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The Cape and the Kaffirs: A Diary of Five Years' Residence in Kaffirland
On the 29th of December, 1850, Colonel Somerset attempted to form a junction with Sir Harry Smith, and for this purpose detached a party of one hundred and fifty of the 91st Regiment under Lieut.-Colonel Yarborough, seventy Cape Mounted Rifles under Major Somerset, and a small 3-pounder gun Royal Artillery, but the enemy burst upon the troops in such force that it was deemed necessary to retire; a desperate struggle ensuing between the enemy and the troops, the latter succeeded at length in regaining Fort Hare, but not without lamentable losses on our side.
In this melancholy business the casualties were:—Lieut. Melvin and Adjutant Gordon, 91st Regiment, killed; Ensign Borthwick, 91st, wounded, and several soldiers of the 91st and Cape Mounted Riflemen. Major Somerset’s charger was also wounded. Colonel Somerset in his despatch expresses great satisfaction at the conduct of the troops and their officers, especially naming Colonel Yarborough and Major Somerset. The loss to the enemy was considerable.
The colonists, who at first deserted their property, have since readily come forward at the call of the Governor; the troops have enough to do to defend the line of posts; and the next intelligence is waited for with an interest and anxiety which none can fully understand but those who have already experienced the horrors of a Kaffir war.
Meanwhile reinforcements are ordered from England, and the colonists have armed themselves to assist Sir Harry Smith. May God defend the right!
I have elsewhere touched on our hurried move from the Frontier of South Africa, by which I have been prevented from satisfactorily transcribing my notes on past occurrences. A trek in a bullock-waggon, at the rate of two miles and a half an hour, over rough roads, to which a tread-mill would be smooth, and an occasional ride “through the bush,” under a vertical sun, are by no means incentives to employment of any kind. It was a frightful and toilsome journey, especially to one whose nerves had been shattered by the events of the last twenty-two months. The only agreeable chapter in the journey from the Frontier, was the voyage of forty-nine hours in H.M. steamer “Geyser,” from Algoa Bay to Cape Town; the distance being 600 miles. What a contrast to the five days’ previous trek of 96 miles! Here was rest, indeed! Sailors certainly have a way of making things pleasant to their guests, and persuading the latter, at the same time, that it is they who contribute to the agrémens of the passage, whereas it must decidedly inconvenience, in no trifling degree, the officers and crew of a man-of-war, to convert it into a travelling barrack.
A deep debt of good-will and thanks do the 91st owe the officers of the “Geyser,” and long, long will the right pleasant welcome they received upon her decks be remembered by them all, and returned some day—if it be possible! But, it will not be possible!
Appendix.
Deaths of Five British Officers at the Kei
I copy from a Colonial newspaper (the “Graham’s Town Journal”) the following account of the military honours recently paid to the remains of the gallant sufferers:—
“King William’s Town, 7th September 1850.
“The inhabitants of King William’s Town have been lately very sensibly reminded of one of the most tragical and melancholy events of the late Kaffir War, by a pleasing and gratifying exhibition of that mutual feeling of good will and companionship, which so eminently distinguishes the gentlemen of the military profession. It is now three years since the occurrence of the events alluded to, but that time seems to have had but little influence in obliterating from the soldier’s mind the remembrance of those who fell in the late strife, whether when in actual contact with the enemy, or slain in cold blood by the merciless cruelty of a barbarous foe. The incidents of the affair spoken of, are no doubt still fresh in the recollection of most of the inhabitants of the Colony, yet it may be neither uninteresting nor unedifying, shortly to repeat them, tending as they do, in some measure, to illustrate the native character of the Kaffir.
