Империя хлопка. Всемирная история

74

См., например: Factory Records, Dacca, 1779, Record Group G 15, col. 21 (1779), in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; John Irwin and P. R. Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History (Ahmedabad, 1966).

75

K. N. Chaudhuri, “European Trade with India,” in The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. 1, c. 1200–c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 405–6; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 92, 94; см., например: Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, Contractor for the Investment anno 1779, in Factory Records, G 36 (Surat), 58, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 31.

76

Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 119, 117; Atul Chandra Pradhan, “British Trade in Cotton Goods and the Decline of the Cotton Industry in Orissa,” in Nihar Ranjan Patnaik, ed., Economic History of Orissa (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co., 1997), 244; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 90; Shantha Hariharan, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak Publications, 2002), 49.

77

Memorandum of the Method of Providing Cloth at Dacca, 1676, in in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 26, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

78

Minutes of the Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle, April 15, 1800, in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800 to 31st December 1800, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, Box 66, India Office Library, British Library, London; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, 1779, Factory Records Surat, 1780, Box 58, record G 36 (Surat), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Report of John Taylor on the Cotton Textiles of Dacca, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, p. 91, India Office Library, British Library, London; Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 15.

79

John Styles, “What Were Cottons for in the Early Industrial Revolution?” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 307–26. Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 354; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarasi, The Spinning World, 169; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 4.

80

Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 157.

81

“Assessing the Slave Trade,” The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, доступ 5 апреля 2013 г., http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces.

82

David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds. The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 304; Joseph C. Miller, “Imports at Luanda, Angola 1785–1823,” in G. Liesegang, H. Pasch, and A.Jones, eds. Figuring African Trade: Proceedings of the Symposium on the Quantification and Structure of the Import and Export and Long- Distance Trade in Africa 1800–1913 (Berlin, 1986), 164, 192; George Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves: Akan Consumption Patterns in the 1770s,” Journal ofAfrican History 28, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 378–80.

83

Harry Hamilton Johnston, The Kilima-Njaro Expedition: A Record of Scientific Exploration in Eastern Equatorial Africa (London, 1886), 45; цит. по: Jeremy Prestholdt, “On the Global Repercussions of East African Consumerism,” American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 761, 765; Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 81; Miles to Shoolbred, 25 July 1779, T70/1483, Public Records Office, London, цит. по: Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves,” 388.

84

См. также: Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, bk. IV, ch. VII, pt. II, vol. II, Edwin Cannan, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 75.

85

Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry, 162; Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 116; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 5; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Grundung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 28; H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1644–45.

86

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 11, 15, 19, 21, 72.

87

18. Ibid., 4, 5, 27, 29, 42, 55, 73. Эта тенденция в европейской сельской местности сначала появилась в обработке шерсти. См.: Herman van der Wee, “The Western European Woolen Industries, 1500–1750,” in David Jenkins, The Cambridge History of Western Textiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 399.

88

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 36.

89

Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 6; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: Fisher, Fisher and Jackson, 1835), 109; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europaeischen Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Verling fur Wissen und Bildung, 1993), 487.

90

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 187.

91

Обзор этой торговли см.: Elena Frangakis-Syrett, “Trade Between the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe: The Case of Izmir in the Eighteenth Century,” New Perspectives on Turkey 2 (1988): 1–18; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 23. Эллисон ошибочно утверждает, что «приблизительно за двадцать лет до окончания прошлого века ввозимый в Великобританию хлопок почти полностью поступал из Средиземноморья, в основном из Смирны»; см.: Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market (London and Liverpool: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 81. О Салониках см.: Nicolas Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); Manchester Cotton Supply Association, Cotton Culture in New or Partially Developed Sources of Supply: Report ofProceedings (Manchester: Cotton Supply Association, 1862), 30, Цит. по: Oran Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 161; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21. По поводу общего фона см. также: Bruce McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Strugglefor Land, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

92

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 183; Treasury Department, T 70/1515, “Allotment of goods to be sold by the Royal African Company of England,” National Archives of the UK, Kew.

