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The Life of John Marshall, Volume 1: Frontiersman, soldier, lawmaker, 1755-1788
1007
McMaster and Stone, 173-74.
1008
Independent Gazetteer: ib., 183-84.
1009
Ib., 184-85.
1010
Pennsylvania Debates, in McMaster and Stone, 231. Elliott prints only a small part of these debates.
1011
Ib., 283-85.
1012
Ib., 219.
1013
McMaster and Stone, 253.
1014
Findley covered them with confusion in this statement by citing authority. Wilson irritably quoted in retort the words of Maynard to a student: "Young Man! I have forgotten more law than ever you learned." (Ib., 352-64.)
1015
Ib., 361-63.
1016
Ib., 365.
1017
Ib.
1018
Ib., 419.
1019
McMaster and Stone, 365.
1020
Ib., 453. The conduct of the Pennsylvania supporters of the Constitution aroused indignation in other States, and caused some who had favored the new plan of government to change their views. "On reception of the Report of the [Federal] Convention, I perused, and admir'd it; – Or rather, like many who still think they admire it, I loved Geo. Washington – I venerated Benj. Franklin – and therefore concluded that I must love and venerate all the works of their hands; – … The honest and uninformed freemen of America entertain the same opinion of those two gentlemen as do European slaves of their Princes, – 'that they can do no wrong.'"
But, continues Wait, "on the unprecedented Conduct of the Pennsylvania Legislature [and Convention] I found myself Disposed to lend an ear to the arguments of the opposition – not with an expectation of being convinced that the new Constitution was defective; but because I thought the minority had been ill used; and I felt a little curious to hear the particulars," with the result that "I am dissatisfied with the proposed Constitution." (Wait to Thatcher, Jan. 8, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 262; and see infra.)
Others did not, even then, entertain Mr. Wait's reverence for Washington, when it came to accepting the Constitution because of his support. When Hamilton asked General Lamb how he could oppose the Constitution when it was certain that his "good friend Genl. Washington would … be the first President under it," Lamb "reply'd that … after him Genl. Slushington might be the next or second president." (Ledlie to Lamb; MS., N.Y. Hist. Soc.)
1021
McMaster and Stone, 432-35.
1022
Ib., 424.
1023
Ib., 14-15.
1024
Ib.
1025
"Address of the Minority"; McMaster and Stone, 454-83.
1026
"Address of the Minority"; McMaster and Stone, 466.
1027
Ib., 469-70.
1028
Ib., 480.
1029
See various contemporary accounts of this riot reprinted in McMaster and Stone, 486-94.
1030
The authorship of the "Letters of Centinel" remains unsettled. It seems probable that they were the work of Eleazer Oswald, printer of the Independent Gazetteer, and one George Bryan, both of Philadelphia. (See ib., 6-7, and footnote.)
1031
"Letters of Centinel," no. 4, ib., 606.
1032
Ib., 620.
1033
Ib., 625.
1034
McMaster and Stone, 624.
1035
Ib., 630, 637, 639, 642, 653, 655.
1036
Ib., 629.
1037
Ib., 641.
1038
Ib., 631; and see infra, chap. XI.
1039
Ib., 639.
1040
Ib., 658.
1041
Ib., 661.
1042
Ib., 667.
1043
McMaster and Stone, 667.
1044
Ib., 668.
1045
"A Real Patriot," in Independent Gazetteer, reprinted in McMaster and Stone, 524.
1046
"Gomes," in ib., 527.
1047
H. Chapman to Stephen Collins, June 20, 1788; MS., Lib. Cong. Oswald, like Thomas Paine, was an Englishman.
1048
Madison to Jefferson, Feb. 19, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 102.
1049
Madison to Jefferson, Feb. 19, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 101.
1050
Gore to Thatcher, June 9, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 263. This was a very shrewd move; for Hancock had not yet been won over to the Constitution; he was popular with the protesting delegates, and perhaps could not have been defeated had they made him their candidate for presiding officer; the preferment flattered Hancock's abnormal vanity and insured the Constitutionalists against his active opposition; and, most of all, this mark of their favor prepared the way for the decisive use the Constitutionalist leaders finally were able to make of him. Madison describes Hancock as being "weak, ambitious, a courtier of popularity, given to low intrigue." (Madison to Jefferson, Oct. 17, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 270.)
1051
Madison to Jefferson, Feb. 19, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 101.
1052
Madison to Pendleton, Feb. 21, 1788; ib., 108.
1053
King to Madison, Jan. 27, 1788; King, i, 316.
1054
Ib., 317.
1055
Elliott, ii, 40.