“In September, 1847, a party of five officers, consisting of Captain Baker (whose promotion to the rank of Major was received shortly after his death), Lieutenant Faunt, Ensign Burnop, Dr Campbell, of the 73rd Regiment, and Dr Loch, of the 7th Dragoon Guards, set out from Fort Wellington, to determine a wager which had been made concerning the locality of a hill which, from that place, may be observed as exhibiting a very remarkable resemblance to Table Mountain—one party maintaining the opinion that it was situated on the north, the other, that it was on the south side of the River Kei. With light hearts, and jocund spirits, they may easily be imagined to have parted from those companions they were destined never to meet again; and also, after having reached in safety the end of their journey, to have been returning in happy anticipation of the merry welcome their comrades would afford them with the intelligence they had obtained; when, in passing through a ravine by a narrow pathway, where they could travel only in file, they were waylaid by a vast number of Kaffirs, and literally cut to pieces. They fell, ’tis true, as British officers under similar circumstances ever will fall,—together; and bravely and strongly contending against numbers sufficient to combat with a battalion; but the determination, self-devotion, and bravery of such a defence only increases our admiration of their characters, and redoubles in poignancy the sincerity of regret.
“Around the fatal spot were scattered many ghastly evidences how dearly they had sold their lives, but on the same ground also were too evidently portrayed the characters and dispositions of their assassins, by the awful spectacle of horror and blood which was spread out before the beholders. It would be vain, or at least unfit, to attempt describing such a scene; humanity would revolt and shudder at the detail, and it is enough (if not more than sufficient) to say, that the detached limbs, and mutilated members of those who a few hours before were happy, and in manly vigour, were gathered from different and distant places, into the great coats of the infuriated and sorrowing soldiers, who unhappily arrived too late for the relief of their murdered officers. ‘Vengeance belongeth not to man,’ yet the human heart cannot know of such barbarity, without feeling at the same time satisfied, when assured, that an awful retribution was visited upon its perpetrators.
“In as perfect a manner as their mangled and disfigured state would permit, their remains were enshrouded in the soldier’s last covering when in the field, and deposited in one lonely and desolate grave, far from the resort of their fellow men—beyond the reach of the tear of the bereaved, and the sigh of a friend,—where no tablet would proclaim the worth of the departed, nor bewail their untimely and melancholy end. They were not, however, allowed to remain, in such undeserved obscurity; the genuine feeling of comradeship, which is ever found in the heart of a British soldier, and reaches beyond the present, sought a more hallowed spot where their ashes might slumber—where the tear of sorrow might fall upon their tomb; a testimony of affection, where the finger of regret might be pointed on a recital of their hapless fate, and where their virtues might be told to generations yet to come.
“For this desirable and commendable purpose an escort belonging to the 6th Royal Regiment of Foot, now under the command of Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart, accompanied by the Reverend J. Fleming, Military Chaplain, proceeded to the spot where their remains had been left; and having, with the utmost care, recovered from their lonely resting-place, brought them to King William’s Town, where, on the morning of the 31st of August, 1850, they were re-interred in one coffin, in a grave prepared within the boundaries of the church now being erected there, being borne to their last home by twelve men of the above regiment, and followed in solemn procession by the whole of Her Majesty’s officers in the garrison.
“J.S.N.”
Testimonial to Colonel Somerset
A very solid proof has lately been afforded of the value attached to Colonel Somerset’s services by the Colonists of South Africa. The estate of Oatlands, formerly in the possession of Colonel Somerset, was purchased by a number of landholders, principally farmers of Lower Albany, whose property Colonel Somerset was so instrumental in saving during the war of 1846-7, is presented to this gallant officer as a residence. The act is alike honourable to Colonel Somerset and to the subscribers.
The correspondence on this interesting occasion was very brief, and I therefore can have the pleasure of giving it entire. Two of the Colonists, in the name of the rest, thus wrote to Colonel Somerset:
“Graham’s Town, 24th July, 1850.
“Sir,—We beg to inform you that we have been appointed the Trustees of the Oatlands property by a number of landholders, by whom it has been purchased; and it becomes our duty to acquaint you, by desire of those gentlemen, that, impressed with a sense of the benefits which they, in common with the inhabitants at large, have derived from your public services, they have purchased the Oatlands Estate, with a view of offering the same to you as a permanent residence during such time as you may remain in the Colony, in testimony of their respect, and of their appreciation of your services.