93

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 186; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 22; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean (New York: Century Co., 1928), 39.

94

Этот вопрос также подробно разбирается в отношении Османской империи в Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 14; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siecle, 246.

95

Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 429–31.

96

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 100; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 259; Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1978), 5; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 89.

97

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 85; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; важность экономической и политической власти также подчеркивает Mitra, The Cotton Weavers ofBengal, 4; B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 38–39; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 202–3, 332.

98

K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Roy, Cloth and Commerce, 59.

99

Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, 12 September 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

100

Копия письма Gamut Farmer, President, Surat, to Mr. John Griffith, Esq., Governor in Council Bombay, 12 December 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 86; Board of Trade, Report of Commercial Occurrences, 12 September 1787, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, RG 172, Box 393, Home Miscellaneous, India Office Records, British Library, London; Letter from John Griffith, Bombay Castle to William [illegible], Esq., Chief President, 27 October 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 121, 125; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 9; Dispatch, London, 29 May 1799, in Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1014, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

101

Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 99–100; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 107, 109; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 58–59; Chaudhuri, The Trading World ofAsia and the English East India Company, 261.

102

Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 102, 107; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 48; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 124–25.

103

Bowanny Sankar Mukherjee цит. по: Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 129; по этому пункту см.: Om Prakah, “Textile Manufacturing and Trade Without and with Coercion: The Indian Experience in the Eighteenth Century” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference Osaka, December 2004), 26, http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/Rese-arch/GEHN/GEHNPDF/PrakashGEHN5.pdf; Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal, 52; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), xiii, 170; Copy of Letter from Board of Directors, London, 20 April, 1795, to our President in Council at Bombay, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, in Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

104

Важность сопротивления также подчеркивал Mitra, The Cotton Weavers ofBengal, 7; важность мобильности подчеркивал Chaudhuri, The Trading World ofAsia and the English East India Company, 252; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 103; см.: Details Regarding Weaving in Bengal, Home Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, India Office Library, British Library, London.

105

Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, 12 September 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. См. также: Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 94.

106

Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1989): 41–42; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 60; Количество работающих ткачей в 1786–87 годах в Дакке и вокруг нее оценивалось в 16 403 человек. Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai.

107

Dispatch from East India Company, London to Bombay, 22 March 1765, in Dispatches to Bombay, E/4, 997, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London, p. 611.

108

Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, p. 1, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

109

Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 430; Inalcik, “The Ottoman State,” 355.

110

M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), xvii; парламентские дебаты цит. по: Cassels, Cotton, 1; памфлет процитирован в Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 75; Defoe and McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation, vol. 4, 605–6; Copy of Memorial of the Callicoe Printers to the Lords of the Treasury, Received, May 4, 1779, Treasury Department, T 1, 552, National Archives of the UK, Kew. См.: на ту же тему “The Memorial of the Several Persons whose Names are herunto subscribed on behalf of themselves and other Callico Printers of Great Britain,” received July 1, 1780, at the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T1, 563/72–78, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

111

Цит. по: S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 49, 51ff., 58; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 431–32; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 79; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 132; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 42; Petition to the Treasury by Robert Gardiner, in Treasury Department, T1, 517/ 100–101, Public Records Office, London; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 128; Letter of Vincent Mathias to the Treasury, 24 July 1767, Treasury Department, T 1, 457, National Archives of the UK, London.

112

Cousquer, Nantes, 12, 23, 43; Arret du conseil d’etat du roi, 10 Juillet 1785 (Paris: L’Im-primerie Royale, 1785), Andre Zysberg, Les Galeriens: Vies et destiny de 60,000 porcats sur les galeres de France, 1680–1748 (Paris: Sevid, 1987); Marc Vigie, Les Galeriens du Roi, 1661–1715 (Paris: Fayard, 1985).

113

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 118–19; Examen des effets que doivent produire dans le commerce de France, l’usage et lafabrication des toiles peintes (Paris: Chez la Veuve Delaguette, 1759); Friedrich Wilhelm, King of Prussia, Edict dass von Dato an zu rechnen nach Ablaufacht Monathen in der Chur-Marck Magdeburgischen, Halberstadtschem und Pommern niemand einigen gedruckten oder gemahlten Zitz oder Cattun weiter tragen soll (Berlin: G. Schlechtiger, 1721); Yuksel Duman, Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840 (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998), 144–45.