1056
Harding, 48. These towns were bitterly opposed to the Constitution. Had they sent delegates, Massachusetts surely would have rejected the Constitution; for even by the aid of the deal hereafter described, there was a very small majority for the Constitution. And if Massachusetts had refused to ratify it, Virginia would, beyond the possibility of a doubt, have rejected it also. (See infra, chaps. X, XI, and XII.) And such action by Massachusetts and Virginia would, with absolute certainty, have doomed the fundamental law by which the Nation to-day exists. Thus it is that the refusal of forty-six Massachusetts towns to send representatives to the State Convention changed the destiny of the Republic.
1057
Hill to Thatcher, Dec. 12, 1787; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 259.
1058
Lee to Thatcher, Jan. 23, 1788; ib., 266-67.
1059
Ib., 267.
1060
Ib.
1061
Bangs to Thatcher, Jan. 1, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 260.
1062
Sewall to Thatcher, Jan. 5, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 260-61.
1063
Savage to Thatcher, Jan. 11, 1788; ib., 264.
1064
Barrell to Thatcher, Jan. 15, 1788; ib., 265.
1065
Wait to Thatcher, Jan. 8, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 261. Wait was an unusually intelligent and forceful editor of a New England newspaper, the Cumberland Gazette. (Ib., 258.)
1066
Gore to Thatcher, Dec. 30, 1787; ib., 260.
1067
Lincoln to Washington, Feb. 3, 1788; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, iv, 206.
1068
See infra.
1069
King to Madison, Jan. 27, 1788; King, i, 317.
1070
Elliott, ii, 105-06.
1071
Ib., 101.
1072
Elliott, ii, 102.
1073
Ib., 28.
1074
Ib., 96.
1075
Ib., 94.
1076
Ib., 80.
1077
Ib., 48.
1078
Elliot, ii, 133.
1079
Ib., 136-37.
1080
Ib., 16.
1081
Ib., 111.
1082
Ib., 148.
1083
Ib., 44.
1084
Elliott, ii, 102-04. Mr. Thatcher made the best summary of the unhappy state of the country under the Confederation. (Ib., 141-48.)
1085
King to Madison, Jan. 20, 1788; King, i, 314.
1086
Rives, ii, 524-25. "To manage the cause against them (the jealous opponents of the Constitution) are the present and late governor, three judges of the supreme court, fifteen members of the Senate, twenty-four among the most respectable of the clergy, ten or twelve of the first characters at the bar, judges of probate, high sheriffs of counties, and many other respectable people, merchants, &c., Generals Heath, Lincoln, Brooks, and others of the late army." (Nathaniel Gorham to Madison, quoted in ib.)
1087
"Hancock has committed himself in our favor… You will be astonished, when you see the list of names that such an union of men has taken place on this question. Hancock will, hereafter, receive the universal support of Bowdoin's friends; and we told him, that, if Virginia does not unite, which is problematical, he is considered as the only fair candidate for President." (King to Knox, Feb. 1, 1788; King, i, 319. The italics are those of King.)
1088
Ib., ii, 525.
1089
Elliott, ii, 178-81.
1090
Ib., 140.
1091
Elliott, ii, 153.
1092
Madison to Randolph, April 10, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 117.
1093
Elliott, ii, 159-61.
1094
Widgery to Thatcher, Feb. 8, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 270.
1095
Ib.
1096
Elliott, ii, 218.
1097
Widgery to Thatcher, Feb. 8, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 270-71.
1098
King to Madison, Feb. 6, 1788; King, i, 320.
1099
Gerry, in Ford: P. on C., 1-23.
1100
Ib., 23. When a bundle of copies of Gerry's pamphlet was received by the New York Anti-Constitutionalists in Albany County, they decided that it was "in a style too sublime and florid for the common people in this part of the country." (Ib., 1.)
1101
During the debates the Boston Gazette published the following charge that bribery was being employed to get votes for the Constitution: —
BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION!!!"The most diabolical plan is on foot to corrupt the members of the Convention, who oppose the adoption of the new Constitution. Large sums of money have been brought from a neighboring state for that purpose, contributed by the wealthy. If so, is it not probable there may be collections for the same accursed purpose nearer home? Centinel." (Elliott, ii, 51.)
The Convention appointed a committee to investigate (ib.); it found that the charge was based on extremely vague rumor. (Harding, 103.) There the matter appears to have been dropped.
More than eighty years afterward, Henry B. Dawson, the editor of the Historical Magazine, a scholar of standing, asserted, personally, in his publication: "It is very well known – indeed, the son and biographer of one of the great leaders of the Constitutionalists in New York has frankly admitted to us —that enough members of the Massachusetts Convention were bought with money from New York to secure the ratification of the new system by Massachusetts." (Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 268, footnote, referring to Savage's letter to Thatcher telling of the charge in the Boston Gazette.)