“We have, therefore, the satisfaction of offering for your acceptance a lease of the dwelling-house and the grounds immediately adjoining it, and shall have much pleasure in communicating to the proprietors your acceptance of their offer.
“We have the honour to be, Sir,
“Your obedient humble servants,
“Signed P.W. Lucas.
“F. Carlisle.”
The Colonel’s answer was as follows:
“Graham’s Town, 25th July, 1850.
“Gentlemen,—I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 24th instant, in which you inform me that you have been desired by the gentlemen who purchased the Oatlands property, to acquaint me that, impressed with a sense of the benefits which they, in common with the inhabitants at large, have derived from my public services, they have purchased the Oatlands Estate, with the view of offering it to me as a permanent residence during such time as I may remain in the Colony. In reply I request you will do me the favour to convey to those gentlemen how highly I appreciate their kind intentions so handsomely expressed in your letter; and that I accept with pleasure this handsome testimony of their estimation of my services. I beg, gentlemen, you will receive my sincere thanks for the kind manner in which you have done me the honour to convey to me the sentiments and kind wishes of these gentlemen on this occasion.
“I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
“Your obedient humble servant,
“Signed H. Somerset.
“To P.W. Lucas and F. Carlisle, Esqrs.”
The End1
In the Blue Book for 1847, the latest published account, the numbers stand, 71,113 white, and 75,977 coloured; but this leaves more than 21,000 of the total unaccounted for.
2
“Persons will be at liberty to make payments for colonial lands in this country, for which payment or deposit they will receive an order for credit to the same amount in any purchase of land they may effect in the colony, and will have the privilege of naming a proportionate number of emigrants for a free passage, as explained in the next article. The deposits must be made in one or more sums of 100 pounds each at the Bank of England, to the account of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners; and the depositor must state at the time the colony in which the land is to be selected, and give notice to the Commissioners of the deposit. Upon production of the Bank’s receipt for the money, the Commissioners will furnish the depositor with a certificate, stating the amount which he has paid, and entitling him to obtain credit for that sum in any purchase which he may effect in the colony, subject to all rules and regulations in force in the colony at the time such purchase may be made.
“For every sum of 100 pounds deposited as above, the depositor will be entitled, for six months from the date of payment, to name a number of properly qualified emigrants, equal to five adults, for a free passage. Two children between one and fourteen are to be reckoned as one adult. The emigrants are required to be chosen from the class of mechanics and handicraftsmen, agricultural labourers, or domestic servants, and must be going out with the intention to work for wages. They are to be subject to the approval of the Commissioners, and must, in all respects, fall within their general regulations on the selection of labourers. The purchaser and his family cannot receive a free passage under this privilege.”
3
The Boers, however, had little liking for this arrangement, which severed them from their parent country, and their hearts yearned towards a reunion with it. Of this I had a positive assurance before it was my fate to visit the colony myself. In the year 1838 I had the honour of making the acquaintance of H.R.H. Prince William Henry of Orange, who was on his voyage home in the “Bellona” frigate from Java, viâ Saint Helena. He dwelt with great pleasure on the circumstance of several Dutch families having travelled many miles from the interior to meet him at Cape Town, when he touched there. Aged men and women, who had scarcely moved out of their farm sitting-room for years, hastened to meet a Prince from their beloved Fatherland.
4
Shortly after Lord Charles Somerset succeeded to the government of the Cape, in 1817, Graham’s Town being attacked by Makanna, the pretended Kaffir prophet, a witch-doctor, Colonel, now Major-General Sir Thomas Wiltshire, after defeating a horde of these savages, followed up his success by pursuing them into their own country, where he forced them to sue for peace. This was granted, on condition of their surrendering Makanna, and giving up in atonement for their past, and as security against future offences, that tract of country lying between the Fish and Kat Rivers on the one side, and the Tyumie and Keiskama on the other.
