The Life of Albert Gallatin

“J’ai vu Brakenridge à Cat-fish où j’ai été à l’occasion d’Archey, et je puis déclarer en conscience que de mes jours je n’ai vu un si complet impertinent fat. Peut-être ne seras-tu pas fâché de lire une partie d’une conversation qu’il eut devant moi. Un inconnu (à moi du moins) voulant le faire parler, à ce que je suppose, lui adresse ainsi la parole:

“N. I think, Mr. Brakenridge, you are one of the happiest men in the world.

“B. Yes, sir; nothing disturbs me. I can declare that I never feel a single moment of discontent, but laugh at everything.

“N. I believe so, sir; but your humor…

“B. Oh, sir, truly inexhaustible; yes, truly inexhaustible, – et tout en disant ces mots avec complaisance il tirait ses manchettes et son jabot, caressait son visage de sa main, et souriait en Narcisse, – truly inexhaustible. Sir, I could set down and write a piece of humor for fifty-seven years without being the least exhausted. I have just now two compositions agoing…

“N. Happy turn of mind!

“B. You may say that, sir. I enjoy a truly inexhaustible richness and strength of mind, &c., &c.”

22

“In the report of the commissioners of the United States to the President, it was most erroneously stated that I wanted the committee, viz., the Parkinson’s Ferry members, to remain till the twelve commissioners or conferees should report. The reverse was the fact.” Marginal note by Mr. Gallatin on pp. 98-99 of Brackenridge’s Incidents.

23

Incidents, vol. i. p. 111.

24

Findley, History of the Insurrection, p. 122; Brackenridge, Incidents, vol. i. p. 111.

25

Brackenridge, Incidents, vol. i. p. 112.

26

Writings, vol. i. p. 4.

27

Ibid, p. 9.

28

Findley, History, &c., p. 240.

29

Findley, p. 248.

30

Writings, vol. iii. pp. 8-52.

31

See the Speech of N.P. Banks, of June 30, 1868, Cong. Globe, vol. lxxv., Appendix, p. 385.

32

See, among other expressions to this effect, Lodge’s Cabot, pp. 342, 345.

33

Gibbs’s Administrations of Washington and Adams, ii. p. 320.

34

Annals of Congress, February 10, 1797.

35

This essay is republished in his Writings, vol. iii. p. 70.

36

This statement should be compared with Mr. Monroe’s published account of this transaction (View of the Conduct of the Executive, pp. xix. – xxii.), in order to gather the sense in which Mr. Monroe probably meant it to be understood.

37

Mr. Coit, of Connecticut, had read Mr. Jefferson’s Mazzei letter.

38

See especially George Cabot to Pickering, 14th February, 1804. Lodge’s Cabot, p. 341.

39

See Works of Fisher Ames, ii. 354.

40

Gibbs’s Administrations, &c., ii. 45.

41

Jefferson’s Works, iv. 237.

42

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. ii. p. 604.

43

Works, vol. ix. p. 507.

44

See the letters of Wolcott to Ames, 29th December, 1799, and Ames to Wolcott, 12th January, 1800. Gibbs’s Administrations, &c., ii. 313-321.

45

See Gallatin’s Writings, iii. 553.

46

See the letter of George Cabot to Wolcott of 6th October, 1798. Lodge’s Cabot, p. 168. The letter is printed in Gibbs’s Administrations, &c., as of 25th October, vol. ii. p. 109.

47

Inquiry concerning the Rise and Progress, the Redemption and Present State, and the Management of the National Debt of Great Britain. By Robert Hamilton, L.L.D. Edinburgh, 1813. Reprinted at Philadelphia in 1816, and by Lord Overstone in his collection of Financial Tracts, 1856-1859.

48

Sic.

49

Vol. i. pp. 18-28.

50

Letter to Gales & Seaton, 5th February, 1835, Writings, ii. 535.

51

Writings, vol. i. p. 24.

52

See Miss Randolph’s Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 307-308, and Parton’s Jefferson, pp. 585-586.

53

See Parton’s Burr, ii. 69.

54

See Cooper’s Naval History, i. 192-194.

55

Finance, vol. i. p. 746.

56

Gallatin to W. B. Giles, 14th Feb., 1802, Writings, vol. i. p. 76.

57

See Mr. Gallatin’s “Introduction to the Collection of Land Laws, &c.,” reprinted in his Writings, vol. iii.

58

Printed in American State Papers, Finance, i. p. 765.