Professor Harding discredits the whole story. (Harding, 101-05.) It is referred to only as showing the excited and suspicious temper of the times.
1102
Langdon to Washington, Feb. 28, 1788; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, iv, 212. "At least three fourths of the property, and a large proportion of the abilities in the State are friendly to the proposed system. The opposition here, as has generally been the case, was composed of men who were involved in debt." (Lear to Washington, June 22, 1788; ib., 224-25.)
1103
Lear to Washington, June 2, 1788; Cor. Rev.: Sparks, iv, 220.
1104
Langdon to King, Feb. 23, 1788; King, i, 321-22.
1105
Madison to Pendleton, March 3, 1788 (Writings: Hunt, v, 110), and to Washington, March 3, 1788 (ib., 111); and to Randolph; March 3, 1788 (ib., 113).
1106
Langdon to King, May 6, 1788; King, i, 328.
1107
Washington to Lafayette, Feb. 7, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 220.
1108
Marshall, ii, 127.
1109
Ib.
1110
Washington to Madison, Jan. 10, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 208.
1111
Though "practical," these methods were honorable, as far as the improper use of money was concerned.
1112
King to Langdon, June 10, 1788; King, i, 331.
1113
Hamilton to Madison, May 19, 1788; Works: Lodge, ix, 430. See also ib., 432.
1114
Knox to King, June 19, 1788; King, i, 335.
1115
Hill to Thatcher, Jan. 1, 1788; Hist. Mag. (2d Series), vi, 261.
1116
King to Madison, May 25, 1788; King, i, 329.
1117
Hamilton to Madison, June 27, 1788; Works: Lodge, ix, 436. Virginia had ratified the Constitution two days before Hamilton wrote this letter, but the news did not reach New York until long afterward.
1118
Hamilton to Madison, June 8, 1788; Works: Lodge, ix, 432-34.
1119
Grigsby, i, 8. About three eighths of Virginia's population were slaves valued at many millions of dollars.
1120
Grigsby, i, footnote to 50; also 32; and see examples given by Judge Scott, in Scott, 235-38.
1121
Grigsby, i, footnote to 36; and see 29, 62, 339.
1122
Henry, ii, 339; and Rowland, ii, 223 et seq.
1123
Rives, ii, 549.
1124
Randolph to the Speaker of the House of Delegates, Oct. 10, 1787; Elliott, i, 482-91; also Ford: P. on C., 261-76.
1125
Randolph to Page and others, Dec. 2, 1787; American Museum, iii, 61 et seq.
1126
Ib.
1127
Lee to Randolph, Oct. 16, 1787; Elliott, i, 503. Upon the publication of this correspondence a young Richmond attorney, Spencer Roane, the son-in-law of Patrick Henry, in an article signed "Plain Dealer," published in the Virginia Gazette, attacked Randolph for inconsistency. "Good God! How can the first magistrate and father of a pure republican government … before his proposed plan of amendment has been determined upon, declare that he will accept a Constitution which is to beget a monarchy or an aristocracy?.. Can he foretell future events? How else can he at this time discover what the 'spirit of America' is?.. How far will this principle carry him? Why, … if the dominion of Shays, instead of that of the new Constitution, should be generally accepted, and become 'the spirit of America,' his Excellency would turn Shayite." (Plain Dealer to Randolph, Feb. 13, 1788; Ford: Essays on the Constitution, 385; also Branch Hist. Papers, 47.) Roane's letter is important as the first expression of his hostility to the Constitution. He was to become the determined enemy of Marshall; and, as the ablest judge of the Virginia Court of Appeals, the chief judicial foe of Marshall's Nationalism. (See vol. III of this work.)
1128
"The importunities of some to me in public and private are designed to throw me unequivocally and without condition, into the opposition." (Randolph to Madison, Feb. 29, 1788; Conway, 101.)
1129
Washington to Randolph, Jan. 8, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 204-06.
1130
Madison to Randolph, Jan. 10, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 79-84; and see same to same, Jan. 20, 1788 (ib., 86-88); and March 3, 1788 (ib., 113-14).
1131
"If he [Randolph] approves it at all, he will do it feebly." (Washington to Lafayette, April 28, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 255; and see Madison to Jefferson, April 22, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 121.)
1132
Randolph to Madison, Feb. 29, 1788; quoted in Conway, 101.
1133
"Randolph was still looked upon as an Anti-Federalist by the uninitiated." But his "position … was evidently no secret to Washington." (Rowland, ii, 210. See also ib., 225, 227, 231.)
1134
Ib.
1135
Randolph to Madison, Feb. 29, 1788; Conway, 101.
1136
Scott, 160.
1137
Washington to Carter, Dec. 14, 1787; Writings: Ford, xi, footnote to 210.