5
Even in their hunting expeditions, the Kaffirs exhibit a peculiarity which goes far to prove that the sight of blood renders them unnaturally ferocious. At the death of a jackal, a buck, or any large game which, they have run down, each hunter presses on to give a last stab at the victim, even after death. I observed this also among the Fingoes, in their war-dance, as afterwards described. Captain Harris alludes to it in his “Sporting Expedition in Africa,” when he so graphically describes the death of a young eland. “The savages came up,” he says, “and in spite of my remonstrances, proceeded with cold-blooded ferocity to stab the unfortunate animal, stirring up the blood, and shouting with barbarous exultation as it issued from each newly-inflicted wound.”
6
The term “Kaffir,” is by no means recognised by the Kaffirs themselves. It was bestowed on them by the Portuguese. The word is from the Arabic, and signifies “Infidel.”
7
The word “kraal” applies either to the group of huts forming a village, to a single hut, or the fold for the cattle.
8
A small bird, which, attracting the notice of travellers by its cry, guides them to the wild bees’ nests in trees, or clefts of rocks.
9
An inhabitant of Madeira gave an excellent reason for this apparent fault, viz, that the houses being built closely together afforded a shade from the sun that wide streets would not have have done.
10
This fine jetty was destroyed in a gale of wind, in 1847, by a ship, which, having broken from her moorings, was driven, stern foremost, right through the fabric. The unfortunate crew, jumping from the ship to the lower end of the jetty, had congratulated themselves on their escape from the raging waves, when another vessel coming in contact with the wood-work, carried the whole of it away with its unhappy and ill-starred freight into the boiling surge beneath!
11
It is very unsafe, when travelling in Southern Africa, to trust to procuring anything on the road; such a chance is very uncertain. Milk, boiled with plenty of white sugar, will keep good if bottled, for three days at least.
12
A fort on the banks of the Keiskama, once in the occupation of the English, but given up to the Kaffirs by the last treaties, when the Great Fish River was established as the boundary. It is now defaced, little being left to mark its site, the Kaffirs having been permitted to carry away the wood-work of the buildings, which originally cost at least 50,000 pounds.
13
In building the new barracks at Peddie, pipes have been placed along the roofs, for the purpose of collecting water in the rainy season. This is a great advantage to the residents, who hitherto have been dependent on tanks and flays (hollows in the earth, which are filled by heavy rains).
14
By reference to Colonel Tulloch’s official Reports on Invaliding and Mortality in the Army it will be seen that the rate of sickness and death among the troops at the Cape is less than in England.
15
The Drostdy barracks occupy the site of the Landros, or Dutch magistrate’s house, hence the name.
16
It has been remarked as a grand trait in the Kaffir character, that they will never injure a woman. Their policy leads them to imitate ours in this respect with regard to white women, but, among their marauding parties, like those described in Colonel Somerset’s dispatch, even women and children of our nation have fallen a prey to the assegai. Their politic generosity never applies to any but white people; they will torture, burn, and impale the unhappy Fingoes who fall into their hands, without regard to age or sex.
17
It was found necessary to abandon and burn Post Victoria early in May. This post, the establishment of which had so highly incensed the Gaikas, was reduced to ashes in consequence of the occupation by the British troops of Block Drift, distant about nine miles from it, and nearer Sandilla’s territory.
18
The Kaffirs are in the habit of burying their chiefs, but no other dead.
19
It is the general custom of the Kaffirs to leave an old woman in a kraal as a spy. They manage to keep up a constant communication with her, and supply her with food.
20
Captain Donovan nearly lost his life on the banks of the Gwanga, on the day of the memorable action there. On reaching a drift, whither he had led his horse to drink, four or five Kaffirs suddenly rushed upon him. His rifle was on the ground, and there was no time to draw his sword, before the musket of a savage was levelled at his head. A man named Brown, formerly a private in the 75th Regiment, coming up at this instant, snatched up Captain Donovan’s rifle, and shot the Kaffir dead on the spot.
21
This sale of arms and ammunition to the Kaffirs was prohibited by the Dutch Government, but had been tolerated by the Stockenstrom treaties; it is now again very properly forbidden.
