occupied by the descendants of Japhet or Ham, they had extirpated those who were before them. When the descendants of Japhet conquered the descendants of Shem, they were extirpated before them; when the descendants of Shem conquered those of Japhet, the case was the same; and so of the descendants of Ham upon either. But when Japhet conquered Japhet there was no extirpation, and when Shem conquered Shem there was no extirpation, as also of Ham conquering Ham. Now as to the continent of Africa, if history taught any truth, they must roll back all its tide, or Africa was destined to be still farther colonized. As yet, the pestilence, like the flaming sword before the garden of the Lord, had kept the way hedged up, the white man and yellow man away from the spot, – reserved till the fit hour and people came. If we take the bodings of Providence all is well. But if we rely on the lessons of the past, the only means in our power to prevent the ultimate colonization of Africa by some strange race, and the consequent extirpation of its race of blacks, is to colonize it with blacks. If they let Shem colonize there, the blacks will be extirpated; if they let Japhet colonize, the blacks will be extirpated. Africa must be undone, or she must be colonized with blacks; or all history is but one prodigious lie. To Britain seems specially committed, by a good Providence, the destinies of Asia; and we say to her, kindly and faithfully, Enter and occupy, till Messiah come; enter at once, lest we enter before you. To America, in like manner, is Africa committed. To do our Master's work there, we must colonize it by blacks, we must enlighten it by blacks. And when Mr. T. and his friends come to us with their quackery, scarcely four year's old, and require us to forego for it our clearest convictions, our most cherished plans, and our most enlightened views of truth and duty, we can only say to them, "We are much obliged to you, but pray excuse us, gentlemen; we have considered the matter before." Every benevolent and right thinking person must see that the scheme of colonizing Africa by black men, is necessary to enlighten Africa, and prevent the extirpation of the black men there. He would, in the fourth place, take up the question of christianizing Africa, separate from the other question of mere civilization and preservation. There were only three ways, as had been argued, in which the works of missions could be possibly conducted. In an admirable little treatise on the subject, published in this country, and he regretted he knew not the author, or he would name him in pure honor, these methods were ably defined and illustrated. One method was, to send out missionaries, and do the work, as many are now attempting it, in so many lands. Another was, by bringing the people to be converted, to those whom God chose to make the means of their conversion. And when Britain thinks harshly of America about slavery, let her remember, and melt into kindness at the thought, of what we are doing to convert the tens of thousands of Irish Catholics she sends to us yearly. The third way was by colonization; and this, in past ages, has been the great and glorious plan. By this, Europe became what she is; by this, America was Christianized; and he would again refer them to the little book of which he had spoken – which, not being written by a slave owner, nor even an American, might possibly be true – to convince them, that it was, in all cases, a most efficient means to save the world. But in this peculiar case, it seemed to be the chief, if not the only means. The climate suited the black man, while hundreds of whites had fallen victims to it. So peculiar does this appear to me, that I have never been able to comprehend how the pious and enlightened free blacks of America could so long, or at all, resist the manifest call of God, to go and labor for Him in their father land. There she is, "sitting in darkness and drinking blood," – with a full capacity, and a perfect fitness on their parts, to enlighten, to comfort, and to save her – their mother, doubly requiring their care, that she knows not that she is blind and naked! And yet they linger on a distant shore; and fill the air with empty murmurs, of time and earth, and its poor vanities; and Christian men around them caress and applaud them for their heathen hard-heartedness; and Christian communities, in their strange infatuation, send missions to them, to prevent them from becoming the truest missionaries that the earth could furnish! Shadows that we are, shadows that we pursue! It was, in the fifth place, the only effectual and practical mode of putting an end to the slave trade. There was, indeed, another way – by stopping the demand. But while they disputed the means of stopping the demand, there was another way – the stopping of the supply. This had long been an object dear to several nations. The government of Britain, the government of America, and the governments of several other states, had sent several cruisers to stop the supply; but would any slaves be taken from Africa, if there was even a single city on the western coast, with ten thousand inhabitants, and three vessels of war at their command? They would put an end to the trade the moment they were able to chastise the pirates, or make reprisals on the nations to which they belonged. Why is it we never hear of the stealing of an Englishman, a German, or a Turk? Because the thief knows that reprisals would be made, or that he or some of his countrymen would be chastised or stolen in return. So that all that was required, was to plant a city on the west coast of Africa, and this would give protection to the population of that country. Nothing is plainer, than that any nation which will make reprisals, will have none of the inhabitants stolen. If reprisals were made effective, the slave trade would be immediately stopped. It is the course pursued by Mr. Thompson and his friends, not the course pursued by us, which is likely to continue the slave trade. On one hundred leagues of African coast, it is already to a great degree suppressed; and if we had been aided as the importance of the cause demanded, instead of being resisted with untiring activity, this blessed object might now have been granted to the prayers of Christendom.

Mr. THOMPSON earnestly hoped that every word which Mr. Breckinridge had that night uttered respecting the principles of the Colonization Society, and what had been effected by that institution, would be carefully preserved; that on other occasions, and by other persons, on both sides the Atlantic, Mr. Breckinridge's arguments might be canvassed, his facts investigated, and his sentiments made known. I shall offer no apology (continued Mr. T.) for referring to a point discussed last evening, but not fairly disposed of. I am by no means satisfied, nor do I think the enlightened, and least of all the Christian world, will be satisfied with the doctrine which for two evenings has been laid down and maintained by Mr. Breckinridge, that America, as a nation, is not responsible before God for the sin of slavery. I cannot, sir, receive that doctrine. I cannot lightly pass it over. Much hinges upon this point, nor will I consent that America shall lay the flattering unction to her soul that she is not her brother's keeper; that any wretches within her precincts may commit soul-murder, and she be innocent, by reason of her wilful, self induced, and self continued impotency. I do not believe the doctrine of "the irresponsibleness of America as a nation" to be politically sound; still less do I believe it to be the doctrine of the Bible.