59

See infra, p. 607.

60

See also his letter to Mr. Gallatin of 13th December, 1803, Jefferson’s Works, iv. 518.

61

See his letter to Mr. Jefferson of 13th December, 1803, Writings, vol. i. p. 171.

62

This paper is printed in the Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 690; also in American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. p. 37.

63

This letter will be found in Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 130.

64

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 111.

65

Ibid., p. 115.

66

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 241.

67

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 263.

68

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 277.

69

Ibid., p. 281.

70

Cf. Jefferson to Wirt, 3d May, 1811. Jefferson’s Writings, vol. v. p. 593.

71

Letter to George Clinton, Jr., dated 5th April, 1806. Writings, vol. i. p. 295.

72

Gallatin’s Writings, Endorsement on letter of G. Clinton, Jr., vol. i. p. 298.

73

See “Decius, II.,” Richmond Enquirer, November, 1806, republished in the Aurora for 25th November, 1806.

74

See Randolph’s speeches in Congress of May 26, 1812, and 15th April, 1824.

75

Omitted in final draft.

76

State Papers, Finance, ii. p. 212.

77

Gallatin’s Writings, i. 330.

78

Jefferson’s Writings, v. 42.

79

State Papers, xiv. 194.

80

Under the Act of Congress of February 27, 1815.

81

To Tench Coxe, 27th March, 1807.

82

See Writings, vol. i. p. 341.

83

Ibid., p. 358, 21st October, 1807.

84

Diary and Correspondence of Lord Colchester, ii. 132.

85

The actual author of the orders in council of November 11, 1807, was Spencer Perceval, then Attorney-General. The objects he had in view are very clearly given in a letter written by him towards the end of that month to Charles Abbot, then Speaker of the House of Commons, afterwards Lord Colchester:

SPENCER PERCEVAL TO SPEAKER ABBOT

… The business of recasting the law of trade and navigation, as far as belligerent principles are concerned, for the whole world, has occupied me very unremittingly for a long time; and the subject is so extensive, and the combinations so various, that, even supposing our principles to be right, I cannot hope that the execution of the principle must not in many respects be defective; and I have no doubt we shall have to watch it with new provisions and regulations for some time.

The short principle is that trade in British produce and manufactures, and trade either from a British port or with a British destination, is to be protected as much as possible. For this purpose all the countries where French influence prevails to exclude the British flag shall have no trade but to or from this country or from its allies. All other countries, the few that remain strictly neutral (with the exception of the colonial trade, which backwards and forwards direct they may carry on), cannot trade but through this being done as an ally with any of the countries connected with France. If, therefore, we can accomplish our purposes, it will come to this, that either those countries will have no trade, or they must be content to accept it through us.

This is a formidable and tremendous state of the world; but all the part of it which is particularly harassing to English interests was existing through the new severity with which Buonaparte’s decrees of exclusion against our trade were called into action.

Our proceeding does not aggravate our distress from it. If he can keep out our trade he will, and he would do so if he could, independent of our orders. Our orders only add this circumstance: they say to the enemy, if you will not have our trade, as far as we can help it you shall have none. And as to so much of any trade as you can carry on yourselves, or others carry on with you through us, if you admit it you shall pay for it. The only trade, cheap and untaxed, which you shall have shall be either direct from us, in our own produce and manufactures, or from our allies, whose increased prosperity will be an advantage to us…

Diary and Correspondence of Lord Colchester, vol. ii. p. 134. See also the Life of Spencer Perceval, by Spencer Walpole, vol. i. p. 263 ff., for the further history and Cabinet discussions of this subject.

86

On the 15th May, 1808.

87

To Gallatin, 18th November, 1808. Jefferson’s Writings, v. 385.

88

To Governor Sullivan, 12th August, 1808. Jefferson’s Writings, v. 340.

89

To Dupont de Nemours, 2d March, 1809. Writings, v. 482.

90

To Dr. Logan. Jefferson’s Writings, v. 404. Letter to Lieutenant-Governor Lincoln, 13th November, 1808, v. 387.

91

Letter to Mr. Gallatin of October 30, 1808. Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 420.

92

Letter to Cabell, 2d February, 1816. Writings, vi. 540.

93

Jefferson MSS.

94

Jefferson’s Writings, v. 417.

95

To T. M. Randolph. Writings, v. 424.

96

Erskine to Robert Smith, 14th August, 1809.