22
Another soldier of the 91st met with a cruel death at the hands of the savages. Being too much exhausted to ascend the Amatolas, he sat down by the way side. At night, when the roll was called, poor Ewell was missing. The Kaffirs admit, too, that they took him through the bush to a spot where some of their Chiefs were assembled with many warriors. Here they tied their victim to a stake, and literally flayed him alive; the little children being permitted to assist in tormenting him. Oh, “pastoral and peaceful people!” The Kaffirs said that they imagined the grenadiers of the 91st could not be killed, as the balls appeared to glance harmlessly past them. Mr Cochrane, however, was wounded three times on the last day in the Amatolas.
23
“On the 7th of May,” says Sir James, “I witnessed a most interesting sight, and one which causes this day to be one of immense immense importance in the annals of South Africa. It was no less than the flight of the Fingo nation, seventeen thousand in number, from Amakosa bondage, guarded by British troops, and on their way across the Kei, to find a new country under British protection.”—See Sketches in Western Africa for the rest of this description, volume two, chapter 23.
I have already touched upon the idle state of the Fingoes, who do nothing for the country which has rescued them from a slavery of the most miserable character. They have fought well during this war; but this has generally been in defence of their own cattle, or with the hope of remuneration. The garrison at Fort Peddie was originally placed there for the protection of the Fingoes, who would in no way render their services to their protectors, and whose time was chiefly passed in basking in the sun. The women tilled the ground, the children herded the cattle, and the men hunted—when hungry.
24
The Kaffir sobriquet for Colonel Somerset implies, in their language, a peculiar species of hawk, famous for its keen sight and its activity.
25
“Reims” are strips of bullock-hide used as thongs, and constantly carried in this country, by experienced travellers, for repairing broken girths, etc, and so on. One day, when out riding, my stirrup-leather broke, and the Orderly of the Cape Corps was about to receive a sharp reproof from the Officer who accompanied me, for not having a reim, when he pulled some hairs out of his horse’s tail, which served the purpose at once.
26
During the advance of the enemy on Block Drift, at the beginning of the war, and when this post was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel (then Major Campbell), he took up a position on the top of the school-house, rifle in hand; four men were employed in loading his arms for him, and he brought down two of the enemy successively in a few minutes. When a third fell dead, a soldier of the reserve battalion 91st Regiment, could restrain himself no longer; forgetting Colonel Campbell’s rank as an officer, in his delight at his prowess as a soldier, the man slapped his Commanding Officer on the back with a shout of delight, and the exclamation, “Weel done, Sodger!” Was not such a compliment worth all the praise of an elaborate despatch.
27
As was proved before Sir Harry, then Colonel, Smith, and published in a document signed by him, and by Captain Lacy, 72nd Highlanders, Arthur Balfour, Aide-de-Camp, and Mr Shepstone, Kaffir Interpreter. This document, dated King William’s Town, February, 1836, bears the marks also of Macomo and Ganga.
28
The poison used by the Bushmen is extracted from the serpent’s bag, from the root of the agapanthus, lily, and other plants.
29
Captain Baker, Lieutenant Faunt, Ensign Burnop, and Surgeon Campbell, all of the 73rd, and Assistant-Surgeon Loch, 7th Dragoon Guards.
30
Sir Harry Smith’s precise words I believe, on good authority, were, “As for you, Páto, you are a vagabond; and, instead of being taken out of the bush, you deserve to be shot.”
31
Soon after the meeting at King William’s Town Umtikaka died. There is some reason to believe he was poisoned. It will be remembered that he wished to assist us against Mapassa in the early part of the war.
32
“I am no longer a man, but a baboon,” said Páto to Colonel Somerset, when the latter took the hunted chief “out of the rocks.”
33
Macomo was then in gaol there for making a disturbance in the street, when intoxicated.
34
Kreli had sent a messenger to the meeting, excusing himself for not attending, on the score of “being sick;” but on the 25th of January he presented himself at King William’s Town, attended by forty mounted followers, to remonstrate on the subject of the new boundary line between his country and the Tambookies.