114

Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, geographique et politique sur l’Indoustan, avec le tableau de son commerce, vol. 2 (Paris: Pougin, 1807), 326; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 3–42.

115

См. также: George Bryan Souza, “Convergence Before Divergence: Global Maritime Economic History and Material Culture,” International Journal of Maritime History 17, 1 (2005): 17–27; Georges Roques, “La maniere de negocier dans les Indes Orientales,” Bibliotheque National, Paris, Fonds Francais 14 614; Paul R. Schwartz, “L’impression sur coton a Ahmedabad (Inde) en 1678,” Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 1 (1967): 9–25; Cousquer, Nantes, 18–20; Jean Ryhiner, Traite sur lafabrication et le commerce des toiles peintes, commences en 1766, Archive du Musee de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France. См. также: 1758 Reflexions sur les avantages de la librefabrication et de l’usage des toiles peintes en France (Geneva: n. p., 1758), Archive du Musee de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France; M. Delormois, L’art defaire l’indienne a l’instar d’Angleterre, et de composer toutes les couleurs, bon teint, propres a l’indienne (Paris: Charles-Antoine Jambert, 1770); Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, vol. 2, 165, 331, цит. по: Florence d’Souza, “Legoux de Flaix’s Observations on Indian Technologies Unknown in Europe,” in K. S. Mathew, ed., French in India and Indian Nationalism, vol. 1 (Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1999), 323–24.

116

Dorte Raaschou, “Un document Danois sur la fabrication des toiles Peintes a Tranquebar, aux Indes, a la fin du XVIII siecle,” in Bulletin de la Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 4 (1967): 9–21; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 119; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 432; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 30 (1808): 259; цит. по: Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 4. См. также: S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 12; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 126.

117

Cotton Goods Manufacturers, Petition to the Lords Commissioner of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T 1, 676/30, Public Record Office, London; Dispatch, November 21, 1787, Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1004, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

118

Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 16.

119

Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 262; Irwin and Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History, 12. Мы знаем, что на протяжении XVIII столетия рабы были самым важным «экспортом» из Африки, составляя от 80 до 90 % от всей торговли. J. S. Hogendorn and H. A. Gemery, “The ‘Hidden Half ’ of the Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: The Significance of Marion Johnson’s Statistical Research,” in David Henige and T. C. McCaskie, eds., West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 90; Extract Letter, East India Company, Commercial Department, London, to Bombay, May 4, 1791, in Home Miss. 374, India Office, Oriental and India Office Records, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 32; de Flain is quoted in Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 142.

120

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 116, 127, 147; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 434–35; 448; Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth ofNations, bk. IV, ch. I, vol. I, 470.

121

Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 131; цитируется там же, 122, 151, 154; Extract Letter to Bombay, Commercial Department, May 4th, 1791, in Home Miscellaneous 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

122

Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 277; George Unwin, в предисловии к George W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1920), xxx. Это блестяще изображено в Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002. Однако в их описании отсутствует упоминание о сохраняющейся важности институтов военного капитализма в других частях света, за пределами европейского ядра.

123

См.: важную работу Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, esp. 223–25; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 478–79; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 191.

124

Цит. по: Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal, Cheshire, UK: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989).

125

См., например: Kevin H. O’Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “After Columbus: Explaining Europe’s Overseas Trade Boom, 1500–1800,” Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 417–56; Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Path Dependence, Time Lags and the Birth of Globalization: A Critique of O’Rourke and Williamson,” European Review of Economic History 8 (2004): 81–108; Janet Abu-Lughod, The World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor? (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1993); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Я согласен с Joseph E. Inikori, который рассуждает о важности «интегрированного производства товаров по всему земному шару» для истории глобализации. См.: Joseph E. Inikori, “Africa and the Globalization Process: Western Africa, 1450–1850,” Journal of Global History (2007): 63–86.

126

Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 20.