97

Bath Archives. Diaries and Letters of Sir George Jackson. See, among other instances, Second Series, i. 109.

98

The passages in brackets were omitted in the final draft.

99

Speech of 12th May, 1826.

100

See Mr. Madison’s “Memorandum.” Writings, ii. 495-506.

101

See Writings, vol. i. p. 475.

102

Writings, vol. ii. p. 198.

103

Ibid., p. 279.

104

See Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 496.

105

See, for another account of the struggle between Gallatin and the Smiths, the “Recollections of the Civil History of the War of 1812, by Joseph Gales;” a series of papers printed in the National Intelligencer, numbered from I. to IX., and published between June 9 and September 12, 1857.

106

8th April, 1811.

107

3d September, 1811.

108

Mr. J. Q. Adams, in the year 1820, commented upon Pennsylvania politics in his Diary (vol. v. p. 112): “Pennsylvania has been for about twenty years governed by two newspapers in succession; one, the Aurora, edited by Duane, an Irishman, and the other, the Democratic Press, edited by John Binns, an Englishman. Duane had been expelled from British India for sedition, and Binns had been tried in England for high treason. They are both men of considerable talents and profligate principles, always for sale to the highest bidder, and always insupportable burdens, by their insatiable rapacity, to the parties they support. With the triumph of Jefferson in 1801, Duane, who had contributed to it, came in for his share, and more than his share, of emolument and patronage. With his printing establishment at Philadelphia he connected one in this city; obtained by extortion almost the whole of the public printing, but, being prodigal and reckless, never could emerge from poverty, and, always wanting more, soon encroached upon the powers of indulgence to his cravings which the heads of Departments possessed, and quarrelled both with Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin for staying his hand from public plunder. In Pennsylvania, too, he contributed to bring in McKean, and then labored for years to run him down; contributed to bring in Snyder, and soon turned against him. Binns in the mean time had come, after his trial, as a fugitive from England, and had commenced editor of a newspaper. Duane had been made by Mr. Madison a colonel in the army; and as Gibbon the captain of Hampshire militia says he was useful to Gibbon the historian of the Roman Empire, so Duane the colonel was a useful auxiliary to Duane the printer, for fleecing the public by palming upon the army at extravagant prices a worthless compilation upon military discipline that he had published. But, before the war with England was half over, Duane had so disgusted the army and disgraced himself that he was obliged to resign his commission, and has been these seven years a public defaulter in his accounts to the amount of between four and five thousand dollars, for which he is now under prosecution. Snyder, assailed by Duane, was defended by Binns, who turned the battery against him, and finally ran down the Aurora so that it lost all influence upon public affairs.”

109

Gallatin’s Writings, ii. 490.

110

Letter of Ezekiel Bacon, dated 24th October, 1845, published in the New York Courier and Enquirer.

111

See Writings, vol. iii. pp. 90, 91.

112

History, II. Series, iii. 334.

113

Washington, 11th April, 1878.

My dear Sir, – In March, 1836, I was the guest of Mr. Madison for several days. He knew the object of my visit, and kept me at his side during many hours of each day, sometimes starting topics, sometimes answering my questions and allowing me to take down his words from his lips in his presence. The memorandum annexed is, for the most part, in his own words, and committed to paper as they were uttered.

Ever yours,George Bancroft.

[Memorandum.] March, 1836. – Madison was a friend of peace. But he told me “that the British left no option; that war was made necessary; that under the circumstances of the negotiations with England war was unavoidable.” He further said, “he knew the unprepared state of the country, but he esteemed it necessary to throw forward the flag of the country, sure that the people would press onward and defend it.”

114

Vol. ii. p. 611.

115

All these papers will be found in Niles’s Register for 1845, and in the New York Courier and Enquirer.

116

Gallatin’s Writings, vol. iii. p. 538.

117

Gallatin’s Writings, i. 526.

118

See Gallatin’s Writings, iii. 283, ff.

119

See both letters in Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. pp. 562, 576.

120

All this correspondence is printed in Gallatin’s Writings, vol. i. p. 545, ff.

121

Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, ii. 549, 19th November, 1813.

122

See Lord Castlereagh’s private letter in the Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. i. p. 34.

123

Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. i. p. 94.

124

See Writings, vol. i. p. 627, and below, p. 517.

125

See this note in Writings, vol. i. p. 629.

126

Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, vol. ix. pp. 290-291.

127

See Writings, vol. i. p. 627; also Ingersoll’s Late War, ii. 293.