1138
Smith to Madison, June 12, 1788; Rives, ii, footnote to p. 544.
1139
Ib. "The Baptist interest … are highly incensed by Henry's opinions and public speeches." (Randolph to Madison, Feb. 29, 1788; Conway, 101.)
1140
Smith to Madison, June 12, 1788; Rives, ii, 544.
1141
Washington to Hamilton, Nov. 10, 1787; Writings: Ford, xi, footnote to p. 181.
1142
Washington to Trumbull, Feb. 5, 1788; Writings: Ford, 212. From the first Washington attributed much of the opposition throughout the country to the fact that popular leaders believed that the new National Government would lessen their importance in their respective States. "The governors elect or to be elected, the legislators, with a long tribe of others whose political importance will be lessened if not annihilated" were, said Washington, against a strong central Government. (Washington to Knox, Feb. 3, 1787; Sparks, ix, 230; and see Graydon, 340.)
1143
Washington to Lincoln, April 2, 1788; ib., xi, footnote to 239-40.
1144
"Letters of a Federal Farmer," no. 3; Ford: P. on C., 301.
1145
Ib., no. 5, 319.
1146
Washington to Armstrong, April 25, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 252; and to Petit, Aug. 16, 1788; ib., 300.
1147
Madison to Jefferson, April 22, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 120-22.
1148
Grigsby, i, 34-35; and footnote to 49.
1149
Grigsby, i, 64-66; and Elliott, iii, 1.
1150
Rowland, ii, 222.
1151
Henry, ii, 345. So angered were the Anti-Constitutionalists that they would not correct or revise Robertson's reports of their speeches. (Ib.)
1152
Elliott, iii, 1.
1153
Ib., 5-6; also, Journal of the Convention, 7-11.
1154
Grigsby, i, 69-70. In the descriptions of the dress, manners, and appearance of those who took part in the debate, Grigsby's account has been followed. Grigsby took infinite pains and gave many years to the gathering and verifying of data on these picturesque subjects; he was personally intimate with a large number of the immediate descendants of the members of the Convention and with a few who were eye-witnesses; and his reconstruction of the scenes in the Convention is believed to be entirely accurate.
1155
Elliott, iii, 3.
1156
Mason's clause-to-clause resolve was, "contrary to his expectations, concurred in by the other side." (Madison to Washington, June 4, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, footnote to 124.) And see Washington's gleeful report to the New York Constitutionalists of Mason's error: "This [Mason's resolve] was as unexpected as acceptable to the federalists, and their ready acquiescence seems to have somewhat startled the opposite side for fear they had committed themselves." (Washington to Jay, June 8, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 271.)
1157
Elliott, iii, 4.
1158
Grigsby, i, 77.
1159
For a discussion of this tactical blunder of the opponents of the Constitution, see Grigsby, i, 72.
1160
Elliott, iii, 4.
1161
Grigsby, i, 75.
1162
Elliott, iii, 6.
1163
Ib.
1164
Grigsby, i, 77.
1165
Ib., 79.
1166
Ib., 78, 79, 140, 141, 246, 247.
1167
Elliott, iii, 7-21.
1168
Grigsby, i, 76.
1169
Elliott, iii, 21-23.
1170
Grigsby, i, 83-84.
1171
Madison was the real designer of the Virginia plan. (Rives, ii, chap. xxvii.)
1172
This was the point Washington had made to Randolph. It is interesting that, throughout the debate, Randolph, over and over again, used almost the exact language of Washington's letter.
1173
Elliott, iii, 23-29. Randolph's speech was apologetic for his change of heart. He was not "a candidate for popularity": he had "satisfied his conscience," etc.
1174
Madison to Washington, June 4, 1788; Writings: Hunt, v, 124.
1175
Jefferson to Short, Sept. 20, 1788; quoting a private letter from Virginia of July 12; Works: Ford, v, 431.
1176
Washington to Jay, June 8, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 271.
1177
Bland to Lee, June 13, 1788; Rowland, ii, 243-44. Evidently the opposition was slow to believe that Randolph had irrevocably deserted them; for Bland's letter was not written until Randolph had made his fourth extended speech ten days later.
1178
Scott, 160.
1179
Washington to Jay, June 8, 1788; Writings: Ford, xi, 271.
1180
From this delay Randolph's enemies have charged that his letter to Clinton was not posted in time. Much as Randolph had to answer for, this charge is unjust. Letters between Richmond and New York sometimes were two or three months on the way. (See supra, chap. VII.)
1181
Clinton to Randolph, May 8, 1788; Conway, 110-12.
1182
Clinton to Randolph, May 8, 1788; Conway, 110-12; Henry, ii, 363; Rowland, ii, 276-79; and see infra, chap. XII.
1183