128

See Lord Castlereagh’s instructions of August 14, 1814, to the British commissioners at Ghent, Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. ii. p. 86 ff. Also Mr. Goulburn’s acknowledgment of these instructions to Lord Bathurst of 21st August, Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, vol. ix. p. 188. Lord Liverpool to Lord Bathurst, 11th September, ibid., p. 240. Lord Bathurst to the commissioners, 18th and 20th October, Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. ii. pp. 168 and 172.

129

See his letter of August 21 to Earl Bathurst, Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 188.

130

See his letter to Goulburn of August 28, 1814, Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. ii. p. 102.

131

Castlereagh to Liverpool, Correspondence, 3d Series, vol. ii. p. 100.

132

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 214.

133

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 217: Goulburn to Lord Bathurst.

134

Ibid., p. 222.

135

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 278.

136

Letter to Lord Bathurst, 26th September, Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 287.

137

Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, ii. 168, 172.

138

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 384.

139

Goulburn to Bathurst, 14th November, 1814, ibid., p. 432.

140

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 382.

141

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 402.

142

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 426. Castlereagh Corr., 3d Series, ii. 186.

143

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 430.

144

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 438.

145

Ibid., 452.

146

See “The Duplicate Letters, the Fisheries, and the Mississippi,” p. 126.

147

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 427.

148

Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, ii. 67.

149

Castlereagh Correspondence, 3d Series, ii. 86.

150

Wellington Sup. Desp., ix. 472.

151

Ibid., p. 479.

152

Castlereagh Corr., 3d Series, ii. 523.

153

Gallatin to Monroe, 25th November, 1815. Writings, i. 665.

154

Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, iii. 242.

155

Writings, ii. 83, 84.

156

Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of War.

157

U. S. Senator from Illinois.

158

Member of Congress from Pennsylvania.

159

See Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 103.

160

See Writings, vol. ii. p. 324.

161

Vol. i. p. 216.

162

The objectionable passages in Mr. Van Buren’s instructions to Mr. McLane were the following:

“In reviewing the events which have preceded and more or less contributed to a result so much to be regretted, there will be found three grounds upon which we are most assailable. 1st. In our too long and too tenaciously resisting the right of Great Britain to impose protecting duties in her colonies. 2d. In not relieving her vessels from the restriction of returning direct from the United States, after permission had been given by Great Britain to our vessels to clear out from the colonies to any other than a British port; and, 3d. In omitting to accept the terms offered by the Act of Parliament of July, 1825, after the subject had been brought before Congress and deliberately acted upon by our government. It is, without doubt, to the combined operation of these (three) causes that we are to attribute the British interdict; you will therefore see the propriety of possessing yourself fully of all the explanatory and mitigating circumstances connected with them, that you may be able to obviate, as far as practicable, the unfavorable impression which they have produced.

“The opportunities which you have derived from a participation in our public counsels, as well as other sources of information, will enable you to speak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and useful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the administration of this government is now committed, in relation to the course heretofore pursued upon the subject of the colonial trade. Their views upon that point have been submitted to the people of the United States; and the counsels by which your conduct is now directed are the result of the judgment expressed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late Administration was amenable for its acts. It should be sufficient that the claims set up by them, and which caused the interruption of the trade in question, have been explicitly abandoned by those who first asserted them, and are not revived by their successors. If Great Britain deems it adverse to her interests to allow us to participate in the trade with her colonies, and finds nothing in the extension of it to others to induce her to apply the same rule to us, she will, we hope, be sensible of the propriety of placing her refusal on those grounds. To set up the acts of the late Administration as the cause of forfeiture of privileges which would otherwise be extended to the people of the United States, would, under existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could not fail to excite their deepest sensibility. The tone of feeling which a course so unwise and untenable is calculated to produce would doubtless be greatly aggravated by the consciousness that Great Britain has, by order in council, opened her colonial ports to Russia and France, notwithstanding a similar omission on their part to accept the terms offered by the Act of July, 1825. You cannot press this view of the subject too earnestly upon the consideration of the British ministry. It has bearings and relations that reach beyond the immediate question under discussion.

“I will add nothing as to the impropriety of suffering any feelings that find their origin in the past pretensions of this government to have an adverse influence upon the present conduct of Great Britain.”

163

Writings, vol. ii. p. 327.

164

Gallatin’s Writings, ii. 364.

165

See Parton’s Life of Andrew Jackson, vol. iii. chap. xvii.